The rule of the `Umayyads had been a period of tyrannical oppression on the part of the Arab rulers upon their non-Arab subjects and especially upon the mawali or converts drawn1 from the native population of the conquered provinces who not only were not admitted to equality, as was the professed2 principle of the religion of Islam, but were treated simply as serfs. This was in no sense due to religious persecution3, for it was the converts who were the most aggrieved4, nor was it due to a racial antipathy5 as between a Semitic and an Aryan people, nor yet to anything that could be described as a “national” feeling on the part of the Persians and other conquered races, but simply a species of “class” feeling due to the contempt felt by the Arabs for those whom they had conquered and hatred6 on the part of the conquered towards their arrogant7 masters, a hatred intensified8 by disgust at their misgovernment and ignorance of the traditions of civilization. There were other causes also which helped to intensify9 this feeling of hatred especially in the case of the Persians. Amongst these was a semi-religious feeling, even amongst those who had become converts to Islam. It had been the[Pg 90] old usage of the Persians to regard the Sasanid kings, the descendants of the legendary11 kayani dynasty of heroes who had first established a settled community in Persia, as bagh not quite perhaps what we should understand as “gods,” but rather as incarnations of deity12, the divine spirit passing on by transmigration from one ruler to another, and so they ascribed to the king miraculous13 powers and worshipped him as the shrine14 of a divine presence. At the Muslim conquest the Sasanid kings had not only ceased to rule, but the dynasty had become extinct. Many of the Persians who, in spite of adopting Islam, still clung to their old ideas, were quite ready to treat the Khalif with the same adoration15 as their kings, but felt a distinct distaste for the theory of the Khalifate according to which the Khalif was no more than a chieftain elected in the democratic fashion of the desert tribes, a thing which seemed to them like reversion to primitive16 barbarism. Our own experience in dealing17 with oriental races has shown us that there is a great deal which must be taken seriously in ideas of this kind. Of course those who had been subjects of the Roman Empire had no inclination18 towards deifying their rulers, unless perhaps some who had been only recently incorporated from more oriental elements: but those who had been under Persian rule craved19 a deified prince. In A.H. 141-142 this took the form of an attempt to deify the Khalif by a fanatical sect20 of Persian origin known as the Rawandiyya which broke out into open revolt when the[Pg 91] Khalif refused to be treated as a god and cast their leaders into prison: the members of the sect, and many other of their fellow-countrymen, considered that a Khalif was no valid21 sovereign who refused to be recognised as a deity. From the second century of the Hijra down to modern times there has been a continuous stream of pseudo-prophets who have claimed to be gods, or successful leaders who have been deified by their followers24. The latest of these appears in the earlier phases of the Babi movement, A.D. 1844-1852, though the doctrines25 of re-incarnation and of the presence of the divine spirit in the leader seem to be less emphasized in present day Babism, at least in this country and America.
The most prevalent form of these ideas occurs in the essentially26 Persian movement known as the Shi`a or “schismatics.” These are divided into two types, both alike holding that the succession of the Prophet is confined to the hereditary27 descendants of `Ali the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet to whom alone was given the divine right of the Imamate or leadership. The two types differ in the meaning of this Imamate, the one group contenting itself with maintaining that `Ali and his descendants have a divine authority whereby the Imams are the only legitimate28 rulers of Islam and its infallible guides; of this moderate type of Shi`a is the religion of Morocco and the form prevalent about San´a in South Arabia. The other group presses the claim that the Imam is the incarnation of a divine spirit,[Pg 92] sometimes asserting that it was only by fraud that the prophet Muhammad interposed and acted as spokesman for the divine Imam `Ali. Of this type is the Shi`a which forms the state religion of modern Persia, spreading westwards into Mesopotamia and eastwards29 into India. The commonest belief, prevalent in the modern Shi`a, is that there were twelve Imams of whom `Ali was the first, and Muhammad al-Muntazar, who succeeded at the death of his father the eleventh Imam al-Hasan al-Askari in 260 A.H. (= A.D. 873) was the last. Soon after his accession Muhammad Al-Muntazar “vanished” at Samárrá, the town which served as the `Abbasid capital from A.H. 222 to 279. The mosque30 at Samárrá is said to cover an underground vault31 into which he disappeared and from which he will emerge again to resume his office when the propitious32 time has arrived, and the place whence he is to issue forth33 is one of the sacred spots visited by Shi`ite pilgrims. Meanwhile the Shahs and princes are ruling the faithful only as deputies of the concealed34 Imam. The disappearance35 of Muhammad al-Muntazar took place more than a century after the fall of the `Umayyads but we have anticipated in order to show the general tendency of the Shi`ite ideas which were prevalent even in `Umayyad times, especially in Northern Persia, and did much to promote the revolt against the secularised `Umayyad rule.
