There is no country in which so absolute a homage1 is paid to wealth. In America, there is a toh of shame when a man exhibits the evidences of large property, as if, after all, it needed apology. But the Englishman has pure pride in his wealth, and esteems2 it a final certificate. A coarse logic3 rules throughout all English souls; — if you have merit, can you not show it by your good clothes, and coach, and horses? How can a man be a gentleman without a pipe of wine? Haydon says, “there is a fierce resolution to make every man live according to the means he possesses.” There is a mixture of religion in it. They are under the Jewish law, and read with sonorous4 emphasis that their days shall be long in the land, they shall have sons and daughters, flocks and herds5, wine and oil. In exact proportion, is the reproach of poverty. They do not wish to be represented except by opulent men. An Englishman who has lost his fortune, is said to have died of a broken heart. The last term of insult is, “a beggar.” Nelson said, “the want of fortune is a crime which I can never get over.” Sydney Smith said, “poverty is infamous6 in England.” And one of their recent writers speaks, in reference to a private and scholastic7 life, of “the grave moral deterioration8 which follows an empty exchequer9.” You shall find this sentiment, if not so frankly10 put, yet deeply implied, in the novels and romances of the present century, and not only in these, but in biography, and in the votes of public assemblies, in the tone of the preaching, and in the table-talk.
I was lately turning over Wood’s Athenae Oxonienses, and looking naturally for another standard in a chronicle of the scholars of Oxford11 for two hundred years. But I found the two disgraces in that, as in most English books, are, first, disloyalty to Church and State, and, second, to be born poor, or to come to poverty. A natural fruit of England is the brutal12 political economy. Malthus finds no cover laid at nature’s table for the laborer’s son. In 1809, the majority in Parliament expressed itself by the language of Mr. Fuller in the House of Commons, “if you do not like the country, damn you, you can leave it.” When Sir S. Romilly proposed his bill forbidding parish officers to bind14 children apprentices15 at a greater distance than forty miles from their home, Peel opposed, and Mr. Wortley said, “though, in the higher ranks, to cultivate family affections was a good thing, ‘twas not so among the lower orders. Better take them away from those who might deprave them. And it was highly injurious to trade to stop binding16 to manufacturers, as it must raise the price of labor13, and of manufactured goods.”
The respect for truth of facts in England, is equalled only by the respect for wealth. It is at once the pride of art of the Saxon, as he is a wealth-maker, and his passion for independence. The Englishman believes that every man must take care of himself, and has himself to thank, if he do not mend his condition. To pay their debts is their national point of honor. From the Exchequer and the East India House to the huckster’s shop, every thing prospers17, because it is solvent18. The British armies are solvent, and pay for what they take. The British empire is solvent; for, in spite of the huge national debt, the valuation mounts. During the war from 1789 to 1815, whilst they complained that they were taxed within an inch of their lives, and, by dint19 of enormous taxes, were subsidizing all the continent against France, the English were growing rich every year faster than any people ever grew before. It is their maxim20, that the weight of taxes must be calculated not by what is taken, but by what is left. Solvency21 is in the ideas and mechanism22 of an Englishman. The Crystal Palace is not considered honest until it pays; — no matter how much convenience, beauty, or eclat23, it must be self-supporting. They are contented24 with slower steamers, as long as they know that swifter boats lose money. They proceed logically by the double method of labor and thrift25. Every household exhibits an exact economy, and nothing of that uncalculated headlong expenditure26 which families use in America. If they cannot pay, they do not buy; for they have no presumption27 of better fortunes next year, as our people have; and they say without shame, I cannot afford it. Gentlemen do not hesitate to ride in the second-class cars, or in the second cabin. An economist28, or a man who can proportion his means and his ambition, or bring the year round with expenditure which expresses his character, without embarrassing one day of his future, is already a master of life, and a freeman. Lord Burleigh writes to his son, “that one ought never to devote more than two thirds of his income to the ordinary expenses of life, since the extraordinary will be certain to absorb the other third.”
The ambition to create value evokes29 every kind of ability, government becomes a manufacturing corporation, and every house a mill. The headlong bias30 to utility will let no talent lie in a napkin, — if possible, will teach spiders to weave silk stockings. An Englishman, while he eats and drinks no more, or not much more than another man, labors31 three times as many hours in the course of a year, as any other European; or, his life as a workman is three lives. He works fast. Every thing in England is at a quick pace. They have reinforced their own productivity, by the creation of that marvellous machinery32 which differences this age from any other age.
