I was hospitably1 entertained by the British consul2, or agent, as he is there styled. He is the employe of the East India Company, and not of the Home Government. Napoleon during his stay of five days at Suez had been the guest of the consul’s father, and I was told that the divan3 in my apartment had been the bed of the great commander.
There are two opinions as to the point at which the Israelites passed the Red Sea. One is, that they traversed only the very small creek4 at the northern extremity5 of the inlet, and that they entered the bed of the water at the spot on which Suez now stands; the other, that they crossed the sea from a point eighteen miles down the coast. The Oxford6 theologians, who, with Milman their professor, 38 believe that Jehovah conducted His chosen people without disturbing the order of nature, adopt the first view, and suppose that the Israelites passed during an ebb7-tide, aided by a violent wind. One among many objections to this supposition is, that the time of a single ebb would not have been sufficient for the passage of that vast multitude of men and beasts, or even for a small fraction of it. Moreover, the creek to the north of this point can be compassed in an hour, and in two hours you can make the circuit of the salt marsh8 over which the sea may have extended in former times. If, therefore, the Israelites crossed so high up as Suez, the Egyptians, unless infatuated by Divine interference, might easily have recovered their stolen goods from the encumbered9 fugitives10 by making a slight detour11. The opinion which fixes the point of passage at eighteen miles’ distance, and from thence right across the ocean depths to the eastern side of the sea, is supported by the unanimous tradition of the people, whether Christians13 or Mussulmans, and is consistent with Holy Writ14: “the waters were a wall unto them on their right hand, AND ON THEIR LEFT.” The Cambridge mathematicians15 seem to think that the Israelites were enabled to pass over dry land by adopting a route not usually subjected to the influx16 of the sea. This notion is plausible17 in a merely hydrostatical point of view, and is supposed to have been adopted by most of the Fellows of Trinity, but certainly not by Thorp, who is one of the most amiable18 of their number. It is difficult to reconcile this theory with the account given in Exodus19, unless we can suppose that the words “sea” and “waters” are there used in a sense implying dry land.
Napoleon when at Suez made an attempt to follow the supposed steps of Moses by passing the creek at this point, but it seems, according to the testimony20 of the people at Suez, that he and his horsemen managed the matter in a way more resembling the failure of the Egyptians than the success of the Israelites. According to the French account, Napoleon got out of the difficulty by that warrior-like presence of mind which served him so well when the fate of nations depended on the decision of a moment — he ordered his horsemen to disperse21 in all directions, in order to multiply the chances of finding shallow water, and was thus enabled to discover a line by which he and his people were extricated22. The story told by the people of Suez is very different: they declare that Napoleon parted from his horse, got thoroughly23 submerged, and was only fished out by the assistance of the people on shore.
I bathed twice at the point assigned to the passage of the Israelites, and the second time that I did so I chose the time of low water and tried to walk across, but I soon found myself out of my depth, or at least in water so deep, that I could only advance by swimming.
The dromedary, which had bolted in the Desert, was brought into Suez the day after my arrival, but my pelisse and my pistols, which had been attached to the saddle, had disappeared. These articles were treasures of great importance to me at that time, and I moved the Governor of the town to make all possible exertions24 for their recovery. He acceded25 to my wishes as well as he could, and very obligingly imprisoned26 the first seven poor fellows he could lay his hands on.
At first the Governor acted in the matter from no other motive27 than that of courtesy to an English traveller, but afterwards, and when he saw the value which I set upon the lost property, he pushed his measures with a degree of alacrity28 and heat, which seemed to show that he felt a personal interest in the matter. It was supposed either that he expected a large present in the event of succeeding, or that he was striving by all means to trace the property, in order that he might lay his hands on it after my departure.
I went out sailing for some hours, and when I returned I was horrified29 to find that two men had been bastinadoed by order of the Governor, with a view to force them to a confession30 of their theft. It appeared, however, that there really was good ground for supposing them guilty, since one of the holsters was actually found in their possession. It was said too (but I could hardly believe it), that whilst one of the men was undergoing the bastinado, his comrade was overheard encouraging him to bear the torment31 without peaching. Both men, if they had the secret, were resolute32 in keeping it, and were sent back to their dungeon33. I of course took care that there should be no repetition of the torture, at least so long as I remained at Suez.