A curious importance also is attached to the date. The disaffection of the mawali came to a head towards[Pg 93] the end of the first century of the Muslim era. There was a general belief that the completion of the century would see the end of existing conditions, just as in Western Europe the year 1000 A.D. was expected to mark the dawn of a new world. Dissatisfaction was at its height, especially in Khurasan, and the disaffected36 for the most part rallied round the `Alids.
The `Alid claims which did so much to overthrow37 the `Umayyad dynasty and indirectly38 led to the bringing forward of the Persian element by which the transmission of Hellenistic culture was most furthered, are best understood by the help of a genealogical table.
al-Hanafiya + (1) `Ali + Fatima
Muhammad (2) Hasan (3) Husayn
Abu Hashim (4) `Ali Zayn
Zayd (5) Muhammad al-Bakir
(6) Ja`far as-Sadiq
Isma`il (7) Musa al-Qazam
Muhammad (8) `Ali ar-Rida
(9) Muham. al-Jawad
(10) `Ali al-Hadi
(11) Hasan al-Askari
(12) Muham. al-Muntazar
[Pg 94]
`Ali had two wives, (i) al-Hanafiya, by whom he had a son Muhammad, and (ii) Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad, by whom he had two sons, Hasan and Husayn. All the `Alid party believed that `Ali should have succeeded the Prophet by divine right and regarded the first three Khalifs as usurpers. Already under the third Khalif Uthman the dissatisfied mawla element had begun to look to `Ali as their champion, and he in the true spirit of early Islam supported their claim to the rights of brotherhood39 as fellow Muslims. This partisanship41 received its extreme expression in the preaching of the Jewish convert `Abdu b. Saba, who declared the divine right of `Ali to the Khalifate as early as A.H. 32. `Ali himself apparently42 did not take so pronounced a view, but certainly regarded himself as in some degree injured by his exclusion43. In 35 `Ali was appointed Khalif and Ibn Saba then declared that he was not only Khalif by divine right, but that a divine spirit had passed from the Prophet to him, so that he was raised to a supernatural level. This theory `Ali himself repudiated44. When he was assassinated45 in 40 `Abdu declared that his martyred soul had passed to heaven and would in due course descend10 to earth again: his spirit was in the clouds, his voice was heard in the thunder, the lightning was his rod.
The Umayyad party led by Mu`awiya never submitted to `Ali, although they did not question the legitimacy46 of his appointment. At his death Mu`awiya became the fifth Khalif, but had to face the[Pg 95] claims of al-Hasan, `Ali’s son. Al-Hasan made terms with Mu`awiya and died in 49, poisoned, it was commonly stated. The other son, al-Husayn, tried to enforce his claim, but met a tragic47 death at Kerbela. After al-Husayn’s death some of the `Alid partisans40 recognised Muhammad the son of `Ali and al-Hanafiya as the fourth Imam; he, it is true, disowned these supporters, but that was a detail to which they paid no attention. His supporters were known as Kaysanites, and owed their origin to Kaysan, a freedman of `Ali, who formed a society for the purpose of avenging48 the deaths of al-Hasan and al-Husayn. When this Muhammad died in 81 his followers divided into two sections, some accepting the fact of his death, others supposing that he had simply passed into concealment49 to appear again in due course. This idea of a “concealed” Imam was a heritage from the older religious theories of Persia and recurs50 again and again in Shi`a history. The important point is that both sections of this party continued to exist all through the `Umayyad period, steadily51 refusing to recognise the official Khalifa as more than usurpers, and looking forward to the day when they could avenge52 the martyrdom of `Ali and his sons.
We need not linger over the family of al-Hasan and his descendants. They were involved in `Alid risings at Madina, and after the suppression of one of these in 169, long after the fall of the `Umayyads, Idris the great-grandson of al-Hasan escaped to the far West and established a “moderate” Shi`ite[Pg 96] Dynasty in what is now Morocco, so that the subsequent history of that house concerns the history of the West.
