The London company were profoundly dissatisfied with the results ofthe Virginia colony. The South Sea was not discovered, no gold hadturned up, there were no valuable products from the new land, and thepromoters received no profits on their ventures. With theirexpectations, it is not to be wondered at that they were stillfurther annoyed by the quarreling amongst the colonists1 themselves,and wished to begin over again.
A new charter, dated May 23, 1609, with enlarged powers, was got fromKing James. Hundreds of corporators were named, and even thousandswere included in the various London trades and guilds2 that werejoined in the enterprise. Among the names we find that of CaptainJohn Smith. But he was out of the Council, nor was he given then orever afterward3 any place or employment in Virginia, or in themanagement of its affairs. The grant included all the American coasttwo hundred miles north and two hundred miles south of Point Comfort,and all the territory from the coast up into the land throughout fromsea to sea, west and northwest. A leading object of the projectstill being (as we have seen it was with Smith's precious crew atJamestown) the conversion4 and reduction of the natives to the truereligion, no one was permitted in the colony who had not taken theoath of supremacy5.
Under this charter the Council gave a commission to Sir Thomas West,Lord Delaware, Captain-General of Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates,Lieutenant-General; Sir George Somers, Admiral; Captain Newport,Vice-Admiral; Sir Thomas Dale, High Marshal; Sir Frederick Wainman,General of the Horse, and many other officers for life.
With so many wealthy corporators money flowed into the treasury7, anda great expedition was readily fitted out. Towards the end of May,1609, there sailed from England nine ships and five hundred people,under the command of Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and CaptainNewport. Each of these commanders had a commission, and the one whoarrived first was to call in the old commission; as they could notagree, they all sailed in one ship, the Sea Venture.
This brave expedition was involved in a contest with a hurricane; onevessel was sunk, and the Sea Venture, with the three commanders, onehundred and fifty men, the new commissioners8, bills of lading, allsorts of instructions, and much provision, was wrecked9 on theBermudas. With this company was William Strachey, of whom we shallhear more hereafter. Seven vessels10 reached Jamestown, and brought,among other annoyances11, Smith's old enemy, Captain Ratcliffe, aliasSicklemore, in command of a ship. Among the company were alsoCaptains Martin, Archer12, Wood, Webbe, Moore, King, Davis, and severalgentlemen of good means, and a crowd of the riff-raff of London.
Some of these Captains whom Smith had sent home, now returned withnew pretensions13, and had on the voyage prejudiced the company againsthim. When the fleet was first espied14, the President thought it wasSpaniards, and prepared to defend himself, the Indians promptlycoming to his assistance.
This hurricane tossed about another expedition still more famous,that of Henry Hudson, who had sailed from England on his third voyagetoward Nova Zembla March 25th, and in July and August was beatingdown the Atlantic coast. On the 18th of August he entered the Capesof Virginia, and sailed a little way up the Bay. He knew he was atthe mouth of the James River, "where our Englishmen are," as he says.
The next day a gale15 from the northeast made him fear being drivenaground in the shallows, and he put to sea. The storm continued forseveral days. On the 21st "a sea broke over the fore-course andsplit it;" and that night something more ominous16 occurred: "thatnight [the chronicle records] our cat ran crying from one side of theship to the other, looking overboard, which made us to wonder, but wesaw nothing." On the 26th they were again off the bank of Virginia,and in the very bay and in sight of the islands they had seen on the18th. It appeared to Hudson "a great bay with rivers," but tooshallow to explore without a small boat. After lingering till the29th, without any suggestion of ascending17 the James, he sailednorthward and made the lucky stroke of river exploration whichimmortalized him.
It seems strange that he did not search for the English colony, butthe adventurers of that day were independent actors, and did not careto share with each other the glories of discovery.
The first of the scattered18 fleet of Gates and Somers came in on the11th, and the rest straggled along during the three or four daysfollowing. It was a narrow chance that Hudson missed them all, andone may imagine that the fate of the Virginia colony and of the NewYork settlement would have been different if the explorer of theHudson had gone up the James.
