Gold and iron are good
To buy iron and gold;
All earth’s fleece and food
For their like are sold.
Proved Napoleon great, —
Nor kind nor coinage buys
Aught above its rate.
Cannot rear a State.
Out of dust to build
What is more than dust, —
Walls Amphion piled
Phoebus stablish must.
Find to their design
An Atlantic seat,
Where the statesman ploughs
When the Church is social worth,
When the state-house is the hearth10,
Then the perfect State is come,
The republican at home.
ESSAY VII Politics
In dealing12 with the State, we ought to remember that its institutions are not aboriginal13, though they existed before we were born: that they are not superior to the citizen: that every one of them was once the act of a single man: every law and usage was a man’s expedient14 to meet a particular case: that they all are imitable, all alterable; we may make as good; we may make better. Society is an illusion to the young citizen. It lies before him in rigid15 repose16, with certain names, men, and institutions, rooted like oak-trees to the centre, round which all arrange themselves the best they can. But the old statesman knows that society is fluid; there are no such roots and centres; but any particle may suddenly become the centre of the movement, and compel the system to gyrate round it, as every man of strong will, like Pisistratus, or Cromwell, does for a time, and every man of truth, like Plato, or Paul, does forever. But politics rest on necessary foundations, and cannot be treated with levity17. Republics abound18 in young civilians19, who believe that the laws make the city, that grave modifications20 of the policy and modes of living, and employments of the population, that commerce, education, and religion, may be voted in or out; and that any measure, though it were absurd, may be imposed on a people, if only you can get sufficient voices to make it a law. But the wise know that foolish legislation is a rope of sand, which perishes in the twisting; that the State must follow, and not lead the character and progress of the citizen; the strongest usurper21 is quickly got rid of; and they only who build on Ideas, build for eternity22; and that the form of government which prevails, is the expression of what cultivation23 exists in the population which permits it. The law is only a memorandum24. We are superstitious25, and esteem26 the statute27 somewhat: so much life as it has in the character of living men, is its force. The statute stands there to say, yesterday we agreed so and so, but how feel ye this article today? Our statute is a currency, which we stamp with our own portrait: it soon becomes unrecognizable, and in process of time will return to the mint. Nature is not democratic, nor limited-monarchical29, but despotic, and will not be fooled or abated30 of any jot31 of her authority, by the pertest of her sons: and as fast as the public mind is opened to more intelligence, the code is seen to be brute32 and stammering33. It speaks not articulately, and must be made to. Meantime the education of the general mind never stops. The reveries of the true and simple are prophetic. What the tender poetic34 youth dreams, and prays, and paints today, but shuns35 the ridicule36 of saying aloud, shall presently be the resolutions of public bodies, then shall be carried as grievance37 and bill of rights through conflict and war, and then shall be triumphant38 law and establishment for a hundred years, until it gives place, in turn, to new prayers and pictures. The history of the State sketches39 in coarse outline the progress of thought, and follows at a distance the delicacy40 of culture and of aspiration41.
The theory of politics, which has possessed42 the mind of men, and which they have expressed the best they could in their laws and in their revolutions, considers persons and property as the two objects for whose protection government exists. Of persons, all have equal rights, in virtue4 of being identical in nature. This interest, of course, with its whole power demands a democracy. Whilst the rights of all as persons are equal, in virtue of their access to reason, their rights in property are very unequal. One man owns his clothes, and another owns a county. This accident, depending, primarily, on the skill and virtue of the parties, of which there is every degree, and, secondarily, on patrimony43, falls unequally, and its rights, of course, are unequal. Personal rights, universally the same, demand a government framed on the ratio of the census44: property demands a government framed on the ratio of owners and of owning. Laban, who has flocks and herds45, wishes them looked after by an officer on the frontiers, lest the Midianites shall drive them off, and pays a tax to that end. Jacob has no flocks or herds, and no fear of the Midianites, and pays no tax to the officer. It seemed fit that Laban and Jacob should have equal rights to elect the officer, who is to defend their persons, but that Laban, and not Jacob, should elect the officer who is to guard the sheep and cattle. And, if question arise whether additional officers or watch-towers should be provided, must not Laban and Isaac, and those who must sell part of their herds to buy protection for the rest, judge better of this, and with more right, than Jacob, who, because he is a youth and a traveller, eats their bread and not his own.
In the earliest society the proprietors46 made their own wealth, and so long as it comes to the owners in the direct way, no other opinion would arise in any equitable48 community, than that property should make the law for property, and persons the law for persons.
But property passes through donation or inheritance to those who do not create it. Gift, in one case, makes it as really the new owner’s, as labor50 made it the first owner’s: in the other case, of patrimony, the law makes an ownership, which will be valid51 in each man’s view according to the estimate which he sets on the public tranquillity52.