Most of the Shi`ites regard the third Imam, al-Husayn as being succeeded by his son `Ali Zayn. Al-Husayn, like al-Hasan, was not only the son of `Ali, but also of the Prophet’s daughter, Fatima. In al-Husayn’s case moreover there was another heritage which ultimately proved more important than descent from either `Ali or Fatima: he was generally supposed to have married the daughter of the last of the Persian kings, the “mother of the Imams,” and this traditional marriage with the Persian princess,—its historical evidence is very dubious53—has been regarded by the Persian Shi`ites as the most important factor in the Imamate, although this, of course, has nothing whatever to do with the religion of Islam. That so great weight could be attached to such a consideration serves to show how really foreign and non-Muslim a thing the Shi`a is. `Ali Zayn had two sons, Zayd and Muhammad al-Bakir. Of these Zayd was a pupil of Wasil b. `Ata and associated with the Mu`tazilite movement: he is generally regarded as a rationalist. Indeed, as we shall now see frequently, the heretical Shi`ite party was very generally mixed up with free thought and frequently shows adherence54 to Greek philosophy: it seems as though its inspiring spirit was hostility55 towards orthodox Islam, and a readiness to ally itself with anything which tended to criticize unfavourably the orthodox doctrines.[Pg 97] Zayd had a body of followers who established themselves in North Persia where they held their own for some time, and a branch of their party still exists in South Arabia, still suspected of rationalist proclivities56. Most of the Shi`ites, however, recognised Muhammad al-Bakir as the fifth Imam, and Ja`far as-Sadiq as the sixth. This latter also was a devoted57 follower23 of the “new learning,” that is to say, of Hellenistic philosophy, and is generally regarded as the founder58, or at least the chief exponent59, of what are known as batinite views, that is to say the allegorical interpretation60 of the Qur´an, so that revelation is made to mean, not the literal statement, but an inner meaning, and this inner meaning generally shows a strong influence of Hellenistic philosophy. It is only the divinely directed Imam who can expound61 the true meaning of the Qur´an which remains62 a sealed book to the uninitiated. Ja`far was, it would appear, the first of the `Alids who openly asserted that he was a divine incarnation as well as an inspired teacher: his predecessors63 had done no more than acquiesce64 in such claims when made by their followers, and very often had repudiated them.
Abu Hashim, the son of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya, died in 98 A.H. poisoned, it was generally believed, by the Khalif Sulayman, and bequeathed his rights to Muhammad b. `Ali b. `Abdullah, a descendant of the house of Hashim, to which the Prophet and `Ali had belonged, the rival clan65 of the Quraysh tribe opposed to the clan of the `Umayyads. Abu Hashim assumed[Pg 98] that the Imamate was his to be passed on to whom he saw fit, a view of the Imamate which was not accepted by the stricter Shi`ites who were legitimists, but the partisans of Abu Hashim do not seem to have been extremists in spite of their Kaysanite origin. In 99 the Khalifate passed to Umar II. the one `Umayyad who showed `Alid sympathies, putting an end to the public cursing of `Ali which had formed part of the public ritual in the mosques66 of Damascus since the days of Mu`awiya and who represented a type of personal piety67 to which the `Umayyad Khalifs had hitherto been strangers. His brief reign22 of less than three years did not, however, remove the evils of tyranny and misgovernment, and he was followed by other rulers more in conformity68 with the old bad type.
About the time of Umar’s death a deputation of Shi`ites waited upon Muhammad b. `Ali the Hashimite, a man of noted69 piety and the one who had now become, as legatee of Abu Hashim the son of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya, the recognised head of an important wing of the Shi`ites, and swore to support him in an endeavour to obtain the Khalifate “that God may quicken justice and destroy oppression” (Dinwari: Akhbaru t-Tiwal. ed. Guirgass, Leiden. p. 334): and Muhammad had answered that “this is the season of what we hope and desire, because one hundred years of the calendar are completed.” (id.)
The supporters of the family of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya, who had now transferred their allegiance to[Pg 99] Muhammad b. `Ali, were extremely important, not so much by reason of their numbers as by their excellent organisation70. They had developed a regular system of missionaries71 (da`i, plur. du`at) who travelled under the guise72 of merchants and confined their teaching to private instructions and informal intercourse73, a method which has become the standard type of Muslim missionary74 propaganda. By Abu Hashim’s death and legacy75 Muhammad b. `Ali found this very fully76 organised missionary work at his service, and its emissaries were fully confident that his acceptance of the overtures77 of the Shi`ite deputation meant that he stood as the champion of Shi`ite claims. The stricter Shi`ites who followed the house of al-Husayn did not admit the claims of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya or his descendants, but they supported Muhammad b. `Ali’s efforts under the impression that he was a Shi`ite champion.
