BEFORE we talk about a revolution it is just as well that we explain just what this word means. In the terms of a great Russian writer (and Russians ought to know what they are talking about in this field) a revolution is "a swift overthrow1, in a few years, of institutions which have taken centuries to root in the soil, and seem so fixed2 and immovable that even the most ardent3 reformers hardly dare to attack them in their writings. It is the fall, the crumbling4 away in a brief period, of all that up to that time has composed the essence of social, religious, political and economic life in a nation."
Such a revolution took place in France in the eighteenth century when the old civilisation5 of the country had grown stale. The king in the days of Louis XIV had become EVERYTHING and was the state. The Nobility, formerly6 the civil servant of the federal state, found itself without any duties and became a social ornament7 of the royal court.
This French state of the eighteenth century, however, cost incredible sums of money. This money had to be produced in the form of taxes. Unfortunately the kings of France had not been strong enough to force the nobility and the clergy8 to pay their share of these taxes. Hence the taxes were paid entirely9 by the agricultural population. But the peasants living in dreary10 hovels, no longer in intimate contact with their former landlords, but victims of cruel and incompetent11 land agents, were going from bad to worse. Why should they work and exert themselves? Increased returns upon their land merely meant more taxes and nothing for themselves and therefore they neglected their fields as much as they dared.
Hence we have a king who wanders in empty splendour through the vast halls of his palaces, habitually12 followed by hungry office seekers, all of whom live upon the revenue obtained from peasants who are no better than the beasts of the fields. It is not a pleasant picture, but it is not exaggerated. There was, however, another side to the so-called "Ancien Regime" which we must keep in mind.
A wealthy middle class, closely connected with the nobility (by the usual process of the rich banker's daughter marrying the poor baron13's son) and a court composed of all the most entertaining people of France, had brought the polite art of graceful14 living to its highest development. As the best brains of the country were not allowed to occupy themselves with questions of political economics, they spent their idle hours upon the discussion of abstract ideas.
As fashions in modes of thought and personal behaviour are quite as likely to run to extremes as fashion in dress, it was natural that the most artificial society of that day should take a tremendous interest in what they considered "the simple life." The king and the queen, the absolute and unquestioned proprietors15 of this country galled16 France, together with all its colonies and dependencies, went to live in funny little country houses all dressed up as milk-maids and stable-boys and played at being shepherds in a happy vale of ancient Hellas. Around them, their courtiers danced attendance, their court-musicians composed lovely minuets, their court barbers devised more and more elaborate and costly17 headgear, until from sheer boredom18 and lack of real jobs, this whole artificial world of Versailles (the great show place which Louis XIV had built far away from his noisy and restless city) talked of nothing but those subjects which were furthest removed from their own lives, just as a man who is starving will talk of nothing except food.
When Voltaire, the courageous19 old philosopher, playwright21, historian and novelist, and the great enemy of all religious and political tyranny, began to throw his bombs of criticism at everything connected with the Established Order of Things, the whole French world applauded him and his theatrical22 pieces played to standing23 room only. When Jean Jacques Rousseau waxed sentimental24 about primitive25 man and gave his contemporaries delightful26 descriptions of the happiness of the original inhabitants of this planet, (about whom he knew as little as he did about the children, upon whose education he was the recognised authority,) all France read his "Social Contract" and this society in which the king and the state were one, wept bitter tears when they heard Rousseau's appeal for a return to the blessed days when the real sovereignty had lain in the hands of the people and when the king had been merely the servant of his people.
When Montesquieu published his "Persian Letters" in which two distinguished28 Persian travellers turn the whole existing society of France topsy-turvy and poke29 fun at everything from the king down to the lowest of his six hundred pastry30 cooks, the book immediately went through four editions and assured the writer thousands of readers for his famous discussion of the "Spirit of the Laws" in which the noble Baron compared the excellent English system with the backward system of France and advocated instead of an absolute monarchy32 the establishment of a state in which the Executive, the Legislative33 and the Judicial34 powers should be in separate hands and should work independently of each other. When Lebreton, the Parisian book-seller, announced that Messieurs Diderot, d'Alembert, Turgot and a score of other distinguished writers were going to publish an Encyclopaedia35 which was to contain "all the new ideas and the new science and the new knowledge," the response from the side of the public was most satisfactory, and when after twenty-two years the last of the twenty-eight volumes had been finished, the somewhat belated interference of the police could not repress the enthusiasm with which French society received this most important but very dangerous contribution to the discussions of the day.
