There are no indications of the presence of the “Young Turk” secret organization, but there is a growing discontent with the present régime. This is caused (1) by individual dissatisfaction with injustice1, increased taxation2 and harsh military service; (2) by the racial ambition of Arabic speaking Moslems who regard the Turk as a barbarian4 and of doubtful orthodoxy, and are restive5 under Turkish rule which allots6 them few positions, civil or military. Many Arabs wish the caliphate assumed by one of their race and would bring the capital of Islam near if not into Arabia, its cradle. This politico-religious aspiration7 is ascribed to Midhat Pasha and has been fostered, since his day, by pamphlets widely scattered8 and by secret societies. (3) Discontent also results from impotent rage at the waning9 political power of Islam under Turkish leadership. Moslem3 supremacy10 has been lost in Mount Lebanon, in most European provinces, in part of Asia Minor11, in Cyprus, Crete, Egypt, and is now imperilled in North Africa. (4) Another cause of discontent is realization12 of the fact that universal corruption13 is sapping the vitality14 of the empire and dissipating its resources. (5) To these causes is added knowledge that other lands have secured improved material conditions and equable justice without interference with religious observances. This embitters16 by contrast their present situation. Emigration, which has taken tens of thousands of Christians17 from Syria, has lately begun to draw from the Moslems. The letters of the absent and the influence of those who have returned are factors of unrest. That any or all of these elements of political ferment19 will produce any revolt is improbable. No leader could expect success with an unarmed and poor set of followers20 nor could he unify21 and harmonize hostile sects22.
—From “The Mohammedan World of To-day.”
[Pg 267]
The political situation in Turkey can well be summed up as “A fifteenth century Oriental government in conflict with modern civilization.” This condition is aggravated23 by the existence of European rivalries24 and jealousies25 and Mohammedan fanaticism26. The combination of these forces is hard to analyze27 and its results even more difficult to forecast.
The first, and in some respects the most evident, difficulty especially manifest to those who reside in the empire, is the intellectual, social, and moral upheaval28 caused by the influence of Christian18 civilization upon the people as a whole. New and, to that country, startling ideas of religious freedom, human rights, and the true functions of a government, have taken hold upon large numbers out of every nationality and religion. So long as the government of Turkey is conducted according to Oriental fifteenth century ideals, it is inevitable29 that there must be a conflict, trying both to the government and to the governed. So long as the people were densely30 ignorant, knowing little of the world outside and far less of the principle that governs civilized31 people, they made little complaint. As enlightenment came to them from various sources, it was inevitable that unrest should also come. Had Turkey been able to adjust herself to the new situation and move forward in her administrative32 methods, keeping pace with the growing intelligence of her subjects, she might have become one of the strong, compact, and thrifty33 nations of the East. [Pg 268]
She chose otherwise and began early to devise and put into execution plans for the suppression of general education. At the same time, the press was throttled34 by a severe censorship and all who were suspected of thinking for themselves came under a ban. Turkey, in her feeble way, attempted to follow the lead of Russia in this respect, and did so undoubtedly35 under Russian advice. The failure to protect property has discouraged the investment of capital. Industries languished36 and have almost died out. Inevitably37 enterprising men would seek to emigrate. When once outside the country few incline to return so long as present conditions continue. In fact, the government discourages the return of any who have been abroad, fearing the new ideas they acquired in Europe and the United States. At the present time the government practically forbids the return to Turkey of all who have been in civilized countries, endeavoring to maintain a wall of seclusion38 against all ideas of modern civilization. Turkey calls such people dangerous characters and throws them into prison as revolutionists.
This dangerous class includes Albanians, Turks, Greeks, Syrians, and Armenians. In most respects among these are found the most enlightened people of the country. Some of the educated Turks have obtained their new ideas from sources within the country, while others have studied in Europe. Many of them have come into more modern ideas of a government and its functions, and would gladly see changes made which would bring Turkey into harmony with Europe. These are called the new Turks, and are classified roughly together as the “New Turk party.” They are not revolutionists in the ordinary sense of that word. They find no favor with the reigning39 sultan, and are exiled and even executed without [Pg 269] trial. The party, although apparently40 not organized, is a fact, and the spirit of reform is spreading among the Turks. Measures to suppress this movement are generally secret and are seldom reported abroad. A Turk once told the writer that “when outrages41 are perpetrated against the Christians, the whole world lifts up its hands in horror and the sultan is ordered to cease; but when the poor Turks are the victims, where is there a voice raised in their defense42?”
Naturally the Turkish government fears the Armenians since they have made such rapid progress in education during the last eighty years. Since Bulgaria became practically an independent state, Turkey has tightened43 its hold upon Armenia. At the same time, the Armenians, seeing the great freedom and prosperity enjoyed by the Bulgarians, have cherished dreams of the time when they too might be free. While all Armenians have at times indulged in such visions, but few have ever seriously considered the proposition a practicable one. Only the most rattle-headed of them declare such a plan possible and only such are advocating revolutionary measures to that end. Armenia (a name not permitted in Turkey) can hardly be erected44 into an independent nation, although it would be impossible to convince Sultan Hamid II of that fact. He governs as if he expected hourly that Armenia may rise and demand its freedom, although the Mohammedans are everywhere greatly in the majority.
