We now enter upon the most interesting episode in the life of thegallant captain, more thrilling and not less romantic than thecaptivity in Turkey and the tale of the faithful love of the fairyoung mistress Charatza Tragabigzanda.
Although the conduct of the lovely Charatza in despatching Smith toher cruel brother in Nalbrits, where he led the life of a dog, wasnever explained, he never lost faith in her. His loyalty2 to womenwas equal to his admiration3 of them, and it was bestowed4 withoutregard to race or complexion5. Nor is there any evidence that thedusky Pocahontas, who is about to appear, displaced in his heart theimage of the too partial Tragabigzanda. In regard to women, as tohis own exploits, seen in the light of memory, Smith possessed6 acreative imagination. He did not create Pocahontas, as perhaps hemay have created the beautiful mistress of Bashaw Bogall, but heinvested her with a romantic interest which forms a lovely halo abouthis own memory.
As this voyage up the Chickahominy is more fruitful in itsconsequences than Jason's voyage to Colchis; as it exhibits theenergy, daring, invention, and various accomplishments7 of CaptainSmith, as warrior8, negotiator, poet, and narrator; as it describesSmith's first and only captivity1 among the Indians; and as it wasduring this absence of four weeks from Jamestown, if ever, thatPocahontas interposed to prevent the beating out of Smith's brainswith a club, I shall insert the account of it in full, both Smith'sown varying relations of it, and such contemporary notices of it asnow come to light. It is necessary here to present several accounts,just as they stand, and in the order in which they were written, thatthe reader may see for himself how the story of Pocahontas grew toits final proportions. The real life of Pocahontas will form thesubject of another chapter.
The first of these accounts is taken from "The True Relation,"written by Captain John Smith, composed in Virginia, the earliestpublished work relating to the James River Colony. It covers aperiod of a little more than thirteen months, from the arrival atCape Henry on April 26, 1607, to the return of Captain Nelson in thePhoenix, June 2, 1608. The manuscript was probably taken home byCaptain Nelson, and it was published in London in 1608. Whether itwas intended for publication is doubtful; but at that time all newsof the venture in Virginia was eagerly sought, and a narrative10 ofthis importance would naturally speedily get into print.
In the several copies of it extant there are variations in the title-page, which was changed while the edition was being printed. In somethe name of Thomas Watson is given as the author, in others"A Gentleman of the Colony," and an apology appears signed "T. H.,"for the want of knowledge or inadvertence of attributing it to anyone except Captain Smith.
There is no doubt that Smith was its author. He was still inVirginia when it was printed, and the printers made sad work of partsof his manuscript. The question has been raised, in view of theentire omission11 of the name of Pocahontas in connection with thisvoyage and captivity, whether the manuscript was not cut by those whopublished it. The reason given for excision12 is that the promoters ofthe Virginia scheme were anxious that nothing should appear todiscourage capitalists, or to deter13 emigrants14, and that this story ofthe hostility15 and cruelty of Powhatan, only averted16 by the tendermercy of his daughter, would have an unfortunate effect. The answerto this is that the hostility was exhibited by the captivity and theintimation that Smith was being fatted to be eaten, and this waspermitted to stand. It is wholly improbable that an incident soromantic, so appealing to the imagination, in an age when wonder-tales were eagerly welcomed, and which exhibited such tender pity inthe breast of a savage17 maiden18, and such paternal19 clemency20 in a savagechief, would have been omitted. It was calculated to lend a livelyinterest to the narration21, and would be invaluable22 as anadvertisement of the adventure.
[For a full bibliographical23 discussion of this point the reader isreferred to the reprint of "The True Relation," by Charles Deane,Esq., Boston, 1864, the preface and notes to which are a masterpieceof critical analysis.]
That some portions of "The True Relation" were omitted is possible.
There is internal evidence of this in the abrupt24 manner in which itopens, and in the absence of allusions26 to the discords27 during thevoyage and on the arrival. Captain Smith was not the man to passover such questions in silence, as his subsequent caustic28 letter senthome to the Governor and Council of Virginia shows. And it isprobable enough that the London promoters would cut out from the"Relation" complaints and evidence of the seditions and helplessstate of the colony. The narration of the captivity is consistent asit stands, and wholly inconsistent with the Pocahontas episode.
