The lynching of three Negro scoundrels reported in our dispatches from Anniston, Ala., for a brutal8 outrage1 committed upon a white woman will be a text for much comment on "Southern barbarism" by Northern newspapers; but we fancy it will hardly prove effective for campaign purposes among intelligent people. The frequency of these lynchings calls attention to the frequency of the crimes which causes lynching. The "Southern barbarism" which deserves the serious attention of all people North and South, is the barbarism which preys9 upon weak and defenseless women. Nothing but the most prompt, speedy and extreme punishment can hold in check the horrible and beastial propensities10 of the Negro race. There is a strange similarity about a number of cases of this character which have lately occurred.
In each case the crime was deliberately11 planned and perpetrated by several Negroes. They watched for an opportunity when the women were left without a protector. It was not a sudden yielding to a fit of passion, but the consummation of a devilish purpose which has been seeking and waiting for the opportunity. This feature of the crime not only makes it the most fiendishly brutal, but it adds to the terror of the situation in the thinly settled country communities. No man can leave his family at night without the dread12 that some roving Negro ruffian is watching and waiting for this opportunity. The swift punishment which invariably follows these horrible crimes doubtless acts as a deterring13 effect upon the Negroes in that immediate14 neighborhood for a short time. But the lesson is not widely learned nor long remembered. Then such crimes, equally atrocious, have happened in quick succession, one in Tennessee, one in Arkansas, and one in Alabama. The facts of the crime appear to appeal more to the Negro's lustful15 imagination than the facts of the punishment do to his fears. He sets aside all fear of death in any form when opportunity is found for the gratification of his bestial16 desires.
There is small reason to hope for any change for the better. The commission of this crime grows more frequent every year. The generation of Negroes which have grown up since the war have lost in large measure the traditional and wholesome17 awe18 of the white race which kept the Negroes in subjection, even when their masters were in the army, and their families left unprotected except by the slaves themselves. There is no longer a restraint upon the brute19 passion of the Negro.
What is to be done? The crime of rape6 is always horrible, but the Southern man there is nothing which so fills the soul with horror, loathing20 and fury as the outraging21 of a white woman by a Negro. It is the race question in the ugliest, vilest22, most dangerous aspect. The Negro as a political factor can be controlled. But neither laws nor lynchings can subdue23 his lusts24. Sooner or later it will force a crisis. We do not know in what form it will come.
In its issue of June 4, the Memphis Evening Scimitar gives the following excuse for lynch law:
Aside from the violation25 of white women by Negroes, which is the outcropping of a bestial perversion26 of instinct, the chief cause of trouble between the races in the South is the Negro's lack of manners. In the state of slavery he learned politeness from association with white people, who took pains to teach him. Since the emancipation27 came and the tie of mutual28 interest and regard between master and servant was broken, the Negro has drifted away into a state which is neither freedom nor bondage29. Lacking the proper inspiration of the one and the restraining force of the other he has taken up the idea that boorish30 insolence31 is independence, and the exercise of a decent degree of breeding toward white people is identical with servile submission32. In consequence of the prevalence of this notion there are many Negroes who use every opportunity to make themselves offensive, particularly when they think it can be done with impunity33.
We have had too many instances right here in Memphis to doubt this, and our experience is not exceptional. The white people won't stand this sort of thing, and whether they be insulted as individuals are as a race, the response will be prompt and effectual. The bloody34 riot of 1866, in which so many Negroes perished, was brought on principally by the outrageous35 conduct of the blacks toward the whites on the streets. It is also a remarkable36 and discouraging fact that the majority of such scoundrels are Negroes who have received educational advantages at the hands of the white taxpayers37. They have got just enough of learning to make them realize how hopelessly their race is behind the other in everything that makes a great people, and they attempt to "get even" by insolence, which is ever the resentment38 of inferiors. There are well-bred Negroes among us, and it is truly unfortunate that they should have to pay, even in part, the penalty of the offenses39 committed by the baser sort, but this is the way of the world. The innocent must suffer for the guilty. If the Negroes as a people possessed a hundredth part of the self-respect which is evidenced by the courteous40 bearing of some that the Scimitar could name, the friction41 between the races would be reduced to a minimum. It will not do to beg the question by pleading that many white men are also stirring up strife42. The Caucasian blackguard simply obeys the promptings of a depraved disposition43, and he is seldom deliberately rough or offensive toward strangers or unprotected women.
