Ordinarily unless the response of conscience is quick and plain, men are not bothered by the infraction6 of the law except, perchance, by the fear of discovery. This is quite apart from the teaching that it is the duty of all men to obey all laws, a proposition so general that it has no effect. Even those who make the statement do not follow the precept7, and the long list of penal8 laws that die from lack of enforcement instead of by repeal9 is too well known to warrant the belief that anyone pays serious attention to such a purely10 academic statement. No one believes in the enforcement of all laws or the duty to obey all laws, and no one, in fact, does obey them all. Those who proclaim the loudest the duty of obedience11 to all laws never obey, for example, the revenue laws. These are clear and explicit12, and yet men take every means possible to have their property exempted13 from taxation—in other words, to defraud14 the State. This is done on the excuse that everyone else does it, and the man who makes a strict return according to law would pay the taxes of the shirkers. While this is true, it simply shows that all men violate the law when the justification15 seems sufficient to them. The laws against blasphemy16, against Sunday work and Sunday play, against buying and transporting intoxicating17 liquors and smuggling18 goods are freely violated. Many laws are so recent that they have not grown to be folk-ways or fixed19 new habits, and their violation20 brings no moral shock. In spite of the professions often made, most men have a poor opinion of congressmen and legislators, and feel that their own conscience is a much higher guide for them than the law.
Religions have always taught obedience to God or to what takes His place. Religious commands and feelings, are higher and more binding on man than human law. The captains of industry are forever belittling21 and criticising all those laws made by legislatures and courts which interfere22 with the unrestricted use of property. None of this sort of legislation has their approval and the courts are regarded as meddlesome23 when they enforce it. The anti-trust laws, the anti-pooling laws, factory legislation of all kinds, anything in short that interferes24 with the unrestricted use of property by its owner are roundly condemned25 and violated by evasion27. On the other hand, so much has been written and said in reference to the creation of the fundamental rights to own property, and these rights depend so absolutely upon social arrangements and work out such manifest injustice28 and inequality, that there is always a deep-seated feeling of protest against many of our so-called property laws. From those who advocate a new distribution of wealth and condemn26 the injustice of present property rights, the step is quite short to those who feel the injustice and put their ideas in force by taking property when and where they are able to get it.
For instance, a miner may believe that the corporation for which he works really has no right to the gold down in the mine. As he is digging he strikes a particularly rich pocket of high-grade ore. He feels that he does no wrong if he appropriates the ore. Elaborate means are taken to prevent this, even compelling the absolute stripping of the workman, and a complete change of clothes on going in and coming out of the mine.
Many laws are put on the books which are of a purely sumptuary nature; these attempt to control what one shall do in his own personal affairs. Such laws are brought about by organizations with a "purpose". The members are anxious to make everyone else conform to their ideas and habits. Such laws as Sunday laws, liquor laws and the like are examples. Then, too, every state or nation carries a large list of laws that men have so long violated and ignored, that they virtually are dead. To violate these brings no feeling of wrong, but only serves to make men doubt the evil of violating any law.
It is never easy to get a Legislature to repeal a law. Generally some organization or committee of people is interested in keeping it alive, and the members of the Legislature fear losing their votes. Social ideas are always changing. No laws or customs are eternal. The ordinary man, and especially the man under the normal, cannot keep up with all the shifting of a changing world. There is always a fraction of a community agitating30 for something new and gradually forcing the Legislature to put it into law, even against the will of the majority and against the sentiment of a large class of the community. The organization that wants something done is always aggressive. The man who wants to prevent it from being done is seldom unduly31 active or even alarmed. Many organizations are eager to get statutes32 on the books. One seldom hears of a society or club that is active in getting laws repealed33. The constant change of law, the constant fixing of new values in place of old ones, is necessary to social life. This means putting new wine into old bottles, and wine that is much too strong for the bottles. Everybody can see why some particular law might be violated without a sense of guilt34, but they cannot see how a law they believe in can be violated without serious obliquity35.
Apart from this, there have always been crimes that were not of the class that implied moral wrong. The acts of the revolutionist who saw, or thought he saw, visions of something better; the man who is inspired by the love of his fellow-man and who has no personal ends to gain; the man who in his devotion to an idea or a person risks his life or liberty or property or reputation, has never been classed with those who violate the law for selfish ends. The line of revolutionists, from the beginning of organized government down to the birth of the United States and even to the present time, furnishes ample proof of this. And still the unsuccessful revolutionist meets with the severest penalties. To him failure generally means death. Men who are fired with zeal36 for all new causes are forever running foul37 of the law. Social organization, like biological organization, is conservative. All things that live are imbued38 with the will to live and they take all means in their power to go on living. The philosopher can neither quarrel with the idealist who makes the sacrifice nor the organization that preserves itself while it can; he only recognizes what is true.
Men have always been obliged to fight to preserve liberty. Constitutions and laws do not safeguard liberty. It can be preserved only by a tolerant people, and this means eternal conflict. Emerson said that the good citizen must not be over-obedient to law. Freedom is always trampled39 on in times of stress. The United States suffered serious encroachments on liberty during the Civil War. During the last war, these encroachments were greater than any American could have possibly dreamed; and so far there seems little immediate40 chance for change. Still the philosopher does not complain. He sees human passion for what it is, a great emotion that holds men in its grasp, a feeling that nothing can stand against. Opposition41 is destroyed by force, and often blind, cruel, unreasoning force. Sometimes even worse, this force is created for selfish ends. There are always those who will use the strongest and highest emotions of men to serve their private, sordid42 ends. Changing social systems, new political ideas, the labor29 cause, all movements for religious, social or political change have their zealots; they are met by the force of convention and conservatism ready to defend itself, and the clash is inevitable43. It is easy to distinguish this sort of action from the things done by those who are known as criminals. Their acts are done to serve personal ends. Society may always punish both, but all men of right ideas will understand that the motive44 is different, the equipment and capacity of the men are different, and they are only in the same class because they each violate the law and are each responsive to emotions and to feelings that are of sufficient strength to compel action.
点击收听单词发音
1 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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2 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
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3 circumvent | |
vt.环绕,包围;对…用计取胜,智胜 | |
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4 statute | |
n.成文法,法令,法规;章程,规则,条例 | |
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5 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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6 infraction | |
n.违反;违法 | |
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7 precept | |
n.戒律;格言 | |
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8 penal | |
adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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9 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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10 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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11 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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12 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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13 exempted | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 defraud | |
vt.欺骗,欺诈 | |
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15 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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16 blasphemy | |
n.亵渎,渎神 | |
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17 intoxicating | |
a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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18 smuggling | |
n.走私 | |
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19 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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20 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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21 belittling | |
使显得微小,轻视,贬低( belittle的现在分词 ) | |
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22 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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23 meddlesome | |
adj.爱管闲事的 | |
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24 interferes | |
vi. 妨碍,冲突,干涉 | |
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25 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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26 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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27 evasion | |
n.逃避,偷漏(税) | |
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28 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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29 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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30 agitating | |
搅动( agitate的现在分词 ); 激怒; 使焦虑不安; (尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而)激烈争论 | |
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31 unduly | |
adv.过度地,不适当地 | |
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32 statutes | |
成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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33 repealed | |
撤销,废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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35 obliquity | |
n.倾斜度 | |
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36 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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37 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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38 imbued | |
v.使(某人/某事)充满或激起(感情等)( imbue的过去式和过去分词 );使充满;灌输;激发(强烈感情或品质等) | |
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39 trampled | |
踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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40 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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41 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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42 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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43 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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44 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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