‘Tis a curious chapter in modern history, the growth of the machine-shop. Six hundred years ago, Roger Bacon explained the precession of the equinoxes, the consequent necessity of the reform of the calendar; measured the length of the year, invented gunpowder33; and announced, (as if looking from his lofty cell, over five centuries, into ours,) “that machines can be constructed to drive ships more rapidly than a whole galley34 of rowers could do; nor would they need any thing but a pilot to steer35 them. Carriages also might be constructed to move with an incredible speed, without the aid of any animal. Finally, it would not be impossible to make machines, which, by means of a suit of wings, should fly in the air in the manner of birds.” But the secret slept with Bacon. The six hundred years have not yet fulfilled his words. Two centuries ago, the sawing of timber was done by hand; the carriage wheels ran on wooden axles; the land was tilled by wooden ploughs. And it was to little purpose, that they had pit-coal, or that looms37 were improved, unless Watt38 and Stephenson had taught them to work force-pumps and power-looms, by steam. The great strides were all taken within the last hundred years. The Life of Sir Robert Peel, who died, the other day, the model Englishman, very properly has, for a frontispiece a drawing of the spinning-jenny, which wove the web of his fortunes. Hargreaves invented the spinning-jenny, and died in a workhouse. Arkwright improved the invention; and the machine dispensed39 with the work of ninety-nine men: that is, one spinner could do as much work as one hundred had done before. The loom36 was improved further. But the men would sometimes strike for wages, and combine against the masters, and, about 1829-30, much fear was felt, lest the trade would be drawn40 away by these interruptions, and the emigration of the spinners, to Belgium and the United States. Iron and steel are very obedient. Whether it were not possible to make a spinner that would not rebel, nor mutter, nor scowl41, nor strike for wages, nor emigrate? At the solicitation42 of the masters, after a mob and riot at Staley Bridge, Mr. Roberts of Manchester undertook to create this peaceful fellow, instead of the quarrelsome fellow God had made. After a few trials, he succeeded, and, in 1830, procured43 a patent for his self-acting mule44; a creation, the delight of mill-owners, and “destined,” they said, “to restore order among the industrious45 classes”; a machine requiring only a child’s hand to piece the broken yarns46. As Arkwright had destroyed domestic spinning, so Roberts destroyed the factory spinner. The power of machinery in Great Britain, in mills, has been computed47 to be equal to 600,000,000 men, one man being able by the aid of steam to do the work which required two hundred and fifty men to accomplish fifty years ago. The production has been commensurate. England already had this laborious48 race, rich soil, water, wood, coal, iron, and favorable climate. Eight hundred years ago, commerce had made it rich, and it was recorded, “England is the richest of all the northern nations.” The Norman historians recite, that “in 1067, William carried with him into Normandy, from England, more gold and silver than had ever before been seen in Gaul.” But when, to this labor and trade, and these native resources was added this goblin of steam, with his myriad49 arms, never tired, working night and day everlastingly50, the amassing51 of property has run out of all figures. It makes the motor of the last ninety years. The steampipe has added to her population and wealth the equivalent of four or five Englands. Forty thousand ships are entered in Lloyd’s lists. The yield of wheat has gone on from 2,000,000 quarters in the time of the Stuarts, to 13,000,000 in 1854. A thousand million of pounds sterling52 are said to compose the floating money of commerce. In 1848, Lord John Russell stated that the people of this country had laid out 300,000,000 pounds of capital in railways, in the last four years. But a better measure than these sounding figures, is the estimate, that there is wealth enough in England to support the entire population in idleness for one year.
The wise, versatile53, all-giving machinery makes chisels54, roads, locomotives, telegraphs. Whitworth divides a bar to a millionth of an inch. Steam twines55 huge cannon56 into wreaths, as easily as it braids straw, and vies with the volcanic57 forces which twisted the strata58. It can clothe shingle59 mountains with ship-oaks, make sword-blades that will cut gun-barrels in two. In Egypt, it can plant forests, and bring rain after three thousand years. Already it is ruddering the balloon, and the next war will be fought in the air. But another machine more potent60 in England than steam, is the Bank. It votes an issue of bills, population is stimulated61, and cities rise; it refuses loans, and emigration empties the country; trade sinks; revolutions break out; kings are dethroned. By these new agents our social system is moulded. By dint of steam and of money, war and commerce are changed. Nations have lost their old omnipotence62; the patriotic63 tie does not hold. Nations are getting obsolete64, we go and live where we will. Steam has enabled men to choose what law they will live under. Money makes place for them. The telegraph is a limp-band that will hold the Fenris-wolf of war. For now, that a telegraph line runs through France and Europe, from London, every message it transmits makes stronger by one thread, the band which war will have to cut.