Here, let me give you a little warning. When you read a novel about the French revolution or see a play or a movie, you will easily get the impression that the Revolution was the work of the rabble37 from the Paris slums. It was nothing of the kind. The mob appears often upon the revolutionary stage, but invariably at the instigation and under the leadership of those middle-class professional men who used the hungry multitude as an efficient ally in their warfare38 upon the king and his court. But the fundamental ideas which caused the revolution were invented by a few brilliant minds, and they were at first introduced into the charming drawing-rooms of the "Ancien Regime" to provide amiable39 diversion for the much-bored ladies and gentlemen of his Majesty40's court. These pleasant but careless people played with the dangerous fireworks of social criticism until the sparks fell through the cracks of the floor, which was old and rotten just like the rest of the building. Those sparks unfortunately landed in the basement where age-old rubbish lay in great confusion. Then there was a cry of fire. But the owner of the house who was interested in everything except the management of his property, did not know how to put the small blaze out. The flame spread rapidly and the entire edifice41 was consumed by the conflagration42, which we call the Great French Revolution.
For the sake of convenience, we can divide the French Revolution into two parts. From 1789 to 1791 there was a more or less orderly attempt to introduce a constitutional monarchy. This failed, partly through lack of good faith and stupidity on the part of the monarch31 himself, partly through circumstances over which nobody had any control.
From 1792 to 1799 there was a Republic and a first effort to establish a democratic form of government. But the actual outbreak of violence had been preceded by many years of unrest and many sincere but ineffectual attempts at reform.
When France had a debt of 4000 million francs and the treasury43 was always empty and there was not a single thing upon which new taxes could be levied44, even good King Louis (who was an expert locksmith and a great hunter but a very poor statesman) felt vaguely45 that something ought to be done. Therefore he called for Turgot, to be his Minister of Finance. Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de l'Aulne, a man in the early sixties, a splendid representative of the fast disappearing class of landed gentry46, had been a successful governor of a province and was an amateur political economist47 of great ability. He did his best. Unfortunately, he could not perform miracles. As it was impossible to squeeze more taxes out of the ragged48 peasants, it was necessary to get the necessary funds from the nobility and clergy who had never paid a centime. This made Turgot the best hated man at the court of Versailles. Furthermore he was obliged to face the enmity of Marie Antoinette, the queen, who was against everybody who dared to mention the word "economy" within her hearing. Soon Turgot was called an "unpractical visionary" and a "theoretical-professor" and then of course his position became untenable. In the year 1776 he was forced to resign.
After the "professor" there came a man of Practical Business Sense. He was an industrious49 Swiss by the name of Necker who had made himself rich as a grain speculator and the partner in an international banking50 house. His ambitious wife had pushed him into the government service that she might establish a position for her daughter who afterwards as the wife of the Swedish minister in Paris, Baron de Stael, became a famous literary figure of the early nineteenth century.
Necker set to work with a fine display of zeal51 just as Turgot had done. In 1781 he published a careful review of the French finances. The king understood nothing of this "Compte Rendu." He had just sent troops to America to help the colonists52 against their common enemies, the English. This expedition proved to be unexpectedly expensive and Necker was asked to find the necessary funds. When instead of producing revenue, he published more figures and made statistics and began to use the dreary warning about "necessary economies" his days were numbered. In the year 1781 he was dismissed as an incompetent servant.
After the Professor and the Practical Business Man came the delightful type of financier who will guarantee everybody 100 per cent. per month on their money if only they will trust his own infallible system.
He was Charles Alexandre de Calonne, a pushing official, who had made his career both by his industry and his complete lack of honesty and scruples53. He found the country heavily indebted, but he was a clever man, willing to oblige everybody, and he invented a quick remedy. He paid the old debts by contracting new ones. This method is not new. The result since time immemorial has been disastrous54. In less than three years more than 800,000,000 francs had been added to the French debt by this charming Minister of Finance who never worried and smilingly signed his name to every demand that was made by His Majesty and by his lovely Queen, who had learned the habit of spending during the days of her youth in Vienna.