We extract from the narrative after Smith's departure from Apocant,the highest town inhabited, between thirty and forty miles up theriver, and below Orapaks, one of Powhatan's seats, which also appearson his map. He writes:
"Ten miles higher I discovered with the barge30; in the midway a greattree hindered my passage, which I cut in two: heere the river becamenarrower, 8, 9 or 10 foote at a high water, and 6 or 7 at a lowe: thestream exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell, the ground mostpart a low plaine, sandy soyle, this occasioned me to suppose itmight issue from some lake or some broad ford31, for it could not befar to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet tohave beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge theimputating malicious32 tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not for solong delaying, some of the company, as desirous as myself, weresolved to hier a canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant,there to leave the barge secure, and put ourselves upon theadventure: the country onely a vast and wilde wilderness33, and butonly that Towne: within three or foure mile we hired a canow, and 2Indians to row us ye next day a fowling34: having made such provisionfor the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, withexpresse charge not any to go ashore35 til my returne. Though somewise men may condemn36 this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion,yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians, inconducting me, the desolatenes of the country, the probabilitie ofsome lacke, and the malicious judges of my actions at home, as alsoto have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers inengland, might well have caused any honest minde to have done thelike, as wel for his own discharge as for the publike good: having 2Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving7 in the barge; having discovered 20 miles further in this desart,the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred withtrees; here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher than ye bargehad bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals:
one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile,and to cross the boughts of the river, the other Indian I left withM. Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light and order todischarge a peece, for my retreat at the first sight of any Indian,but within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowingof Indians, but no warning peece, supposing them surprised, and thatthe Indians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his armefast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent37 to berevenged on him: he advised me to fly and seemed ignorant of what wasdone, but as we went discoursing38, I was struck with an arrow on theright thigh39, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied40 2 Indiansdrawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a frenchpistoll: by that I had charged again 3 or 4 more did the 'like, forthe first fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the like, myhinde I made my barricade42, who offered not to strive, 20 or 30arrowes were shot at me but short, 3 or 4 times I had discharged mypistoll ere the king of Pamauck called Opeckakenough with 200 men,environed me, each drawing their bowe, which done they laid them uponthe ground, yet without shot, my hinde treated betwixt them and me ofconditions of peace, he discovered me to be the captaine, my requestwas to retire to ye boate, they demanded my armes, the rest theysaide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: the Indian importunedme not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire,and minding them more than my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire,and also the Indian in drawing me forth41: thus surprised, I resolvedto trie their mercies, my armes I caste from me, till which nonedurst approch me: being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me tothe King, I presented him with a compasse diall, describing by mybest meanes the use thereof, whereat he so amazedly admired, as hesuffered me to proceed in a discourse44 of the roundnes of the earth,the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets, with kindespeeches and bread he requited45 me, conducting me where the canow layand John Robinson slaine, with 20 or 30 arrowes in him. Emry I sawnot, I perceived by the abundance of fires all over the woods, ateach place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used mewith what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne which waswithin 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and coveredwith mats, which they remove as occasion requires: all the women andchildren, being advertised of this accident came forth to meet, theKing well guarded with 20 bow men 5 flanck and rear and each flanckbefore him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then abowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare,which reare led forth amongst the trees in a bishion, eache his boweand a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted: oneache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaiss towards the frontthe other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding goodorder, this being a good time continued, they caste themselves in aring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging46, thecaptain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and someten pound of bread I had for supper, what I left was reserved for me,and sent with me to my lodging: each morning three women presented methree great platters of fine bread, more venison than ten men coulddevour I had, my gowne, points and garters, my compas and a tabletthey gave me again, though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not whatthey could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintanceincreased our better affection: much they threatened to assault ourforte as they were solicited47 by the King of Paspahegh, who shewed atour fort great signs of sorrow for this mischance: the King tookgreat delight in understanding the manner of our ships and saylingthe seas, the earth and skies and of our God: what he knew of thedominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine mencloathed at a place called Ocanahonun, cloathed like me, the courseof our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, wasa great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger toPaspahegh, with a letter I would write, by which they shouldunderstand, how kindly49 they used me, and that I was well, lest theyshould revenge my death; this he granted and sent three men, in suchweather, as in reason were unpossible, by any naked to be indured:
their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deverted, in describingthe ordinance50 and the mines in the fields, as also the revengeCaptain Newport would take of them at his returne, their intent, Iincerted the fort, the people of Ocanahomm and the back sea, thisreport they after found divers51 Indians that confirmed: the next dayafter my letter, came a salvage52 to my lodging, with his sword to haveslaine me, but being by my guard intercepted53, with a bowe and arrowhe offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, tillthe King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dyingwounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne,yet the most concealed54 they had any hurte: this was the father of himI had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted meto another kingdome, upon the top of the next northerly river, calledYoughtanan, having feasted me, he further led me to another branch ofthe river called Mattapament, to two other hunting townes they ledme, and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperor ofPewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to be at the Fals, to him I toldehim I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh, after this foure or fivedayes march we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought metoo, where binding55 the mats in bundles, they marched two dayesjourney and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad asThames: so conducting me too a place called Menapacute in Pamunke,where ye King inhabited; the next day another King of that nationcalled Kekataugh, having received some kindness of me at the Fort,kindly invited me to feast at his house, the people from all placesflocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this the greatKing hath foure or five houses, each containing fourscore or anhundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill,from whence you may see westerly a goodly low country, the riverbefore the which his crooked56 course causeth many great Marshes57 ofexceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines arehere together inhabited, more abundance of fish and fowle, and apleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King with fortie bowmen toguard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they therepresented me with a mark at six score to strike therewith but tospoil the practice I broke the cocke, whereat they were muchdiscontented though a chaunce supposed. From hence this kind Kingconducted me to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon anotherriver northward59; the cause of this was, that the yeare before, ashippe had beene in the River of Pamunke, who having been kindlyentertained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, anddiscovered the River of Topahanocke, where being received with likekindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and theysupposed I were bee, but the people reported him a great man that wasCaptaine, and using mee kindly, the next day we departed. This Riverof Topahanock, seemeth in breadth not much lesse than that we dwellupon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttata women,upwards is Marraugh tacum Tapohanock, Apparnatuck, and Nantaugstacum, at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountains, thenext night I lodged60 at a hunting town of Powhatam's, and the next dayarrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Parnauncke, where the greatking is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another littleriver, which is betwixt the two called Payankatank. The most of thiscountry though Desert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber, most hilsand in dales, in each valley a cristall spring.