The introduction of these elements gives new resources to existing proprietors65. A sporting duke may fancy that the state depends on the House of Lords, but the engineer sees, that every stroke of the steam-piston gives value to the duke’s land, fills it with tenants66; doubles, quadruples, centuples the duke’s capital, and creates new measures and new necessities for the culture of his children. Of course, it draws the nobility into the competition as stockholders in the mine, the canal, the railway, in the application of steam to agriculture, and sometimes into trade. But it also introduces large classes into the same competition; the old energy of the Norse race arms itself with these magnificent powers; new men prove an over-match for the land-owner, and the mill buys out the castle. Scandinavian Thor, who once forged his bolts in icy Hecla, and built galleys67 by lonely fiords; in England, has advanced with the times, has shorn his beard, enters Parliament, sits down at a desk in the India House, and lends Miollnir to Birmingham for a steam-hammer.
The creation of wealth in England in the last ninety years, is a main fact in modern history. The wealth of London determines prices all over the globe. All things precious, or useful, or amusing, or intoxicating68, are sucked into this commerce and floated to London. Some English private fortunes reach, and some exceed a million of dollars a year. A hundred thousand palaces adorn69 the island. All that can feed the senses and passions, all that can succor70 the talent, or arm the hands of the intelligent middle class, who never spare in what they buy for their own consumption; all that can aid science, gratify taste, or soothe71 comfort, is in open market. Whatever is excellent and beautiful in civil, rural, or ecclesiastic72 architecture; in fountain, garden, or grounds; the English noble crosses sea and land to see and to copy at home. The taste and science of thirty peaceful generations; the gardens which Evelyn planted; the temples and pleasure-houses which Inigo Jones and Christopher Wren73 built; the wood that Gibbons carved; the taste of foreign and domestic artists, Shenstone, Pope, Brown, Loudon, Paxton, are in the vast auction74, and the hereditary75 principle heaps on the owner of to-day the benefit of ages of owners. The present possessors are to the full as absolute as any of their fathers, in choosing and procuring76 what they like. This comfort and splendor77, the breadth of lake and mountain, tillage, pasture, and park, sumptuous78 castle and modern villa79, — all consist with perfect order. They have no revolutions; no horse-guards dictating80 to the crown; no Parisian poissardes and barricades81; no mob: but drowsy82 habitude, daily dress-dinners, wine, and ale, and beer, and gin, and sleep.
With this power of creation, and this passion for independence, property has reached an ideal perfection. It is felt and treated as the national life-blood. The laws are framed to give property the securest possible basis, and the provisions to lock and transmit it have exercised the cunningest heads in a profession which never admits a fool. The rights of property nothing but felony and treason can override83. The house is a castle which the king cannot enter. The Bank is a strong box to which the king has no key. Whatever surly sweetness possession can give, is tested in England to the dregs. Vested rights are awful things, and absolute possession gives the smallest freeholder identity of interest with the duke. High stone fences, and padlocked garden-gates announce the absolute will of the owner to be alone. Every whim84 of exaggerated egotism is put into stone and iron, into silver and gold, with costly85 deliberation and detail.
An Englishman hears that the Queen Dowager wishes to establish some claim to put her park paling a rod forward into his grounds, so as to get a coachway, and save her a mile to the avenue. Instantly he transforms his paling into stone-masonry, solid as the walls of Cuma, and all Europe cannot prevail on him to sell or compound for an inch of the land. They delight in a freak as the proof of their sovereign freedom. Sir Edward Boynton, at Spic Park, at Cadenham, on a precipice86 of incomparable prospect87, built a house like a long barn, which had not a window on the prospect side. Strawberry Hill of Horace Walpole, Fonthill Abbey of Mr. Beckford, were freaks; and Newstead Abbey became one in the hands of Lord Byron.
But the proudest result of this creation has been the great and refined forces it has put at the disposal of the private citizen. In the social world, an Englishman to-day has the best lot. He is a king in a plain coat. He goes with the most powerful protection, keeps the best company, is armed by the best education, is seconded by wealth; and his English name and accidents are like a flourish of trumpets88 announcing him. This, with his quiet style of manners, gives him the power of a sovereign, without the inconveniences which belong to that rank. I much prefer the condition of an English gentleman of the better class, to that of any potentate89 in Europe, — whether for travel, or for opportunity of society, or for access to means of science or study, or for mere90 comfort and easy healthy relation to people at home.