The Governor was a thorough Oriental, and until a comparatively recent period had shared in the old Mahometan feeling of contempt for Europeans. It happened however, one day that an English gun-brig had appeared off Suez, and sent her boats ashore34 to take in fresh water. Now fresh water at Suez is a somewhat scarce and precious commodity: it is kept in tanks, the chief of which is at some distance from the place. Under these circumstances the request for fresh water was refused, or at all events, was not complied with. The captain of the brig was a simple-minded man with a strongish will, and he at once declared that if his casks were not filled in three hours, he would destroy the whole place. “A great people indeed!” said the Governor; “a wonderful people, the English!” He instantly caused every cask to be filled to the brim from his own tank, and ever afterwards entertained for the English a degree of affection and respect, for which I felt infinitely35 indebted to the gallant36 captain.
The day after the abortive37 attempt to extract a confession from the prisoners, the Governor, the consul, and I sat in council, I know not how long, with a view of prosecuting38 the search for the stolen goods. The sitting, considered in the light of a criminal investigation39, was characteristic of the East. The proceedings40 began as a matter of course by the prosecutor’s smoking a pipe and drinking coffee with the Governor, who was judge, jury, and sheriff. I got on very well with him (this was not my first interview), and he gave me the pipe from his lips in testimony of his friendship. I recollect42, however, that my prime adviser43, thinking me, I suppose, a great deal too shy and retiring in my manner, entreated44 me to put up my boots and to soil the Governor’s divan, in order to inspire respect and strike terror. I thought it would be as well for me to retain the right of respecting myself, and that it was not quite necessary for a well-received guest to strike any terror at all.
Our deliberations were assisted by the numerous attendants who lined the three sides of the room not occupied by the divan. Any one of these who took it into his head to offer a suggestion would stand forward and humble45 himself before the Governor, and then state his views; every man thus giving counsel was listened to with some attention.
After a great deal of fruitless planning the Governor directed that the prisoners should be brought in. I was shocked when they entered, for I was not prepared to see them come CARRIED into the room upon the shoulders of others. It had not occurred to me that their battered46 feet would be too sore to bear the contact of the floor. They persisted in asserting their innocence47. The Governor wanted to recur48 to the torture, but that I prevented, and the men were carried back to their dungeon.
A scheme was now suggested by one of the attendants which seemed to me childishly absurd, but it was nevertheless tried. The plan was to send a man to the prisoners, who was to make them believe that he had obtained entrance into their dungeon upon some other pretence49, but that he had in reality come to treat with them for the purchase of the stolen goods. This shallow expedient50 of course failed.
The Governor himself had not nominally51 the power of life and death over the people in his district, but he could if he chose send them to Cairo, and have them hanged there. I proposed, therefore, that the prisoners should be threatened with this fate. The answer of the Governor made me feel rather ashamed of my effeminate suggestion. He said that if I wished it he would willingly threaten them with death, but he also said that if he threatened, HE SHOULD EXECUTE THE THREAT.
Thinking at last that nothing was to be gained by keeping the prisoners any longer in confinement52, I requested that they might be set free. To this the Governor acceded, though only, as he said, out of favour to me, for he had a strong impression that the men were guilty. I went down to see the prisoners let out with my own eyes. They were very grateful, and fell down to the earth, kissing my boots. I gave them a present to console them for their wounds, and they seemed to be highly delighted.
Although the matter terminated in a manner so satisfactory to the principal sufferers, there were symptoms of some angry excitement in the place: it was said that public opinion was much shocked at the fact that Mahometans had been beaten on account of a loss sustained by a Christian12. My journey was to recommence the next day, and it was hinted that if I preservered in my intention of proceeding41, the people would have an easy and profitable opportunity of wreaking53 their vengeance54 on me. If ever they formed any scheme of the kind, they at all events refrained from any attempt to carry it into effect.
One of the evenings during my stay at Suez was enlivened by a triple wedding. There was a long and slow procession. Some carried torches, and others were thumping55 drums and firing pistols. The bridegrooms came last, all walking abreast56. My only reason for mentioning the ceremony (which was otherwise uninteresting) is, that I scarcely ever in all my life saw any phenomena57 so ridiculous as the meekness58 and gravity of those three young men whilst being “led to the altar.”
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hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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divan
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| n.长沙发；（波斯或其他东方诗人的）诗集 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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mathematicians
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| 数学家( mathematician的名词复数 ) | |
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influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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53
wreaking
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| 诉诸（武力），施行（暴力），发（脾气）( wreak的现在分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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55
thumping
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| adj.重大的，巨大的；重击的；尺码大的；极好的adv.极端地；非常地v.重击(thump的现在分词)；狠打；怦怦地跳；全力支持 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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meekness
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| n.温顺，柔和 | |
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