To Northern capital and Afro-American labor3 the South owes its rehabilitation4. If labor is withdrawn5 capital will not remain. The Afro-American is thus the backbone6 of the South. A thorough knowledge and judicious7 exercise of this power in lynching localities could many times effect a bloodless revolution. The white man's dollar is his god, and to stop this will be to stop outrages8 in many localities.
The Afro-Americans of Memphis denounced the lynching of three of their best citizens, and urged and waited for the authorities to act in the matter and bring the lynchers to justice. No attempt was made to do so, and the black men left the city by thousands, bringing about great stagnation9 in every branch of business. Those who remained so injured the business of the street car company by staying off the cars, that the superintendent10, manager and treasurer11 called personally on the editor of the Free Speech, asked them to urge our people to give them their patronage12 again. Other business men became alarmed over the situation and the Free Speech was run away that the colored people might be more easily controlled. A meeting of white citizens in June, three months after the lynching, passed resolutions for the first time, condemning13 it. But they did not punish the lynchers. Every one of them was known by name, because they had been selected to do the dirty work, by some of the very citizens who passed these resolutions. Memphis is fast losing her black population, who proclaim as they go that there is no protection for the life and property of any Afro-American citizen in Memphis who is not a slave.
The Afro-American citizens of Kentucky, whose intellectual and financial improvement has been phenomenal, have never had a separate car law until now. Delegations14 and petitions poured into the Legislature against it, yet the bill passed and the Jim Crow Car of Kentucky is a legalized institution. Will the great mass of Negroes continue to patronize the railroad? A special from Covington, Ky., says:
Covington, June 13.—The railroads of the State are beginning to feel very markedly, the effects of the separate coach bill recently passed by the Legislature. No class of people in the State have so many and so largely attended excursions as the blacks. All these have been abandoned, and regular travel is reduced to a minimum. A competent authority says the loss to the various roads will reach $1,000,000 this year.
A call to a State Conference in Lexington, Ky., last June had delegates from every county in the State. Those delegates, the ministers, teachers, heads of secret and others orders, and the head of every family should pass the word around for every member of the race in Kentucky to stay oil railroads unless obliged to ride. If they did so, and their advice was followed persistently15 the convention would not need to petition the Legislature to repeal16 the law or raise money to file a suit. The railroad corporations would be so effected they would in self-defense lobby to have the separate car law repealed17. On the other hand, as long as the railroads can get Afro-American excursions they will always have plenty of money to fight all the suits brought against them. They will be aided in so doing by the same partisan18 public sentiment which passed the law. White men passed the law, and white judges and juries would pass upon the suits against the law, and render judgment19 in line with their prejudices and in deference20 to the greater financial power.
The appeal to the white man's pocket has ever been more effectual than all the appeals ever made to his conscience. Nothing, absolutely nothing, is to be gained by a further sacrifice of manhood and self-respect. By the right exercise of his power as the industrial factor of the South, the Afro-American can demand and secure his rights, the punishment of lynchers, and a fair trial for accused rapists.
Of the many inhuman21 outrages of this present year, the only case where the proposed lynching did not occur, was where the men armed themselves in Jacksonville, Fla., and Paducah, Ky, and prevented it. The only times an Afro-American who was assaulted got away has been when he had a gun and used it in self-defense.
The lesson this teaches and which every Afro-American should ponder well, is that a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give. When the white man who is always the aggressor knows he runs as great risk of biting the dust every time his Afro-American victim does, he will have greater respect for Afro-American life. The more the Afro-American yields and cringes and begs, the more he has to do so, the more he is insulted, outraged22 and lynched.
The assertion has been substantiated23 throughout these pages that the press contains unreliable and doctored reports of lynchings, and one of the most necessary things for the race to do is to get these facts before the public. The people must know before they can act, and there is no educator to compare with the press.
The Afro-American papers are the only ones which will print the truth, and they lack means to employ agents and detectives to get at the facts. The race must rally a mighty24 host to the support of their journals, and thus enable them to do much in the way of investigation25.