At last even the Parliament of Paris (a high court of justice and not a legislative body) although by no means lacking in loyalty55 to their sovereign, decided56 that something must be done. Calonne wanted to borrow another 80,000,000 francs. It had been a bad year for the crops and the misery57 and hunger in the country districts were terrible. Unless something sensible were done, France would go bankrupt. The King as always was unaware58 of the seriousness of the situation. Would it not be a good idea to consult the representatives of the people? Since 1614 no Estates General had been called together. In view of the threatening panic there was a demand that the Estates be convened60. Louis XVI however, who never could take a decision, refused to go as far as that.
To pacify61 the popular clamour he called together a meeting of the Notables in the year 1787. This merely meant a gathering62 of the best families who discussed what could and should be done, without touching63 their feudal64 and clerical privilege of tax-exemption. It is unreasonable65 to expect that a certain class of society shall commit political and economic suicide for the benefit of another group of fellow-citizens. The 127 Notables obstinately66 refused to surrender a single one of their ancient rights. The crowd in the street, being now exceedingly hungry, demanded that Necker, in whom they had confidence, be reappointed. The Notables said "No." The crowd in the street began to smash windows and do other unseemly things. The Notables fled. Calonne was dismissed.
A new colourless Minister of Finance, the Cardinal67 Lomenie de Brienne, was appointed and Louis, driven by the violent threats of his starving subjects, agreed to call together the old Estates General as "soon as practicable." This vague promise of course satisfied no one.
No such severe winter had been experienced for almost a century. The crops had been either destroyed by floods or had been frozen to death in the fields. All the olive trees of the Provence had been killed. Private charity tried to do some-thing but could accomplish little for eighteen million starving people. Everywhere bread riots occurred. A generation before these would have been put down by the army. But the work of the new philosophical68 school had begun to bear fruit. People began to understand that a shotgun is no effective remedy for a hungry stomach and even the soldiers (who came from among the people) were no longer to be depended upon. It was absolutely necessary that the king should do something definite to regain69 the popular goodwill70, but again he hesitated.
Here and there in the provinces, little independent Republics were established by followers71 of the new school. The cry of "no taxation72 without representation" (the slogan of the American rebels a quarter of a century before) was heard among the faithful middle classes. France was threatened with general anarchy73. To appease74 the people and to increase the royal popularity, the government unexpectedly suspended the former very strict form of censorship of books. At once a flood of ink descended75 upon France. Everybody, high or low, criticised and was criticised. More than 2000 pamphlets were published. Lomenie de Brienne was swept away by a storm of abuse. Necker was hastily called back to placate76, as best he could, the nation-wide unrest. Immediately the stock market went up thirty per cent. And by common consent, people suspended judgment77 for a little while longer. In May of 1789 the Estates General were to assemble and then the wisdom of the entire nation would speedily solve the difficult problem of recreating the kingdom of France into a healthy and happy state.
This prevailing78 idea, that the combined wisdom of the people would be able to solve all difficulties, proved disastrous. It lamed79 all personal effort during many important months. Instead of keeping the government in his own hands at this critical moment, Necker allowed everything to drift. Hence there was a new outbreak of the acrimonious80 debate upon the best ways to reform the old kingdom. Everywhere the power of the police weakened. The people of the Paris suburbs, under the leadership of professional agitators81, gradually began to discover their strength, and commenced to play the role which was to be theirs all through the years of the great unrest, when they acted as the brute82 force which was used by the actual leaders of the Revolution to secure those things which could not be obtained in a legitimate83 fashion.
As a sop20 to the peasants and the middle class, Necker de-cided that they should be allowed a double representation in the Estates General. Upon this subject, the Abbe Sieyes then wrote a famous pamphlet, "To what does the Third Estate Amount?" in which he came to the conclusion that the Third Estate (a name given to the middle class) ought to amount to everything, that it had not amounted to anything in the past, and that it now desired to amount to something. He expressed the sentiment of the great majority of the people who had the best interests of the country at heart.
Finally the elections took place under the worst conditions imaginable. When they were over, 308 clergymen, 285 noblemen and 621 representatives of the Third Estate packed their trunks to go to Versailles. The Third Estate was obliged to carry additional luggage. This consisted of voluminous reports called "cahiers" in which the many complaints and grievances84 of their constituents85 had been written down. The stage was set for the great final act that was to save France.