"Arriving at Weramacomoco, their Emperour, proudly lying upon aBedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung withmanie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with agreat covering of Rahaughcums: At heade sat a woman, at his feeteanother, on each side sitting upon a Matte upon the ground wereraunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke andbehinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine of white Beadesover their shoulders: their heades painted in redde and with such agrave and Majeslicall countenance61, as drove me into admiration to seesuch state in a naked Salvage, bee kindlv welcomed me with goodwordes, and great Platters of sundrie victuals62, asiuring mee hisfriendship and my libertie within foure dayes, bee much delighted inOpechan Conough's relation of what I had described to him, and oftexamined me upon the same. Hee asked me the cause of our comming, Itolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, being overpowred, neare put to retreat, and by extreme weather put to thisshore, where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but atKequoughtan they kindly used us, wee by signes demaunded fresh water,they described us up the River was all fresh water, at Paspahegh,also they kindly used us, our Pinnasse being leake wee were inforcedto stay to mend her, till Captain Newport my father came to conductus away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate, I toldehim, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that onthe other side the maine, where was salt water, my father had achilde slaine, which we supposed Monocan his enemie, whose death weintended to revenge. After good deliberation, hee began to describeme the countreys beyond the Falles, with many of the rest, confirmingwhat not only Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had been prisonerto Pewhatan had before tolde mee, but some called it five days, somesixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongst many stonesand rocks, each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of the Riverto bee brackish63: Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that hadslaine my brother, whose death hee would revenge. Hee described alsoupon the same Sea, a mighty64 nation called Pocoughtronack, a fiercenation that did eate men and warred with the people of Moyaoncer, andPataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, underhis territories, where the yeare before they had slain43 an hundred, hesignified their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied ona knot, Swords like Pollaxes.
" Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves tothe Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. ManyKingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed tobee a mightie River, issuing from mightie mountaines, betwixt the twoseas; the people clothed at Ocamahowan. He also confirmed, and theSoutherly Countries also, as the rest, that reported us to be withina day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6 fromRoonock, to the South part of the backe sea: he described a countriecalled Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and houses walledas ours. I requited his discourse, seeing what pride he had in hisgreat and spacious65 Dominions48, seeing that all hee knewe were underhis Territories.
" In describing to him the territories of Europe which was subject toour great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of hisships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets66 and terriblemanner of fighting were under Captain Newport my father, whom Iintituled the Meworames which they call King of all the waters, athis greatnesse bee admired and not a little feared; he desired mee toforsake Paspahegh, and to live with him upon his River, a countriecalled Capa Howasicke; he promised to give me corne, venison, or whatI wanted to feede us, Hatchets67 and Copper68 wee should make him, andnone should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: andthus having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to contentme, he sent me home with 4 men, one that usually carried my Gonne andKnapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanieme."The next extract in regard to this voyage is from PresidentWingfield's "Discourse of Virginia," which appears partly in the formof a diary, but was probably drawn69 up or at least finished shortlyafter Wingfield's return to London in May, 1608. He was in Jamestownwhen Smith returned from his captivity, and would be likely to alludeto the romantic story of Pocahontas if Smith had told it on hisescape. We quote:
"Decem.--The 10th of December, Mr. Smyth went up the ryver of theChechohomynies to trade for corne; he was desirous to see the headeof that river; and, when it was not passible with the shallop, hehired a cannow and an Indian to carry him up further. The river thehigher grew worse and worse. Then hee went on shoare with his guide,and left Robinson and Emmery, and twoe of our Men, in the cannow;which were presently slayne by the Indians, Pamaonke's men, and heehimself taken prysoner, and, by the means of his guide, his lief wassaved; and Pamaonche, haveing him prisoner, carryed him to hisneybors wyroances, to see if any of them knew him for one of thosewhich had bene, some two or three eeres before us, in a river amongstthem Northward, and taken awaie some Indians from them by force. Atlast he brought him to the great Powaton (of whome before wee had noknowledg), who sent him home to our towne the 8th of January."The next contemporary document to which we have occasion to refer isSmith's Letter to the Treasurer71 and Council of Virginia in England,written in Virginia after the arrival of Newport there in September,1608, and probably sent home by him near the close of that year. Inthis there is no occasion for a reference to Powhatan or hisdaughter, but he says in it: "I have sent you this Mappe of the Bayand Rivers, with an annexed72 Relation of the Countryes and Nationsthat inhabit them as you may see at large." This is doubtless the"Map of Virginia," with a description of the country, published sometwo or three years after Smith's return to England, at Oxford73, 1612.