No sooner had the newcomers landed than trouble began. They wouldhave deposed19 Smith on report of the new commission, but they couldshow no warrant. Smith professed20 himself willing to retire toEngland, but, seeing the new commission did not arrive, held on tohis authority, and began to enforce it to save the whole colony fromanarchy. He depicts21 the situation in a paragraph: "To a thousandmischiefs these lewd22 Captains led this lewd company, wherein weremany unruly gallants, packed thither23 by their friends to escape illdestinies, and those would dispose and determine of the government,sometimes to one, the next day to another; today the old commissionmust rule, tomorrow the new, the next day neither; in fine, theywould rule all or ruin all; yet in charity we must endure them thusto destroy us, or by correcting their follies24, have brought theworld's censure25 upon us to be guilty of their blouds. Happie had webeene had they never arrived, and we forever abandoned, as we wereleft to our fortunes; for on earth for their number was never moreconfusion or misery26 than their factions27 occasioned." In this companycame a boy, named Henry Spelman, whose subsequent career possessesconsiderable interest.
The President proceeded with his usual vigor28: he "laid by the heels"the chief mischief-makers till he should get leisure to punish them;sent Mr. West with one hundred and twenty good men to the Falls tomake a settlement; and despatched Martin with near as many and theirproportion of provisions to Nansemond, on the river of that nameemptying into the James, obliquely29 opposite Point Comfort.
Lieutenant Percy was sick and had leave to depart for England when hechose. The President's year being about expired, in accordance withthe charter, he resigned, and Captain Martin was elected President.
But knowing his inability, he, after holding it three hours, resignedit to Smith, and went down to Nansemond. The tribe used him kindly30,but he was so frightened with their noisy demonstration31 of mirth thathe surprised and captured the poor naked King with his houses, andbegan fortifying32 his position, showing so much fear that the savageswere emboldened35 to attack him, kill some of his men, release theirKing, and carry off a thousand bushels of corn which had beenpurchased, Martin not offering to intercept36 them. The frightenedCaptain sent to Smith for aid, who despatched to him thirty goodshot. Martin, too chicken-hearted to use them, came back with themto Jamestown, leaving his company to their fortunes. In thisadventure the President commends the courage of one George Forrest,who, with seventeen arrows sticking into him and one shot throughhim, lived six or seven days.
Meantime Smith, going up to the Falls to look after Captain West, metthat hero on his way to Jamestown. He turned him back, and foundthat he had planted his colony on an unfavorable flat, subject notonly to the overflowing37 of the river, but to more intolerableinconveniences. To place him more advantageously the President sentto Powhatan, offering to buy the place called Powhatan, promising38 todefend him against the Monacans, to pay him in copper39, and make ageneral alliance of trade and friendship.
But "those furies," as Smith calls West and his associates, refusedto move to Powhatan or to accept these conditions. They contemnedhis authority, expecting all the time the new commission, and,regarding all the Monacans' country as full of gold, determined40 thatno one should interfere41 with them in the possession of it. Smith,however, was not intimidated42 from landing and attempting to quelltheir mutiny. In his "General Historie" it is written "I doe morethan wonder to think how onely with five men he either durst or wouldadventure as he did (knowing how greedy they were of his bloud) tocome amongst them." He landed and ordered the arrest of the chiefdisturbers, but the crowd hustled43 him off. He seized one of theirboats and escaped to the ship which contained the provision.
Fortunately the sailors were friendly and saved his life, and aconsiderable number of the better sort, seeing the malice44 ofRatcliffe and Archer, took Smith's part.
Out of the occurrences at this new settlement grew many of thecharges which were preferred against Smith. According to the"General Historie" the company of Ratcliffe and Archer was adisorderly rabble45, constantly tormenting46 the Indians, stealing theircorn, robbing their gardens, beating them, and breaking into theirhouses and taking them prisoners. The Indians daily complained tothe President that these "protectors" he had given them were worseenemies than the Monacans, and desired his pardon if they defendedthemselves, since he could not punish their tormentors. They evenproposed to fight for him against them. Smith says that afterspending nine days in trying to restrain them, and showing them howthey deceived themselves with "great guilded hopes of the South SeaMines," he abandoned them to their folly47 and set sail for Jamestown.
No sooner was he under way than the savages34 attacked the fort, slewmany of the whites who were outside, rescued their friends who wereprisoners, and thoroughly48 terrified the garrison49. Smith's shiphappening to go aground half a league below, they sent off to him,and were glad to submit on any terms to his mercy. He "put by theheels" six or seven of the chief offenders50, and transferred thecolony to Powhatan, where were a fort capable of defense51 against allthe savages in Virginia, dry houses for lodging52, and two hundredacres of ground ready to be planted. This place, so strong anddelightful in situation, they called Non-such. The savages appearedand exchanged captives, and all became friends again.