Such as we have seen is the wealth of England, a mighty91 mass, and made good in whatever details we care to explore. The cause and spring of it is the wealth of temperament92 in the people. The wonder of Britain is this plenteous nature. Her worthies93 are ever surrounded by as good men as themselves; each is a captain a hundred strong, and that wealth of men is represented again in the faculty94 of each individual, — that he has waste strength, power to spare. The English are so rich, and seem to have established a tap-root in the bowels95 of the planet, because they are constitutionally fertile and creative.
But a man must keep an eye on his servants, if he would not have them rule him. Man is a shrewd inventor, and is ever taking the hint of a new machine from his own structure, adapting some secret of his own anatomy96 in iron, wood, and leather, to some required function in the work of the world. But it is found that the machine unmans the user. What he gains in making cloth, he loses in general power. There should be temperance in making cloth, as well as in eating. A man should not be a silk-worm; nor a nation a tent of caterpillars97. The robust98 rural Saxon degenerates99 in the mills to the Leicester stockinger, to the imbecile Manchester spinner, — far on the way to be spiders and needles. The incessant100 repetition of the same hand-work dwarfs101 the man, robs him of his strength, wit, and versatility102, to make a pin-polisher, a buckle-maker, or any other specialty103; and presently, in a change of industry, whole towns are sacrificed like ant-hills, when the fashion of shoe-strings supersedes104 buckles105, when cotton takes the place of linen106, or railways of turnpikes, or when commons are inclosed by landlords. Then society is admonished107 of the mischief108 of the division of labor, and that the best political economy is care and culture of men; for, in these crises, all are ruined except such as are proper individuals, capable of thought, and of new choice and the application of their talent to new labor. Then again come in new calamities109. England is aghast at the disclosure of her fraud in the adulteration of food, of drugs, and of almost every fabric110 in her mills and shops; finding that milk will not nourish, nor sugar sweeten, nor bread satisfy, nor pepper bite the tongue, nor glue stick. In true England all is false and forged. This too is the reaction of machinery, but of the larger machinery of commerce. ‘Tis not, I suppose, want of probity111, so much as the tyranny of trade, which necessitates112 a perpetual competition of underselling, and that again a perpetual deterioration of the fabric.
The machinery has proved, like the balloon, unmanageable, and flies away with the aeronaut. Steam, from the first, hissed113 and screamed to warn him; it was dreadful with its explosion, and crushed the engineer. The machinist has wrought114 and watched, engineers and firemen without number have been sacrificed in learning to tame and guide the monster. But harder still it has proved to resist and rule the dragon Money, with his paper wings. Chancellors115 and Boards of Trade, Pitt, Peel, and Robinson, and their Parliaments, and their whole generation, adopted false principles, and went to their graves in the belief that they were enriching the country which they were impoverishing116. They congratulated each other on ruinous expedients117. It is rare to find a merchant who knows why a crisis occurs in trade, why prices rise or fall, or who knows the mischief of paper money. In the culmination118 of national prosperity, in the annexation119 of countries; building of ships, depots120, towns; in the influx121 of tons of gold and silver; amid the chuckle122 of chancellors and financiers, it was found that bread rose to famine prices, that the yeoman was forced to sell his cow and pig, his tools, and his acre of land; and the dreadful barometer123 of the poor-rates was touching124 the point of ruin. The poor-rate was sucking in the solvent classes, and forcing an exodus125 of farmers and mechanics. What befals from the violence of financial crises, befals daily in the violence of artificial legislation.
Such a wealth has England earned, ever new, bounteous126, and augmenting127. But the question recurs128, does she take the step beyond, namely, to the wise use, in view of the supreme129 wealth of nations? We estimate the wisdom of nations by seeing what they did with their surplus capital. And, in view of these injuries, some compensation has been attempted in England. A part of the money earned returns to the brain to buy schools, libraries, bishops130, astronomers131, chemists, and artists with; and a part to repair the wrongs of this intemperate132 weaving, by hospitals, savings-banks, Mechanics’ Institutes, public grounds, and other charities and amenities133. But the antidotes134 are frightfully inadequate135, and the evil requires a deeper cure, which time and a simpler social organization must supply. At present, she does not rule her wealth. She is simply a good England, but no divinity, or wise and instructed soul. She too is in the stream of fate, one victim more in a common catastrophe136.