The Negro tough, on the contrary, is given to just that kind of offending, and he almost invariably singles out white people as his victims.
On March 9, 1892, there were lynched in this same city three of the best specimens44 of young since-the-war Afro-American manhood. They were peaceful, law-abiding citizens and energetic business men.
They believed the problem was to be solved by eschewing45 politics and putting money in the purse. They owned a flourishing grocery business in a thickly populated suburb of Memphis, and a white man named Barrett had one on the opposite corner. After a personal difficulty which Barrett sought by going into the "People's Grocery" drawing a pistol and was thrashed by Calvin McDowell, he (Barrett) threatened to "clean them out." These men were a mile beyond the city limits and police protection; hearing that Barrett's crowd was coming to attack them Saturday night, they mustered46 forces, and prepared to defend themselves against the attack.
When Barrett came he led a posse of officers, twelve in number, who afterward47 claimed to be hunting a man for whom they had a warrant. That twelve men in citizen's clothes should think it necessary to go in the night to hunt one man who had never before been arrested, or made any record as a criminal has never been explained. When they entered the back door the young men thought the threatened attack was on, and fired into them. Three of the officers were wounded, and when the defending party found it was officers of the law upon whom they had fired, they ceased and got away.
Thirty-one men were arrested and thrown in jail as "conspirators," although they all declared more than once they did not know they were firing on officers. Excitement was at fever beat until the morning papers, two days after, announced that the wounded deputy sheriffs were out of danger. This hindered rather than helped the plans of the whites. There was no law on the statute48 books which would execute an Afro-American for wounding a white man, but the "unwritten law" did. Three of these men, the president, the manager and clerk of the grocery—"the leaders of the conspiracy"—were secretly taken from jail and lynched in a shockingly brutal manner. "The Negroes are getting too independent," they say, "we must teach them a lesson."
What lesson? The lesson of subordination. "Kill the leaders and it will cow the Negro who dares to shoot a white man, even in self-defense."
Although the race was wild over the outrage, the mockery of law and justice which disarmed49 men and locked them up in jails where they could be easily and safely reached by the mob—- the Afro-American ministers, newspapers and leaders counselled obedience50 to the law which did not protect them.
Their counsel was heeded51 and not a hand was uplifted to resent the outrage; following the advice of the Free Speech, people left the city in great numbers.
The dailies and associated press reports heralded52 these men to the country as "toughs," and "Negro desperadoes who kept a low dive." This same press service printed that the Negro who was lynched at Indianola, Miss., in May, had outraged the sheriff's eight-year-old daughter. The girl was more than eighteen years old, and was found by her father in this man's room, who was a servant on the place.
Not content with misrepresenting the race, the mob-spirit was not to be satisfied until the paper which was doing all it could to counteract53 this impression was silenced. The colored people were resenting their bad treatment in a way to make itself felt, yet gave the mob no excuse for further murder, until the appearance of the editorial which is construed54 as a reflection on the "honor" of the Southern white women. It is not half so libelous55 as that of the Commercial which appeared four days before, and which has been given in these pages. They would have lynched the manager of the Free Speech for exercising the right of free speech if they had found him as quickly as they would have hung a rapist, and glad of the excuse to do so. The owners were ordered not to return, the Free Speech was suspended with as little compunction as the business of the "People's Grocery" broken up and the proprietors56 murdered.
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1
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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rapes
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| n.芸苔( rape的名词复数 )；强奸罪；强奸案；肆意损坏v.以暴力夺取，强夺( rape的第三人称单数 )；强奸 | |
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rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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preys
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| v.掠食( prey的第三人称单数 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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deterring
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的现在分词 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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lustful
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| a.贪婪的；渴望的 | |
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bestial
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| adj.残忍的；野蛮的 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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outraging
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的现在分词 ) | |
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vilest
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| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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lusts
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| 贪求（lust的第三人称单数形式） | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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30
boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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31
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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32
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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taxpayers
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| 纳税人，纳税的机构( taxpayer的名词复数 ) | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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40
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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41
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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42
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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43
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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44
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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45
eschewing
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| v.（尤指为道德或实际理由而）习惯性避开，回避( eschew的现在分词 ) | |
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46
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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47
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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48
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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49
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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50
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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51
heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
heralded
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| v.预示( herald的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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53
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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54
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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55
libelous
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| adj.败坏名誉的，诽谤性的 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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