It is a description of the country and people, and contains littlenarrative. But with this was published, as an appendix, an accountof the proceedings74 of the Virginia colonists75 from 1606 to 1612, takenout of the writings of Thomas Studley and several others who had beenresidents in Virginia. These several discourses76 were carefullyedited by William Symonds, a doctor of divinity and a man of learningand repute, evidently at the request of Smith. To the end of thevolume Dr. Symonds appends a note addressed to Smith, saying:
"I return you the fruit of my labors78, as Mr. Cranshaw requested me,which I bestowed in reading the discourses and hearing the relationsof such as have walked and observed the land of Virginia with you."These narratives79 by Smith's companions, which he made a part of hisOxford book, and which passed under his eye and had his approval, areuniformly not only friendly to him, but eulogistic80 of him, andprobably omit no incident known to the writers which would do himhonor or add interest to him as a knight81 of romance. Nor does itseem probable that Smith himself would have omitted to mention thedramatic scene of the prevented execution if it had occurred to him.
If there had been a reason in the minds of others in 1608 why itshould not appear in the "True Relation," that reason did not existfor Smith at this time, when the discords and discouragements of thecolony were fully77 known. And by this time the young girl Pocahontashad become well known to the colonists at Jamestown. The account ofthis Chickahominy voyage given in this volume, published in 1612, issigned by Thomas Studley, and is as follows:
"The next voyage he proceeded so farre that with much labour bycutting of trees in sunder82 he made his passage, but when his Bargecould passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger ofshot, commanding none should go ashore till his returne; himselfewith 2 English and two Salvages83 went up higher in a Canowe, but hewas not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want ofgovernment gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages tosurprise one George Casson, and much failed not to have cut of theboat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, beinggot to the marshes at the river's head, 20 miles in the desert, hadhis 2 men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilsthimselfe by fowling sought them victual, who finding he was beset84 by200 Salvages, 2 of them he slew85, stil defending himselfe with the aidof a Salvage his guid (whome bee bound to his arme and used as hisbuckler), till at last slipping into a bogmire they tooke himprisoner: when this news came to the fort much was their sorrow forhis losse, fewe expecting what ensued. A month those Barbarians86 kepthim prisoner, many strange triumphs and conjurations they made ofhim, yet he so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onlydiverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured87 his own liberty,and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, thatthose Salvages admired him as a demi-God. So returning safe to theFort, once more staied the pinnas her flight for England, which tilhis returne could not set saile, so extreme was the weather and sogreat the frost."The first allusion25 to the salvation88 of Captain Smith by Pocahontasoccurs in a letter or "little booke" which he wrote to Queen Anne in1616, about the time of the arrival in England of the IndianPrincess, who was then called the Lady Rebecca, and was wife of JohnRolfe, by whom she had a son, who accompanied them. Pocahontas hadby this time become a person of some importance. Her friendship hadbeen of substantial service to the colony. Smith had acknowledgedthis in his "True Relation," where he referred to her as the"nonpareil" of Virginia. He was kind-hearted and naturallymagnanimous, and would take some pains to do the Indian convert afavor, even to the invention of an incident that would make herattractive. To be sure, he was vain as well as inventive, and herewas an opportunity to attract the attention of his sovereign andincrease his own importance by connecting his name with hers in aromantic manner. Still, we believe that the main motive89 thatdictated this epistle was kindness to Pocahontas. The sentence thatrefers to her heroic act is this: "After some six weeks [he wasabsent only four weeks] fatting amongst those Salvage Countries, atthe minute of my execution she hazarded the beating out of her ownbraines to save mine, and not only that, but so prevailed with herfather [of whom he says, in a previous paragraph, "I received fromthis great Salvage exceeding great courtesie"], that I was safelyconducted to Jamestown."This guarded allusion to the rescue stood for all known account ofit, except a brief reference to it in his "New England's Trials" of1622, until the appearance of Smith's "General Historie" in London,1624. In the first edition of "New England's Trials," 1620, there isno reference to it. In the enlarged edition of 1622, Smith gives anew version to his capture, as resulting from "the folly90 of them thatfled," and says: "God made Pocahontas, the King's daughter the meansto deliver me."The "General Historie" was compiled--as was the custom in making upsuch books at the time from a great variety of sources. Such partsof it as are not written by Smith--and these constitute aconsiderable portion of the history--bear marks here and there of histouch. It begins with his description of Virginia, which appeared inthe Oxford tract29 of 1612; following this are the several narrativesby his comrades, which formed the appendix of that tract. The onethat concerns us here is that already quoted, signed Thomas Studley.