At this moment, unfortunately, Captain West returned. All thevictuals and munitions54 having been put ashore55, the old factiousprojects were revived. The soft-hearted West was made to believethat the rebellion had been solely57 on his account. Smith, seeingthem bent58 on their own way, took the row-boat for Jamestown. Thecolony abandoned the pleasant Non-such and returned to the open airat West's Fort. On his way down, Smith met with the accident thatsuddenly terminated his career in Virginia.
While he was sleeping in his boat his powder-bag was accidentallyfired; the explosion tore the flesh from his body and thighs59, nine orten inches square, in the most frightful60 manner. To quench61 thetormenting fire, frying him in his clothes, he leaped into the deepriver, where, ere they could recover him, he was nearly drowned. Inthis pitiable condition, without either surgeon or surgery, he was togo nearly a hundred miles.
It is now time for the appearance upon the scene of the boy HenrySpelman, with his brief narration62, which touches this period ofSmith's life. Henry Spelman was the third son of the distinguishedantiquarian, Sir Henry Spelman, of Coughan, Norfolk, who was marriedin 1581. It is reasonably conjectured63 that he could not have beenover twenty-one when in May, 1609, he joined the company going toVirginia. Henry was evidently a scapegrace, whose friends werewilling to be rid of him. Such being his character, it is more thanprobable that he was shipped bound as an apprentice64, and of coursewith the conditions of apprenticeship65 in like expeditions of thatperiod--to be sold or bound out at the end of the voyage to pay forhis passage. He remained for several years in Virginia, living mostof the time among the Indians, and a sort of indifferent go betweenof the savages and the settlers. According to his own story it wason October 20, 1609, that he was taken up the river to Powhatan byCaptain Smith, and it was in April, 1613, that he was rescued fromhis easy-setting captivity66 on the Potomac by Captain Argall. Duringhis sojourn67 in Virginia, or more probably shortly after his return toEngland, he wrote a brief and bungling68 narration of his experiencesin the colony, and a description of Indian life. The MS. was notprinted in his time, but mislaid or forgotten. By a strange seriesof chances it turned up in our day, and was identified and preparedfor the press in 1861. Before the proof was read, the type wasaccidentally broken up and the MS. again mislaid. Lost sight of forseveral years, it was recovered and a small number of copies of itwere printed at London in 1872, edited by Mr. James F. Hunnewell.
Spelman's narration would be very important if we could trust it. Heappeared to have set down what he saw, and his story has a certainsimplicity that gains for it some credit. But he was a reckless boy,unaccustomed to weigh evidence, and quite likely to write as factsthe rumors69 that he heard. He took very readily to the ways of Indianlife. Some years after, Spelman returned to Virginia with the titleof Captain, and in 1617 we find this reference to him in the "GeneralHistorie": "Here, as at many other times, we are beholden to Capt.
Henry Spilman, an interpreter, a gentleman that lived long time inthis country, and sometimes a prisoner among the Salvages71, and donemuch good service though but badly rewarded." Smith would probablynot have left this on record had he been aware of the contents of theMS. that Spelman had left for after-times.
Spelman begins his Relation, from which I shall quote substantially,without following the spelling or noting all the interlineations,with the reason for his emigration, which was, "being in displeasureof my friends, and desirous to see other countries." After a briefaccount of the voyage and the joyful72 arrival at Jamestown, theRelation continues:
"Having here unloaded our goods and bestowed73 some senight orfortnight in viewing the country, I was carried by Capt. Smith, ourPresident, to the Falls, to the little Powhatan, where, unknown tome, he sold me to him for a town called Powhatan; and, leaving mewith him, the little Powhatan, he made known to Capt. West how he hadbought a town for them to dwell in. Whereupon Capt. West, growingangry because he had bestowed cost to begin a town in another place,Capt. Smith desiring that Capt. West would come and settle himselfthere, but Capt. West, having bestowed cost to begin a town inanother place, misliked it, and unkindness thereupon arising betweenthem, Capt. Smith at that time replied little, but afterward combinedwith Powhatan to kill Capt. West, which plot took but small effect,for in the meantime Capt. Smith was apprehended74 and sent aboard forEngland."That this roving boy was "thrown in" as a makeweight in the trade forthe town is not impossible; but that Smith combined with Powhatan tokill Captain West is doubtless West's perversion76 of the offer of theIndians to fight on Smith's side against him.