The propaganda in favour of Muhammad b. `Ali is sometimes referred to as `Abbasid because he was descended78 from al-`Abbas, one of the three sons of `Abdu l-Muttalib, and so brother of Abu Talib the father of the Imam `Ali and of `Abdullah who was grandfather of the Prophet Muhammad. At the time, however, the missionaries claimed rather to be the supporters of the Hashimites, a term which was ambiguous, perhaps intentionally79 so. It was afterwards explained as referring to the house of Hashim which was the rival clan of the Quraysh opposed to the `Umayyads and that to which the Prophet, and `Ali,[Pg 100] and al-`Abbas belonged: but in the minds of many of the Shi`ites it was taken to mean the followers of Abu Hashim, the grandson of Al-Hanafiya.
Muhammad b. `Ali died in 126 A.H. leaving three sons, Ibrahim, Abu l-Abbas, and Abu Ja`far, the first of these being recognised as his successor. About the same time Abu Muslim, who became governor of Khurasan in 129 comes into prominence80. It is dubious whether he was an Arab or a native of `Iraq (cf. Masudi. vi. 59), indeed, the claim was made that he was a descendant of Gandarz, one of the ancient kings of Persia (id.) Now Khurasan was the area most disaffected towards the `Umayyads, and there the Hashimite missionaries had been most active and successful. Abu Muslim threw himself into this work heartily81 and began gathering82 together an armed body of men who before long numbered 200,000. Information and warning was sent to the Khalif Marwan II. but was ignored: indeed the court at Damascus took no notice until 130. Abu Muslim at length openly raised the black standard as the signal of revolt against the `Umayyads whose official colour was white. Then all the Khalif did was to seize Muhammad b. `Ali’s son Ibrahim and put him to death. The other two sons escaped and fled to Kufa where they were sheltered and concealed by some Shi`ites, the second son Abu l-`Abbas, known to history as as-Saffah “the butcher” being recognised as the Hashimite leader.
Abu Muslim’s success was rapid and complete, and in 132 the `Umayyad dynasty was overthrown83 and[Pg 101] partly exterminated84, and so “the butcher” became the first of the `Abbasid Khalifs, so called as being of the family of al-`Abbas the son of `Abdu l-Muttalib.
As soon as the Khalif Abu l-`Abbas was seated on the throne his chief aim was to secure the establishment of his dynasty by getting rid of all possible rivals, and it was the vigour85 he showed in doing this which earned for him the title of “the Butcher.” First of all he hunted down and slew86 all the representatives he could find of the `Umayyad family. One of these escaped, `Abdu r-Rahman, and went to Africa where he endeavoured to form a body of supporters without success, and then crossed over to Spain where in 138 he established himself at Cordova, and there he and his descendants ruled until 422 A.H. These Spanish `Umayyads claimed to be legitimist rulers, but never assumed the divine claims of the `Alid section.
Abu Muslim, who had done most to establish the `Umayyad dynasty, next provoked the Khalif’s jealousy87, probably with good cause for he was indignant to find that “the Butcher” was no sooner on the throne than he entirely88 discarded the Shi`ites who had helped to place him there, and so within the first year of the `Abbasid rule Abu Muslim was put to death.