But being in the fault, she has the misfortune of greatness to be held as the chief offender137. England must be held responsible for the despotism of expense. Her prosperity, the splendor which so much manhood and talent and perseverance138 has thrown upon vulgar aims, is the very argument of materialism139. Her success strengthens the hands of base wealth. Who can propose to youth poverty and wisdom, when mean gain has arrived at the conquest of letters and arts; when English success has grown out of the very renunciation of principles, and the dedication140 to outsides? A civility of trifles, of money and expense, an erudition of sensation takes place, and the putting as many impediments as we can, between the man and his objects. Hardly the bravest among them have the manliness141 to resist it successfully. Hence, it has come, that not the aims of a manly142 life, but the means of meeting a certain ponderous143 expense, is that which is to be considered by a youth in England, emerging from his minority. A large family is reckoned a misfortune. And it is a consolation144 in the death of the young, that a source of expense is closed.
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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esteems
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| n.尊敬，好评( esteem的名词复数 )v.尊敬( esteem的第三人称单数 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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binding
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prospers
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| v.成功，兴旺( prosper的第三人称单数 ) | |
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solvent
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dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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solvency
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| n.偿付能力，溶解力 | |
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mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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eclat
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| n.显赫之成功，荣誉 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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evokes
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| 产生，引起，唤起( evoke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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gunpowder
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galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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loom
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looms
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| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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watt
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| n.瓦，瓦特 | |
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dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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scowl
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| vi.(at)生气地皱眉，沉下脸，怒视；n.怒容 | |
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solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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yarns
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| n.纱( yarn的名词复数 )；纱线；奇闻漫谈；旅行轶事 | |
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47
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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49
myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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50
everlastingly
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| 永久地，持久地 | |
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51
amassing
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的现在分词 ) | |
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52
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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53
versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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54
chisels
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| n.凿子，錾子( chisel的名词复数 )；口凿 | |
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55
twines
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| n.盘绕( twine的名词复数 )；麻线；捻；缠绕在一起的东西 | |
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56
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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57
volcanic
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| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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58
strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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59
shingle
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| n.木瓦板；小招牌(尤指医生或律师挂的营业招牌)；v.用木瓦板盖（屋顶）；把（女子头发）剪短 | |
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60
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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61
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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62
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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63
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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64
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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65
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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66
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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67
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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68
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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69
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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70
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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71
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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72
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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73
wren
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| n.鹪鹩；英国皇家海军女子服务队成员 | |
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74
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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75
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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76
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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77
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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78
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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79
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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80
dictating
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的现在分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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81
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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82
drowsy
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| adj.昏昏欲睡的，令人发困的 | |
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83
override
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| vt.不顾，不理睬，否决；压倒，优先于 | |
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84
whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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85
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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86
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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87
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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88
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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89
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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90
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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91
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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92
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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93
worthies
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| 应得某事物( worthy的名词复数 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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94
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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95
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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96
anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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97
caterpillars
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| n.毛虫( caterpillar的名词复数 )；履带 | |
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98
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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99
degenerates
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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100
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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101
dwarfs
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| n.侏儒，矮子（dwarf的复数形式）vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的第三人称单数形式） | |
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102
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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103
specialty
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| n.(speciality)特性，特质；专业，专长 | |
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104
supersedes
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| 取代，接替( supersede的第三人称单数 ) | |
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105
buckles
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| 搭扣，扣环( buckle的名词复数 ) | |
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106
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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107
admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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108
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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109
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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110
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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111
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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112
necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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113
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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114
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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115
chancellors
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| 大臣( chancellor的名词复数 )； （某些美国大学的）校长； （德国或奥地利的）总理； （英国大学的）名誉校长 | |
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116
impoverishing
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| v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的现在分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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117
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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118
culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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119
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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120
depots
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| 仓库( depot的名词复数 )； 火车站； 车库； 军需库 | |
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121
influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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122
chuckle
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| vi.／n.轻声笑，咯咯笑 | |
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123
barometer
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| n.气压表，睛雨表，反应指标 | |
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124
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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125
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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126
bounteous
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| adj.丰富的 | |
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127
augmenting
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| 使扩张 | |
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128
recurs
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| 再发生，复发( recur的第三人称单数 ) | |
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129
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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130
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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131
astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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132
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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133
amenities
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| n.令人愉快的事物；礼仪；礼节；便利设施；礼仪( amenity的名词复数 )；便利设施；（环境等的）舒适；（性情等的）愉快 | |
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134
antidotes
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| 解药( antidote的名词复数 )； 解毒剂； 对抗手段； 除害物 | |
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135
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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136
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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137
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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138
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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139
materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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140
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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141
manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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142
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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143
ponderous
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| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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144
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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