According to Spelman's Relation, he stayed only seven or eight dayswith the little Powhatan, when he got leave to go to Jamestown, beingdesirous to see the English and to fetch the small articles thatbelonged to him. The Indian King agreed to wait for him at thatplace, but he stayed too long, and on his return the little Powhatanhad departed, and Spelman went back to Jamestown. Shortly after, thegreat Powhatan sent Thomas Savage33 with a present of venison toPresident Percy. Savage was loath77 to return alone, and Spelman wasappointed to go with him, which he did willingly, as victuals53 werescarce in camp. He carried some copper and a hatchet78, which hepresented to Powhatan, and that Emperor treated him and his comradevery kindly, seating them at his own mess-table. After some threeweeks of this life, Powhatan sent this guileless youth down to decoythe English into his hands, promising to freight a ship with corn ifthey would visit him. Spelman took the message and brought back theEnglish reply, whereupon Powhatan laid the plot which resulted in thekilling of Captain Ratcliffe and thirty-eight men, only two of hiscompany escaping to Jamestown. Spelman gives two versions of thisincident. During the massacre79 Spelman says that Powhatan sent himand Savage to a town some sixteen miles away. Smith's "GeneralHistorie" says that on this occasion "Pocahuntas saved a boy namedHenry Spilman that lived many years afterward, by her means, amongthe Patawomekes." Spelman says not a word about Pocahuntas. On thecontrary, he describes the visit of the King of the Patawomekes toPowhatan; says that the King took a fancy to him; that he and DutchSamuel, fearing for their lives, escaped from Powhatan's town; werepursued; that Samuel was killed, and that Spelman, after dodgingabout in the forest, found his way to the Potomac, where he livedwith this good King Patomecke at a place called Pasptanzie for morethan a year. Here he seems to have passed his time agreeably, foralthough he had occasional fights with the squaws of Patomecke, theKing was always his friend, and so much was he attached to the boythat he would not give him up to Captain Argall without some copperin exchange.
When Smith returned wounded to Jamestown, he was physically80 in nocondition to face the situation. With no medical attendance, hisdeath was not improbable. He had no strength to enforce disciplinenor organize expeditions for supplies; besides, he was acting81 under acommission whose virtue82 had expired, and the mutinous83 spiritsrebelled against his authority. Ratcliffe, Archer, and the otherswho were awaiting trial conspired84 against him, and Smith says hewould have been murdered in his bed if the murderer's heart had notfailed him when he went to fire his pistol at the defenseless sickman. However, Smith was forced to yield to circumstances. No soonerhad he given out that he would depart for England than they persuadedMr. Percy to stay and act as President, and all eyes were turned inexpectation of favor upon the new commanders. Smith being thusdivested of authority, the most of the colony turned against him;many preferred charges, and began to collect testimony85. "The shipswere detained three weeks to get up proofs of his ill-conduct"--"timeand charges," says Smith, dryly, "that might much better have beenspent."It must have enraged86 the doughty87 Captain, lying thus helpless, to seehis enemies triumph, the most factious56 of the disturbers in thecolony in charge of affairs, and become his accusers. Even at thisdistance we can read the account with little patience, and shouldhave none at all if the account were not edited by Smith himself.
His revenge was in his good fortune in setting his own story afloatin the current of history. The first narrative88 of these events,published by Smith in his Oxford89 tract90 of 1612, was considerablyremodeled and changed in his "General Historie" of 1624. As we havesaid before, he had a progressive memory, and his opponents ought tobe thankful that the pungent91 Captain did not live to work the storyover a third time.