The fall of the `Umayyads brought an end to the tyranny of the Arab minority, as it now was, and placed the preponderance for a clear century (A.H. 132-232) in Persian hands. The government was[Pg 102] remodelled89 on Persian lines, and to Persian influence was due the institution of the wazir or responsible minister at the head of the executive. The title is probably identical with the Old Persian vi-chir or “overseer” (thus Darmesteter: Etudes Iraniennes i. p. 58. note 3.); before this the chief minister was simply clerk (kàtib) or adviser90 (mushir) and was simply one of the Khalif’s attendants who was employed to conduct correspondence, or to give advice when occasion required. In 135 the noble Persian family of Barmecides began to supply wazirs, and these controlled the policy of the Khalifate until 189. From the time of al-Mansur (A.H. 136-158) onwards the Persians began to assert their pre-eminence and a party was formed known as the Shu`ubiyya or “anti-Arab party” of those who held, not only that the alien converts were equal to the Arabs, but that the Arabs were a half savage91 and inferior race in all respects, contrasting unfavourably with the Persians, Syrians, and Copts. This party produced considerable mass of controversial literature in which free course was given to the general dislike felt towards the Arabs and which reveals the intensity92 of the contempt and hatred felt towards these parvenus94. The Arabs had boasted of their racial descent and had devoted much attention to the keeping of their genealogies95, at least in the century immediately preceding the rise of Islam; as they had then only just commenced to count descent in the father’s line these genealogies were purely96 fictitious97 in so far as they dealt with pre[Pg 103]-Islamic ancestors. The Arabs were in fact a parvenu93 people only just emerging out of barbarism (cf. Lammens: Le berceau de l’islam. p. 117). But the Persians, no less careful about genealogical records, to which their caste system had caused them to pay considerable attention, boasted authentic98 genealogies of much greater antiquity99. In literature, in science, in Muslim canon law, in theology, and even in the scientific treatment of Arabic grammar, the Persians very rapidly surpassed the Arabs, so that we must be careful always to refer to Arabic philosophy, Arabic science, etc., in the history of Muslim culture, rather than to Arab philosophy, etc., remembering that, though expressed in the Arabic language, the common medium of all the Muslim world, only in a very few cases was it the work of Arabs: for the most part the Arabic philosophers and scientists, historians, grammarians, theologians, and jurists were Persians, Turks, or Berbers by birth, though using the Arabic language. The fall of the `Umayyads and the replacing of the Arabs by the Persians commences the golden age of Arabic literature and scholarship. The older Arabic literature, that namely which was written by Arabs as yet untouched by external influences, consists entirely of poetry, the work of professional bards100 who sing of desert life and warfare101, lament102 over the deserted103 camping grounds, boast of their tribe, and abuse their enemies. It forms a distinct class of poetic104 composition, which has developed its own literary standards, and attained105 a high standard of[Pg 104] excellence106 in its way. In many respects this older Arab poetry makes a special appeal to us, it shows an observation of nature which is very striking, it has an undercurrent of melancholy107 which seems an echo of the desert, and an emotional side which seems convincing in its reality. At the same time it has very distinct limitations in its range of interest and subject matter. Undoubtedly108 a careful study of this early Arab poetry is a necessary preparation for a proper appreciation109 of the literary forms of Arabic and of its oldest vocabulary and syntax, and of recent years much attention has been given to it. But this older Arabic poetry, apparently a native production, but possibly influenced in pre-Islamic times by some external contacts as yet undefined, comes to an end soon after the fall of the `Umayyads, save in Spain, where, under the exiled and fugitive110 remnant of the `Umayyad dynasty, the production of such poetry survived. But this type of poetry is really outside our present enquiry, save to note that it was a Persian scholar, Hammad b. Sabur ar-Rawiya (d. circ. 156-159) who collected and edited the seven ancient Arabic poems known as the Mu`allaqat or “suspended,” i.e., the catena or series, and thus set what may be called the classical standard of the ancient poetry and vocabulary. At the accession of the Abbasids the old Arab type passes away and the intellectual guidance of the Muslim community passes into the hands of the Persians.
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1
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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2
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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3
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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4
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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5
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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7
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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8
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9
intensify
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| vt.加强；变强；加剧 | |
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10
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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eastwards
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| adj.向东方（的），朝东（的）；n.向东的方向 | |
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mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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35
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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36
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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37
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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39
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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40
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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41
Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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42
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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43
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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45
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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46
legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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47
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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48
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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49
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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50
recurs
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| 再发生，复发( recur的第三人称单数 ) | |
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51
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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52
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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53
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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proclivities
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| n.倾向，癖性( proclivity的名词复数 ) | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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mosques
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| 清真寺； 伊斯兰教寺院，清真寺； 清真寺，伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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remodelled
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| v.改变…的结构[形状]( remodel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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parvenu
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| n.暴发户，新贵 | |
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parvenus
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| n.暴富者( parvenu的名词复数 )；暴发户；新贵；傲慢自负的人 | |
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genealogies
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| n.系谱，家系，宗谱( genealogy的名词复数 ) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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99
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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100
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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101
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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103
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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104
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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105
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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106
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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107
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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109
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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