It is reproduced here as "written by Thomas Studley, the first CapeMerchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and I. S."[John Smith]. It is, however, considerably91 extended, and into it isinterjected a detailed92 account of the captivity and the story of thestones, the clubs, and the saved brains.
It is worthy93 of special note that the "True Relation" is notincorporated in the "General Historie." This is the more remarkablebecause it was an original statement, written when the occurrences itdescribes were fresh, and is much more in detail regarding manythings that happened during the period it covered than the narrativesthat Smith uses in the "General Historie." It was his habit to useover and over again his own publications. Was this discarded becauseit contradicted the Pocahontas story--because that story could not befitted into it as it could be into the Studley relation?
It should be added, also, that Purchas printed an abstract of theOxford tract in his "Pilgrimage," in 1613, from material furnishedhim by Smith. The Oxford tract was also republished by Purchas inhis "Pilgrimes," extended by new matter in manuscript supplied bySmith. The "Pilgrimes" did not appear till 1625, a year after the"General Historie," but was in preparation long before. ThePocahontas legend appears in the "Pilgrimes," but not in the earlier"Pilgrimage."We have before had occasion to remark that Smith's memory had thepeculiarity of growing stronger and more minute in details thefurther he was removed in point of time from any event he describes.
The revamped narrative is worth quoting in full for other reasons.
It exhibits Smith's skill as a writer and his capacity for risinginto poetic94 moods. This is the story from the "General Historie":
"The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour bycutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Bargecould pass no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger ofshot, commanding none should goe ashore till his return: himselfewith two English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but hewas not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want ofgovernment, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages tosurprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not tohave cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of thataccident, being got to the marshes at the river's head, twentie mylesin the desert, had his two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping bythe Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, whofinding he was beset with 200 Salvages, two of them hee slew, stilldefending himself with the ayd of a Salvage his guide, whom he boundto his arme with his garters, and used him as a buckler, yet he wasshot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes stucke in hiscloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner.
When this newes came to Jamestowne, much was their sorrow for hislosse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seven weekes thoseBarbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and conjurationsthey made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as henot onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured hisowne libertie, and got himself and his company such estimationamongst them, that those Salvages admired him more than their owneQuiyouckosucks. The manner how they used and delivered him, is asfolloweth.
"The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smithwas gone, prosecuting95 that opportunity they followed him with 300bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisionssearching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Entry by thefireside, those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding theCaptaine as is said, that used the Salvage that was his guide as hisshield (three of them being slaine and divers others so gauld) allthe rest would not come neere him. Thinking thus to have returned tohis boat, regarding them, as he marched, more then his way, slippedup to the middle in an oasie creeke and his Salvage with him, yetdurst they not come to him till being neere dead with cold, he threwaway his armes. Then according to their composition they drew himforth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligentlythey chafed96 his benumbed limbs. He demanding for their Captaine,they shewed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave around Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they marvailed at the playingof the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet nottouch it, because of the glass that covered them. But when hedemonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the earthand skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how theSunne did chase the night round about the world continually: thegreatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietieof Complexions97, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many othersuch like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration.
Notwithstanding within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and asmany as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the Kingholding up the Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowesand Arrowes, and in a triumphant98 manner led him to Orapaks, where hewas after their manner kindly feasted and well used.
"Their order in conducting him was thus: Drawing themselves all infyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords bornebefore him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three greatSalvages, holding him fast by each arme: and on each side six went infyle with their arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which wasbut onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which theyremove as they please, as we our tents) all the women and childrenstaring to behold99 him, the souldiers first all in file performe theforme of a Bissom so well as could be: and on each flanke, officersas Serieants to see them keepe their orders. A good time theycontinued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncingin such severall Postures100, and singing and yelling out such hellishnotes and screeches101: being strangely painted, every one his quiver ofarrowes, and at his backe a club: on his arme a Fox or an Ottersskinne, or some such matter for his vambrace: their heads andshoulders painted red, with oyle and Pocones mingled102 together, whichScarlet like colour made an exceeding handsome shew, his Bow in hishand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed onhis head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with asmall rattle103 growing at the tayles of their snaks tyed to it, or somesuch like toy. All this time Smith and the King stood in the middestguarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all departed.
Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tallfellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison werebrought him then would have served twentie men. I thinke hisstomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put inbaskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meatagain before him, all this time not one of them would eat a bit withhim, till the next morning they brought him as much more, and thendid they eate all the old, and reserved the new as they had done theother, which made him think they would fat him to eat him. Yet inthis desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassaterbrought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads104 and toyes Smith hadgiven him at his first arrival in Firginia.
"Two days a man would have slaine him (but that the guard preventedit) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recoverthe poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at Jamestowne he had a water would doe it if they would let him fetch it, butthey would not permit that: but made all the preparations they couldto assault James towne, craving105 his advice, and for recompence heshould have life, libertie, land, and women. In part of a Tablebooke he writ9 his mind to them at the Fort, what was intended, howthey should follow that direction to affright the messengers, andwithout fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventorywith them. The difficultie and danger he told the Salvaves, of theMines, great gunnes, and other Engins, exceedingly affrighted them,yet according to his request they went to James towne in as bitterweather as could be of frost and snow, and within three days returnedwith an answer.
"But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he hadtold them they would, they fled: yet in the night they came again tothe same place where he had told them they should receive an answer,and such things as he had promised them, which they foundaccordingly, and with which they returned with no small expedition,to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divineor the paper could speake. Then they led him to the Youthtanunds,the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds andOnawmanients, upon the rivers of Rapahanock and Patawomek, over allthose rivers and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, tothe King's habitation at Pamaunkee, where they entertained him withmost strange and fearefull conjurations;'As if neare led to hell,Amongst the Devils to dwell.'
"Not long after, early in a morning, a great fire was made in a longhouse, and a mat spread on the one side as on the other; on the onethey caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, andpresently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over withcoale mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffedwith mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on thecrowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was aCoronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe,and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyceand a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions hebegan his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale;which done three more such like devils came rushing in with the likeantique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but all their eyeswere painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's along theircheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, andthen came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes andstroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe rightagainst him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, andthree on the other. Then all with their rattles106 began a song, whichended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then strayninghis arms and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veynesswelled, he began a short Oration107: at the conclusion they all gave ashort groane; and then layd downe three graines more. After thatbegan their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying downso many cornes as before, til they had twice incirculed the fire;that done they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for thatpurpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of everysong and Oration they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions ofCorne. Til night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, andthen they feasted merrily, and with the best provisions they couldmake. Three dayes they used this Ceremony: the meaning whereof theytold him was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle ofmeale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of theSea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flatand round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After this theybrought him a bagge of gunpowder108, which they carefully preserved tillthe next spring, to plant as they did their corne, because they wouldbe acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam, the King'sbrother, invited him to his house, where with many platters of bread,foule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome: butnot any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all theremainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all theKing's women and their children flocked about him for their parts, asa due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments.
"But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous109 shapesOf bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.""At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, where was Powhatan theirEmperor. Here more than two hundred of those grim Courtiers stoodwondering at him, as he had beene a monster, till Powhatan and histrayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fireupon a seat like a bedstead, he sat covered with a great robe, madeof Rarowcun skinnes and all the tayles hanging by. On either handdid sit a young wench of sixteen or eighteen years, and along on eachside the house, two rowes of men, and behind them as many women, withall their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their headsbedecked with the white downe of Birds; but everyone with something:
and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrancebefore the King, all the people gave a great shout. The Queene ofAppamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, andanother brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a Towell to drythem: having feasted him after their best barbarous manner theycould. A long consultation110 was held, but the conclusion was twogreat stones were brought before Powhatan; then as many as could laydhands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, andbeing ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines. Pocahontas,the King's dearest daughter, when no entreaty111 could prevaile, got hishead in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to save him from death:
whereat the Emperour was contented58 he should live to make himhatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper: for they thought him aswell of all occupations as themselves. For the King himselfe willmake his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots, plant, hunt, ordoe any thing so well as the rest.
'They say he bore a pleasant shew,But sure his heart was sadFor who can pleasant be, and rest,That lives in feare and dread112.
And having life suspected, dothIf still suspected lead.'
"Two days after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the mostfearfullest manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forthto a great house in the woods and there upon a mat by the fire to beleft alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided thehouse, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard: thenPowhatan more like a devill than a man with some two hundred more asblacke as himseffe, came unto him and told him now they were friends,and presently he should goe to James town, to send him two greatgunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would give him the country ofCapahowojick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonn Nantaquoud. So toJames towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night theyquartered in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all thislong time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death orother; for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divineprovidence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians withcompassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, whereSmith having used the salvages with what kindnesse he could, heshewed Rawhunt, Powhatan's trusty servant, two demiculverings and amillstone to carry Powhatan; they found them somewhat too heavie; butwhen they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, amongthe boughs114 of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branchescame so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe deadwith feare. But at last we regained115 some conference with them andgave them such toys: and sent to Powhatan, his women, and childrensuch presents, and gave them in generall full content. Now in JamesTowne they were all in combustion116, the strongest preparing once moreto run away with the Pinnace; which with the hazard of his life, withSakre falcon117 and musketshot, Smith forced now the third time to stayor sinke. Some no better then they should be had plotted with thePresident, the next day to have put him to death by the Leviticalllaw, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault was histhat had led them to their ends; but he quickly tooke such order withsuch Lawyers, that he layed them by the heeles till he sent some ofthem prisoners for England. Now ever once in four or five dayes,Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, thatsaved many of their lives, that els for all this had starved withhunger.
'Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,The sweete asswager of all other griefe.'
"His relation of the plenty he had scene, especially at Werawocomoco,and of the state and bountie of Powhatan (which till that time wasunknowne), so revived their dead spirits (especially the love ofPocahontas) as all men's feare was abandoned."We should like to think original, in the above, the fine passage, inwhich Smith, by means of a simple compass dial, demonstrated theroundness of the earth, and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon, andstars, and how the sun did chase the night round about the worldcontinually; the greatness of the land and sea, the diversity ofnations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes,so that the Indians stood amazed with admiration.
Captain Smith up to his middle in a Chickahominy swamp, discoursingon these high themes to a Pamunkey Indian, of whose language Smithwas wholly ignorant, and who did not understand a word of English, ismuch more heroic, considering the adverse118 circumstances, and appealsmore to the imagination, than the long-haired Iopas singing the songof Atlas70, at the banquet given to AEneas, where Trojans and Tyriansdrained the flowing bumpers119 while Dido drank long draughts120 of love.
Did Smith, when he was in the neighborhood of Carthage pick up somesuch literal translations of the song of Atlas' as this:
"He sang the wandering moon, and the labors of the Sun;>From whence the race of men and flocks; whence rain and lightning;Of Arcturus, the rainy Hyades, and the twin Triones;Why the winter suns hasten so much to touch themselves in the ocean,And what delay retards121 the slow nights."The scene of the rescue only occupies seven lines and the readerfeels that, after all, Smith has not done full justice to it. Wecannot, therefore, better conclude this romantic episode than byquoting the description of it given with an elaboration of languagethat must be, pleasing to the shade of Smith, by John Burke in hisHistory of Virginia:
"Two large stones were brought in, and placed at the feet of theemperor; and on them was laid the head of the prisoner; next a largeclub was brought in, with which Powhatan, for whom, out of respect,was reserved this honor, prepared to crush the head of his captive.
The assembly looked on with sensations of awe122, probably not unmixedwith pity for the fate of an enemy whose bravery had commanded theiradmiration, and in whose misfortunes their hatred123 was possiblyforgotten.
"The fatal club was uplifted: the breasts of the company alreadyby anticipation124 felt the dreadful crash, which was to bereave125 thewretched victim of life: when the young and beautiful Pocahontas, thebeloved daughter of the emperor, with a shriek126 of terrorand agony threw herself on the body of Smith; Her hair was loose, andher eyes streaming with tears, while her whole manner bespoke127 thedeep distress128 and agony of her bosom129. She cast a beseechinglook at her furious and astonished father, deprecating his wrath130, andimploring his pity and the life of his prisoner, with all theeloquence of mute but impassioned sorrow.
"The remainder of this scene is honorable to Powhatan. It willremain a lasting131 monument, that tho' different principles of action,and the influence of custom, have given to the manners and opinionsof this people an appearance neither amiable132 nor virtuous133, they stillretain the noblest property of human character, the touch of pity andthe feeling of humanity.
"The club of the emperor was still uplifted; but pity had touched hisbosom, and his eye was every moment losing its fierceness; he lookedaround to collect his fortitude134, or perhaps to find an excuse for hisweakness in the faces of his attendants. But every eye was suffusedwith the sweetly contagious135 softness. The generous savage no longerhesitated. The compassion113 of the rude state is neither ostentatiousnor dilating136: nor does it insult its object by the exaction137 ofimpossible conditions. Powhatan lifted his grateful and delighteddaughter, and the captive, scarcely yet assured of safety, from theearth....""The character of this interesting woman, as it stands in theconcurrent accounts of all our historians, is not, it is withconfidence affirmed, surpassed by any in the whole range of history;and for those qualities more especially which do honor to our nature--an humane138 and feeling heart, an ardor139 and unshaken constancy in herattachments--she stands almost without a rival.
"At the first appearance of the Europeans her young heart wasimpressed with admiration of the persons and manners of thestrangers; but it is not during their prosperity that she displaysher attachment140. She is not influenced by awe of their greatness, orfear of their resentment141, in the assistance she affords them. It wasduring their severest distresses142, when their most celebrated143 chiefwas a captive in their hands, and was dragged through the country asa spectacle for the sport and derision of their people, that sheplaces herself between him and destruction.