It is no doubt true, however, that but for the accident to our hero,he would have continued to rule till the arrival of Gates and Somerswith the new commissions; as he himself says, "but had that unhappyblast not happened, he would quickly have qualified92 the heat of thosehumors and factions, had the ships but once left them and us to ourfortunes; and have made that provision from among the salvages, as weneither feared Spaniard, Salvage70, nor famine: nor would have leftVirginia nor our lawful93 authority, but at as dear a price as we hadbought it, and paid for it."He doubtless would have fought it out against all comers; and whoshall say that he does not merit the glowing eulogy94 on himself whichhe inserts in his General History? "What shall I say but this, weleft him, that in all his proceedings95 made justice his first guide,and experience his second, ever hating baseness, sloth96, pride, andindignity, more than any dangers; that upon no danger would send themwhere he would not lead them himself; that would never see us wantwhat he either had or could by any means get us; that would ratherwant than borrow; or starve than not pay; that loved action more thanwords, and hated falsehood and covetousness97 worse than death; whoseadventures were our lives, and whose loss our deaths."A handsomer thing never was said of another man than Smith could sayof himself, but he believed it, as also did many of his comrades, wemust suppose. He suffered detraction98 enough, but he suffered alsoabundant eulogy both in verse and prose. Among his eulogists, ofcourse, is not the factious Captain Ratcliffe. In the EnglishColonial State papers, edited by Mr. Noel Sainsbury, is a note, datedJamestown, October 4, 1609, from Captain "John Radclyffe comenlycalled," to the Earl of Salisbury, which contains this remark uponSmith's departure after the arrival of the last supply: "They heardthat all the Council were dead but Capt. [John] Smith, President, whoreigned sole Governor, and is now sent home to answer somemisdemeanor."Captain Archer also regards this matter in a different light fromthat in which Smith represents it. In a letter from Jamestown,written in August, he says:
"In as much as the President [Smith], to strengthen his authority,accorded with the variances99 and gave not any due respect to manyworthy gentlemen that were in our ships, wherefore they generally,with my consent, chose Master West, my Lord De La Ware6's brother,their Governor or President de bene esse, in the absence of SirThomas Gates, or if he be miscarried by sea, then to continue till weheard news from our counsell in England. This choice of him theymade not to disturb the old President during his term, but as hisauthority expired, then to take upon him the sole government, withsuch assistants of the captains or discreet100 persons as the colonyafforded.
"Perhaps you shall have it blamed as a mutinie by such as retaine oldmalice, but Master West, Master Piercie, and all the respectedgentlemen of worth in Virginia, can and will testify otherwise upontheir oaths. For the King's patent we ratified101, but refused to begoverned by the President--that is, after his time was expired andonly subjected ourselves to Master West, whom we labor102 to have nextPresident."It is clear from this statement that the attempt was made tosupersede Smith even before his time expired, and without anyauthority (since the new commissions were still with Gates and Somersin Bermuda), for the reason that Smith did not pay proper respect tothe newly arrived "gentlemen." Smith was no doubt dictatorial103 andoffensive, and from his point of view he was the only man whounderstood Virginia, and knew how successfully to conduct the affairsof the colony. If this assumption were true it would be none theless disagreeable to the new-comers.
At the time of Smith's deposition104 the colony was in prosperouscondition. The "General Historie" says that he left them "withthree ships, seven boats, commodities ready to trade, the harvestnewly gathered, ten weeks' provision in store, four hundred ninetyand odd persons, twenty-four pieces of ordnance105, three hundredmuskets, snaphances and fire-locks, shot, powder, and matchsufficient, curats, pikes, swords, and morrios, more than men; theSalvages, their language and habitations well known to a hundredwell-trained and expert soldiers; nets for fishing; tools of allkinds to work; apparel to supply our wants; six mules106 and a horse;five or six hundred swine; as many hens and chickens; some goats;some sheep; what was brought or bred there remained." Jamestown wasalso strongly palisaded and contained some fifty or sixty houses;besides there were five or six other forts and plantations107, "not sosumptuous as our succerers expected, they were better than theyprovided any for us."These expectations might well be disappointed if they were foundedupon the pictures of forts and fortifications in Virginia and in theSomers Islands, which appeared in De Bry and in the "GeneralHistorie," where they appear as massive stone structures with all thefinish and elegance108 of the European military science of the day.