There are, however, a considerable number of Armenians who have been driven to desperation by the injustice and cruelty of the government. Aware that they are powerless to reform Turkey, they declare their inability longer to endure. These resort to acts of desperation with the hope that Europe will become aroused, as it did in the case of [Pg 270] Bulgaria, and interfere15 in the interests of the oppressed. Small revolutionary parties called by various names have been organized in Macedonia, in Armenia, and especially in border countries like Bulgaria, Russia, and Persia, for the secretly avowed45 purpose of compelling the attention and interference of Europe. They have stirred the Turks to acts of extreme cruelty, but have egregiously46 failed to accomplish their purpose.
These internal affairs which disturb and vex47 the people almost beyond endurance are allowed to continue, unchecked by European interference, because the nations of Europe cannot agree to act together, nor can they trust any one to act for the rest. England’s influence, which was supreme48 when the Treaty of Berlin was signed, has been superseded49 by Russia, and she in turn has taken, more recently, second place to Germany. The sultan, most astute50 of all, is able to set rivalry51, jealousy52, and suspicion against suspicion, jealousy and rivalry, and while they quarrel over methods and precedents53, he works his will. No diplomat54 is able to cope with the sultan of Turkey, because his statements cannot be relied upon, while his promises are meaningless. Every ambassador and minister learns this to his sorrow, but is powerless to meet the conditions created by it. To call the sovereign of a state to which he is accredited55 “a falsifier” would not be diplomatic, and might strain existing relations, and to meet falsehood with falsehood is against the principles of representatives of the Christian nations. While the foreign legations are considering these problems the sultan continues his own way.
The present unsettled condition in Russia and the defeat of that country by the Japanese will undoubtedly weaken her influence over the sultan. The emperor of Germany, while maintaining friendly relations [Pg 271] with Hamid II, does not seem to attempt to restrain him in his acts of violence against his own subjects. If he would, it is believed by many that Emperor William might accomplish much in bringing about reform measures in Turkey, if the other Powers of Europe would permit him to do so.
Financially Turkey seems to be upon the verge56 of bankruptcy57. Her system of assessing taxes, paralyzing industry, and her method of often collecting from the poor taxpayer58 many times the amount due, have impoverished59 the country. The occasional general massacres60 in different sections have been terribly destructive to national wealth, striking directly at its sources. The strained political situation is due in no small measure to the economic conditions of that country, accompanied by the unjust administration of the government. If Turkey could afford her subjects of all classes a safe and just government, it might soon be one of the most prosperous and thrifty countries in Asia, comparing favorably with the governments of Europe.
What the future will bring forth61 for Turkey no one can predict. Some twelve years ago the writer asked an old and experienced diplomat at Constantinople what was to be the outcome of the then threatening conditions in the country. His reply was, “I have studied Turkey from within and without for thirty years, and have carefully weighed the diverse forces that are operating in the empire. I have come to one clear and final conclusion which I am certain will stand the test of time, and that is that I do not know anything about what the future will produce here.”
One thing is sure, the methods of government which were successful there six centuries ago cannot be continued indefinitely. Modern [Pg 272] thought and ideas will not submit in patience and quietness forever to the oppressive measures of the middle ages. Dawn is breaking and it is useless for the night to rail at its coming. Intelligent belief will win in the end, and justice and righteousness must triumph. This may cost the shedding of blood, but indications do not point that way. A mighty62 revolution is already in progress which will accomplish its purpose, in time, by the simple laws of God wrought63 out by the lives and acts of intelligent and righteous men. The forces of reform are in operation, not only in institutions, but in the hearts and in the longings64, and in the purposes, of men of all classes and races. It propagates itself as it moves from coast to coast, and from plain to mountain fastness, gaining in force and depth and breadth with every decade. Present conditions cannot indefinitely continue. Times may be worse before they are better, but even greater changes are inevitable and at no remotely distant day. God is in his heavens and he is guiding the affairs of the Turkish empire.
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1
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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restive
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| adj.不安宁的，不安静的 | |
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allots
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的第三人称单数 ) | |
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7
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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9
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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embitters
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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17
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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unify
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| vt.使联合，统一；使相同，使一致 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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23
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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analyze
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| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
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upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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densely
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| ad.密集地；浓厚地 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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throttled
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| v.扼杀( throttle的过去式和过去分词 )；勒死；使窒息；压制 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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36
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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41
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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43
tightened
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| 收紧( tighten的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）变紧； （使）绷紧； 加紧 | |
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44
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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45
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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46
egregiously
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| adv.过份地，卓越地 | |
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47
vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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48
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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49
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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50
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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51
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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52
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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53
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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54
diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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55
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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56
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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57
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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58
taxpayer
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| n.纳税人 | |
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59
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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60
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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61
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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62
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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63
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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64
longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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