A lynching occurred at Port Jarvis, N.Y., the first week in June. A white and colored man were implicated26 in the assault upon a white girl. It was charged that the white man paid the colored boy to make the assault, which he did on the public highway in broad day time, and was lynched. This, too was done by "parties unknown." The white man in the case still lives. He was imprisoned27 and promises to fight the case on trial. At the preliminary examination, it developed that he had been a suitor of the girl's. She had repulsed28 and refused him, yet had given him money, and he had sent threatening letters demanding more.
The day before this examination she was so wrought29 up, she left home and wandered miles away. When found she said she did so because she was afraid of the man's testimony30. Why should she be afraid of the prisoner! Why should she yield to his demands for money if not to prevent him exposing something he knew! It seems explainable only on the hypothesis that a liaison31 existed between the colored boy and the girl, and the white man knew of it. The press is singularly silent. Has it a motive32? We owe it to ourselves to find out.
The story comes from Larned, Kansas, Oct. 1, that a young white lady held at bay until daylight, without alarming any one in the house, "a burly Negro" who entered her room and bed. The "burly Negro" was promptly33 lynched without investigation or examination of inconsistant stories.
A house was found burned down near Montgomery, Ala., in Monroe County, Oct. 13, a few weeks ago; also the burned bodies of the owners and melted piles of gold and silver.
These discoveries led to the conclusion that the awful crime was not prompted by motives34 of robbery. The suggestion of the whites was that "brutal35 lust36 was the incentive37, and as there are nearly 200 Negroes living within a radius38 of five miles of the place the conclusion was inevitable39 that some of them were the perpetrators."
Upon this "suggestion" probably made by the real criminal, the mob acted upon the "conclusion" and arrested ten Afro-Americans, four of whom, they tell the world, confessed to the deed of murdering Richard L. Johnson and outraging40 his daughter, Jeanette. These four men, Berrell Jones, Moses Johnson, Jim and John Packer, none of them twenty-five years of age, upon this conclusion, were taken from jail, hanged, shot, and burned while yet alive the night of Oct. 12. The same report says Mr. Johnson was on the best of terms with his Negro tenants41.
The race thus outraged must find out the facts of this awful hurling42 of men into eternity43 on supposition, and give them to the indifferent and apathetic44 country. We feel this to be a garbled45 report, but how can we prove it?
Near Vicksburg, Miss., a murder was committed by a gang of burglars. Of course it must have been done by Negroes, and Negroes were arrested for it. It is believed that two men, Smith Tooley and John Adams belonged to a gang controlled by white men and, fearing exposure, on the night of July 4, they were hanged in the Court House yard by those interested in silencing them. Robberies since committed in the same vicinity have been known to be by white men who had their faces blackened. We strongly believe in the innocence46 of these murdered men, but we have no proof. No other news goes out to the world save that which stamps us as a race of cutthroats, robbers and lustful47 wild beasts. So great is Southern hate and prejudice, they legally(?) hung poor little thirteen-year-old Mildrey Brown at Columbia, S.C., Oct. 7, on the circumstantial evidence that she poisoned a white infant. If her guilt48 had been proven unmistakably, had she been white, Mildrey Brown would never have been hung.
The country would have been aroused and South Carolina disgraced forever for such a crime. The Afro-American himself did not know as he should have known as his journals should be in a position to have him know and act.
Nothing is more definitely settled than he must act for himself. I have shown how he may employ the boycott49, emigration and the press, and I feel that by a combination of all these agencies can be effectually stamped out lynch law, that last relic50 of barbarism and slavery. "The gods help those who help themselves."
The End
The End
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1
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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rehabilitation
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| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
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5
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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stagnation
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| n. 停滞 | |
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superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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13
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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14
delegations
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| n.代表团( delegation的名词复数 )；委托，委派 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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23
substantiated
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| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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29
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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30
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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31
liaison
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| n.联系，（未婚男女间的）暖昧关系，私通 | |
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32
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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39
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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40
outraging
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的现在分词 ) | |
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41
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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42
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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43
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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44
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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45
garbled
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| adj.（指信息）混乱的，引起误解的v.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改( garble的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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47
lustful
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| a.贪婪的；渴望的 | |
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48
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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49
boycott
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| n./v.(联合)抵制，拒绝参与 | |
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50
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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