Notwithstanding these ample provisions for the colony, Smith hadsmall expectation that it would thrive without him. "They regardingnothing," he says, "but from hand to mouth, did consume what we had,took care for nothing but to perfect some colorable complaint againstCaptain Smith."Nor was the composition of the colony such as to beget109 high hopes ofit. There was but one carpenter, and three others that desired tolearn, two blacksmiths, ten sailors; those called laborers110 were forthe most part footmen, brought over to wait upon the adventurers, whodid not know what a day's work was--all the real laborers were theDutchmen and Poles and some dozen others. "For all the rest werepoor gentlemen, tradesmen, serving men, libertines111, and such like,ten times more fit to spoil a commonwealth112 than either begin one orhelp to maintain one. For when neither the fear of God, nor the law,nor shame, nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here,there is small hope ever to bring one in twenty of them to be goodthere." Some of them proved more industrious113 than was expected;"but ten good workmen would have done more substantial work in a daythan ten of them in a week."The disreputable character of the majority of these colonists isabundantly proved by other contemporary testimony. In the letter ofthe Governor and Council of Virginia to the London Company, datedJamestown, July 7, 1610, signed by Lord De La Ware, Thomas Gates,George Percy, Ferd. Wenman, and William Strachey, and probablycomposed by Strachey, after speaking of the bountiful capacity of thecountry, the writer exclaims: "Only let me truly acknowledge thereare not one hundred or two of deboisht hands, dropt forth75 by yearafter year, with penury114 and leysure, ill provided for before theycome, and worse governed when they are here, men of such distemperedbodies and infected minds, whom no examples daily before their eyes,either of goodness or punishment, can deterr from their habituallimpieties, or terrifie from a shameful115 death, that must be thecarpenters and workmen in this so glorious a building."The chapter in the "General Historie" relating to Smith's last daysin Virginia was transferred from the narrative in the appendix toSmith's "Map of Virginia," Oxford, 1612, but much changed in thetransfer. In the "General Historie" Smith says very little about thenature of the charges against him. In the original narrative signedby Richard Pots and edited by Smith, there are more details of thecharges. One omitted passage is this: "Now all those Smith hadeither whipped or punished, or in any way disgraced, had free powerand liberty to say or sweare anything, and from a whole armful oftheir examinations this was concluded."Another omitted passage relates to the charge, to which reference ismade in the "General Historie," that Smith proposed to marryPocahontas:
"Some propheticall spirit calculated he had the salvages in suchsubjection, he would have made himself a king by marrying Pocahuntas,Powhatan's daughter. It is true she was the very nonpareilof his kingdom, and at most not past thirteen or fourteen years ofage. Very oft she came to our fort with what she could get forCapt. Smith, that ever loved and used all the country well, but herespecially he ever much respected, and she so well requited116 it, thatwhen her father intended to have surprised him, she by stealth inthe dark night came through the wild woods and told him of it.
But her marriage could in no way have entitled him by any rightto the kingdom, nor was it ever suspected he had such a thought, ormore regarded her or any of them than in honest reason and discretionhe might. If he would he might have married her, or havedone what he listed. For there were none that could have hinderedhis determination."It is fair, in passing, to remark that the above allusion117 to thenight visit of Pocahontas to Smith in this tract of 1612 helps toconfirm the story, which does not appear in the previous narration ofSmith's encounter with Powhatan at Werowocomoco in the same tract,but is celebrated118 in the "General Historie." It is also hintedplainly enough that Smith might have taken the girl to wife, Indianfashion.
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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ware
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| n.(常用复数)商品，货物 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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wrecked
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vessels
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annoyances
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archer
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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espied
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| v.看到( espy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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ascending
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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deposed
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professed
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depicts
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lewd
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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24
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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25
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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26
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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28
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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29
obliquely
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| adv.斜； 倾斜； 间接； 不光明正大 | |
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30
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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31
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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32
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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33
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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34
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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35
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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37
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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38
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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39
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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40
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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41
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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42
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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43
hustled
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| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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44
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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45
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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46
tormenting
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| 使痛苦的，使苦恼的 | |
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47
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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48
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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49
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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50
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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51
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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52
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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53
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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54
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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55
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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56
factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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57
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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58
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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59
thighs
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| n.股，大腿( thigh的名词复数 )；食用的鸡（等的）腿 | |
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60
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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61
quench
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| vt.熄灭，扑灭；压制 | |
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62
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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63
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
apprentice
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| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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65
apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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66
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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67
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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68
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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69
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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70
salvage
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| v.救助，营救，援救；n.救助，营救 | |
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71
salvages
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| 海上营救( salvage的名词复数 )； 抢救出的财产； 救援费； 经加工后重新利用的废物 | |
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72
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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73
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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75
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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76
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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77
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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78
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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79
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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80
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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81
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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82
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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83
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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84
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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85
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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86
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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87
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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88
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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89
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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90
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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91
pungent
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| adj.（气味、味道）刺激性的，辛辣的；尖锐的 | |
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92
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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93
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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94
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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95
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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96
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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97
covetousness
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98
detraction
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| n.减损；诽谤 | |
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99
variances
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| n.变化( variance的名词复数 )；不和；差异；方差 | |
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100
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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101
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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103
dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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104
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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105
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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106
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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107
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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108
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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109
beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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110
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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111
libertines
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| n.放荡不羁的人，淫荡的人( libertine的名词复数 ) | |
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112
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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113
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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114
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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115
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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116
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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117
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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118
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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