"The spectacle of Pocahontas in an attitude of entreaty, with herhair loose, and her eyes streaming with tears, supplicating144 with herenraged father for the life of Captain Smith when he was about tocrush the head of his prostrate145 victim with a club, is a situationequal to the genius of Raphael. And when the royal savage directshis ferocious146 glance for a moment from his victim to reprove hisweeping daughter, when softened147 by her distress his eye loses itsfierceness, and he gives his captive to her tears, the painter willdiscover a new occasion for exercising his talents."The painters have availed themselves of this opportunity. In onepicture Smith is represented stiffly extended on the greensward (ofthe woods), his head resting on a stone, appropriately clothed in adresscoat, knee-breeches, and silk stockings; while Powhatan and theother savages148 stand ready for murder, in full-dress parade costume;and Pocahontas, a full-grown woman, with long, disheveled hair, inthe sentimental149 dress and attitude of a Letitia E. Landon of theperiod, is about to cast herself upon the imperiled and well-dressedCaptain.
Must we, then, give up the legend altogether, on account of theexaggerations that have grown up about it, our suspicion of thecreative memory of Smith, and the lack of all contemporary allusionto it? It is a pity to destroy any pleasing story of the past, andespecially to discharge our hard struggle for a foothold on thiscontinent of the few elements of romance. If we can find no evidenceof its truth that stands the test of fair criticism, we may at leastbelieve that it had some slight basis on which to rest. It is not atall improbable that Pocahontas, who was at that time a precociousmaid of perhaps twelve or thirteen years of age (although Smithmentions her as a child of ten years old when she came to the campafter his release), was touched with compassion for the captive, anddid influence her father to treat him kindly.
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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excision
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| n.删掉；除去 | |
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deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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clemency
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narration
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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bibliographical
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| 书籍解题的，著书目录的 | |
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abrupt
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allusion
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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discords
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caustic
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tract
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barge
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Ford
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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wilderness
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fowling
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| 捕鸟，打鸟 | |
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ashore
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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bent
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discoursing
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| 演说（discourse的现在分词形式） | |
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thigh
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espied
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forth
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barricade
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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discourse
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requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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lodging
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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kindly
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ordinance
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divers
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52
salvage
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| v.救助，营救，援救；n.救助，营救 | |
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53
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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54
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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55
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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56
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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57
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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58
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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59
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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60
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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61
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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62
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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63
brackish
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| adj.混有盐的；咸的 | |
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64
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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65
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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66
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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67
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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68
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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69
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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70
atlas
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| n.地图册，图表集 | |
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71
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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72
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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73
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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74
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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75
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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76
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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77
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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78
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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79
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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80
eulogistic
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| adj.颂扬的，颂词的 | |
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81
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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82
sunder
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| v.分开；隔离；n.分离，分开 | |
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83
salvages
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| 海上营救( salvage的名词复数 )； 抢救出的财产； 救援费； 经加工后重新利用的废物 | |
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84
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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85
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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86
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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87
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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88
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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89
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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90
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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91
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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92
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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93
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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94
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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95
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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96
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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97
complexions
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| 肤色( complexion的名词复数 )； 面色； 局面； 性质 | |
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98
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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99
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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100
postures
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| 姿势( posture的名词复数 )； 看法； 态度； 立场 | |
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101
screeches
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| n.尖锐的声音( screech的名词复数 )v.发出尖叫声( screech的第三人称单数 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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102
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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103
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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104
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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105
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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106
rattles
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| （使）发出格格的响声， （使）作嘎嘎声( rattle的第三人称单数 )； 喋喋不休地说话； 迅速而嘎嘎作响地移动，堕下或走动； 使紧张，使恐惧 | |
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107
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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108
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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109
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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110
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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111
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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112
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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113
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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114
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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115
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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116
combustion
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| n.燃烧；氧化；骚动 | |
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117
falcon
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| n.隼，猎鹰 | |
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118
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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119
bumpers
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| （汽车上的）保险杠，缓冲器( bumper的名词复数 ) | |
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120
draughts
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| n. <英>国际跳棋 | |
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121
retards
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| 使减速( retard的第三人称单数 )； 妨碍； 阻止； 推迟 | |
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122
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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123
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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124
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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125
bereave
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| v.使痛失(亲人等)，剥夺，使丧失 | |
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126
shriek
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| v./n.尖叫，叫喊 | |
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127
bespoke
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| adj.（产品）订做的；专做订货的v.预定( bespeak的过去式 )；订（货）；证明；预先请求 | |
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128
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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129
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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130
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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131
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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132
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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133
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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134
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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135
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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136
dilating
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| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的现在分词 ) | |
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137
exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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138
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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139
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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140
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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141
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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142
distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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143
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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144
supplicating
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的现在分词 ) | |
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145
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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146
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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147
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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148
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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149
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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