The Estates General came together on May 5th, 1789. The king was in a bad humour. The Clergy and the Nobility let it be known that they were unwilling86 to give up a single one of their privileges. The king ordered the three groups of representatives to meet in different rooms and discuss their grievances separately. The Third Estate refused to obey the royal command. They took a solemn oath to that effect in a squash court (hastily put in order for the purpose of this illegal meeting) on the 20th of June, 1789. They insisted that all three Estates, Nobility, Clergy and Third Estate, should meet together and so informed His Majesty. The king gave in.
As the "National Assembly," the Estates General began to discuss the state of the French kingdom. The King got angry. Then again he hesitated. He said that he would never surrender his absolute power. Then he went hunting, forgot all about the cares of the state and when he returned from the chase he gave in. For it was the royal habit to do the right thing at the wrong time in the wrong way. When the people clamoured for A, the king scolded them and gave them nothing. Then, when the Palace was surrounded by a howling multitude of poor people, the king surrendered and gave his subjects what they had asked for. By this time, however, the people wanted A plus B. The comedy was repeated. When the king signed his name to the Royal Decree which granted his beloved subjects A and B they were threatening to kill the entire royal family unless they received A plus B plus C. And so on, through the whole alphabet and up to the scaffold.
Unfortunately the king was always just one letter behind. He never understood this. Even when he laid his head under the guillotine, he felt that he was a much-abused man who had received a most unwarrantable treatment at the hands of people whom he had loved to the best of his limited ability.
Historical "ifs," as I have often warned you, are never of any value. It is very easy for us to say that the monarchy might have been saved "if" Louis had been a man of greater energy and less kindness of heart. But the king was not alone. Even "if" he had possessed87 the ruthless strength of Napoleon, his career during these difficult days might have been easily ruined by his wife who was the daughter of Maria Theresa of Austria and who possessed all the characteristic virtues89 and vices90 of a young girl who had been brought up at the most autocratic and mediaeval court of that age.
She decided that some action must be taken and planned a counter-revolution. Necker was suddenly dismissed and loyal troops were called to Paris. The people, when they heard of this, stormed the fortress91 of the Bastille prison, and on the fourteenth of July of the year 1789, they destroyed this familiar but much-hated symbol of Autocratic Power which had long since ceased to be a political prison and was now used as the city lock-up for pickpockets92 and second-story men. Many of the nobles took the hint and left the country. But the king as usual did nothing. He had been hunting on the day of the fall of the Bastille and he had shot several deer and felt very much pleased.
The National Assembly now set to work and on the 4th of August, with the noise of the Parisian multitude in their ears, they abolished all privileges. This was followed on the 27th of August by the "Declaration of the Rights of Man," the famous preamble93 to the first French constitution. So far so good, but the court had apparently94 not yet learned its lesson. There was a wide-spread suspicion that the king was again trying to interfere36 with these reforms and as a result, on the 5th of October, there was a second riot in Paris. It spread to Versailles and the people were not pacified95 until they had brought the king back to his palace in Paris. They did not trust him in Versailles. They liked to have him where they could watch him and control his correspondence with his relatives in Vienna and Madrid and the other courts of Europe.
In the Assembly meanwhile, Mirabeau, a nobleman who had become leader of the Third Estate, was beginning to put order into chaos96. But before he could save the position of the king he died, on the 2nd of April of the year 1791. The king, who now began to fear for his own life, tried to escape on the 21st of June. He was recognised from his picture on a coin, was stopped near the village of Varennes by members of the National Guard, and was brought back to Paris.
In September of 1791, the first constitution of France was accepted, and the members of the National Assembly went home. On the first of October of 1791, the legislative assembly came together to continue the work of the National Assembly. In this new gathering of popular representatives there were many extremely revolutionary elements. The boldest among these were known as the Jacobins, after the old Jacobin cloister97 in which they held their political meetings. These young men (most of them belonging to the professional classes) made very violent speeches and when the newspapers carried these orations98 to Berlin and Vienna, the King of Prussia and the Emperor decided that they must do something to save their good brother and sister. They were very busy just then dividing the kingdom of Poland, where rival political factions99 had caused such a state of disorder100 that the country was at the mercy of anybody who wanted to take a couple of provinces. But they managed to send an army to invade France and deliver the king.
Then a terrible panic of fear swept throughout the land of France. All the pent-up hatred101 of years of hunger and suffering came to a horrible climax102. The mob of Paris stormed the palace of the Tuilleries. The faithful Swiss bodyguards103 tried to defend their master, but Louis, unable to make up his mind, gave order to "cease firing" just when the crowd was retiring. The people, drunk with blood and noise and cheap wine, murdered the Swiss to the last man, then invaded the palace, and went after Louis who had escaped into the meeting hall of the Assembly, where he was immediately suspended of his office, and from where he was taken as a prisoner to the old castle of the Temple.
But the armies of Austria and Prussia continued their advance and the panic changed into hysteria and turned men and women into wild beasts. In the first week of September of the year 1792, the crowd broke into the jails and murdered all the prisoners. The government did not interfere. The Jacobins, headed by Danton, knew that this crisis meant either the success or the failure of the revolution, and that only the most brutal104 audacity105 could save them. The Legislative Assembly was closed and on the 21st of September of the year 1792, a new National Convention came together. It was a body composed almost entirely of extreme revolutionists. The king was formally accused of high treason and was brought before the Convention. He was found guilty and by a vote of 361 to 360 (the extra vote being that of his cousin the Duke of Orleans) he was condemned106 to death. On the 21st of January of the year 1793, he quietly and with much dignity suffered himself to be taken to the scaffold. He had never understood what all the shooting and the fuss had been about. And he had been too proud to ask questions.
Then the Jacobins turned against the more moderate element in the convention, the Girondists, called after their southern district, the Gironde. A special revolutionary tribunal was instituted and twenty-one of the leading Girondists were condemned to death. The others committed suicide. They were capable and honest men but too philosophical and too moderate to survive during these frightful107 years.
In October of the year 1793 the Constitution was suspended by the Jacobins "until peace should have been declared." All power was placed in the hands of a small committee of Public Safety, with Danton and Robespierre as its leaders. The Christian108 religion and the old chronology were abolished. The "Age of Reason" (of which Thomas Paine had written so eloquently109 during the American Revolution) had come and with it the "Terror" which for more than a year killed good and bad and indifferent people at the rate of seventy or eighty a day.
The autocratic rule of the King had been destroyed. It was succeeded by the tyranny of a few people who had such a passionate110 love for democratic virtue88 that they felt compelled to kill all those who disagreed with them. France was turned into a slaughter111 house. Everybody suspected everybody else. No one felt safe. Out of sheer fear, a few members of the old Convention, who knew that they were the next candidates for the scaffold, finally turned against Robespierre, who had already decapitated most of his former colleagues. Robespierre, "the only true and pure Democrat," tried to kill himself but failed His shattered jaw112 was hastily bandaged and he was dragged to the guillotine. On the 27th of July, of the year 1794 (the 9th Thermidor of the year II, according to the strange chronology of the revolution), the reign27 of Terror came to an end, and all Paris danced with joy.
The dangerous position of France, however, made it necessary that the government remain in the hands of a few strong men, until the many enemies of the revolution should have been driven from the soil of the French fatherland. While the half-clad and half-starved revolutionary armies fought their desperate battles of the Rhine and Italy and Belgium and Egypt, and defeated every one of the enemies of the Great Revolution, five Directors were appointed, and they ruled France for four years. Then the power was vested in the hands of a successful general by the name of Napoleon Bonaparte, who became "First Consul59" of France in the year 1799. And during the next fifteen years, the old European continent became the laboratory of a number of political experiments, the like of which the world had never seen before.
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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boredom
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| n.厌烦，厌倦，乏味，无聊 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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sop
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| n.湿透的东西，懦夫；v.浸，泡，浸湿 | |
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playwright
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| n.剧作家，编写剧本的人 | |
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theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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poke
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| n.刺，戳，袋；vt.拨开，刺，戳；vi.戳，刺，捅，搜索，伸出，行动散慢 | |
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pastry
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| n.油酥面团，酥皮糕点 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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encyclopaedia
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| n.百科全书 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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41
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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42
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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43
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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44
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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45
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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46
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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47
economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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48
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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51
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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52
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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53
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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54
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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60
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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62
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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63
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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placate
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| v.抚慰，平息(愤怒) | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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79
lamed
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| 希伯莱语第十二个字母 | |
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acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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pickpockets
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| n.扒手( pickpocket的名词复数 ) | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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95
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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99
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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100
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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102
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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103
bodyguards
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| n.保镖，卫士，警卫员( bodyguard的名词复数 ) | |
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104
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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105
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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106
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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107
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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108
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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109
eloquently
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| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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110
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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111
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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112
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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