It was not, however, found easy to embody53 the readily admitted principle, that property should make law for property, and persons for persons: since persons and property mixed themselves in every transaction. At last it seemed settled, that the rightful distinction was, that the proprietors should have more elective franchise54 than non-proprietors, on the Spartan55 principle of “calling that which is just, equal; not that which is equal, just.”
That principle no longer looks so self-evident as it appeared in former times, partly, because doubts have arisen whether too much weight had not been allowed in the laws, to property, and such a structure given to our usages, as allowed the rich to encroach on the poor, and to keep them poor; but mainly, because there is an instinctive56 sense, however obscure and yet inarticulate, that the whole constitution of property, on its present tenures, is injurious, and its influence on persons deteriorating57 and degrading; that truly, the only interest for the consideration of the State, is persons: that property will always follow persons; that the highest end of government is the culture of men: and if men can be educated, the institutions will share their improvement, and the moral sentiment will write the law of the land.
If it be not easy to settle the equity58 of this question, the peril59 is less when we take note of our natural defences. We are kept by better guards than the vigilance of such magistrates61 as we commonly elect. Society always consists, in greatest part, of young and foolish persons. The old, who have seen through the hypocrisy62 of courts and statesmen, die, and leave no wisdom to their sons. They believe their own newspaper, as their fathers did at their age. With such an ignorant and deceivable majority, States would soon run to ruin, but that there are limitations, beyond which the folly63 and ambition of governors cannot go. Things have their laws, as well as men; and things refuse to be trifled with. Property will be protected. Corn will not grow, unless it is planted and manured; but the farmer will not plant or hoe it, unless the chances are a hundred to one, that he will cut and harvest it. Under any forms, persons and property must and will have their just sway. They exert their power, as steadily64 as matter its attraction. Cover up a pound of earth never so cunningly, divide and subdivide65 it; melt it to liquid, convert it to gas; it will always weigh a pound: it will always attract and resist other matter, by the full virtue of one pound weight; — and the attributes of a person, his wit and his moral energy, will exercise, under any law or extinguishing tyranny, their proper force, — if not overtly66, then covertly67; if not for the law, then against it; with right, or by might.
The boundaries of personal influence it is impossible to fix, as persons are organs of moral or supernatural force. Under the dominion68 of an idea, which possesses the minds of multitudes, as civil freedom, or the religious sentiment, the powers of persons are no longer subjects of calculation. A nation of men unanimously bent69 on freedom, or conquest, can easily confound the arithmetic of statists, and achieve extravagant70 actions, out of all proportion to their means; as, the Greeks, the Saracens, the Swiss, the Americans, and the French have done.
In like manner, to every particle of property belongs its own attraction. A cent is the representative of a certain quantity of corn or other commodity. Its value is in the necessities of the animal man. It is so much warmth, so much bread, so much water, so much land. The law may do what it will with the owner of property, its just power will still attach to the cent. The law may in a mad freak say, that all shall have power except the owners of property: they shall have no vote. Nevertheless, by a higher law, the property will, year after year, write every statute that respects property. The non-proprietor47 will be the scribe of the proprietor. What the owners wish to do, the whole power of property will do, either through the law, or else in defiance71 of it. Of course, I speak of all the property, not merely of the great estates. When the rich are outvoted, as frequently happens, it is the joint72 treasury73 of the poor which exceeds their accumulations. Every man owns something, if it is only a cow, or a wheelbarrow, or his arms, and so has that property to dispose of.
The same necessity which secures the rights of person and property against the malignity74 or folly of the magistrate60, determines the form and methods of governing, which are proper to each nation, and to its habit of thought, and nowise transferable to other states of society. In this country, we are very vain of our political institutions, which are singular in this, that they sprung, within the memory of living men, from the character and condition of the people, which they still express with sufficient fidelity75, — and we ostentatiously prefer them to any other in history. They are not better, but only fitter for us. We may be wise in asserting the advantage in modern times of the democratic form, but to other states of society, in which religion consecrated76 the monarchical, that and not this was expedient. Democracy is better for us, because the religious sentiment of the present time accords better with it. Born democrats77, we are nowise qualified78 to judge of monarchy79, which, to our fathers living in the monarchical idea, was also relatively80 right. But our institutions, though in coincidence with the spirit of the age, have not any exemption81 from the practical defects which have discredited82 other forms. Every actual State is corrupt83. Good men must not obey the laws too well. What satire84 on government can equal the severity of censure85 conveyed in the word politic11, which now for ages has signified cunning, intimating that the State is a trick?
The same benign86 necessity and the same practical abuse appear in the parties into which each State divides itself, of opponents and defenders87 of the administration of the government. Parties are also founded on instincts, and have better guides to their own humble88 aims than the sagacity of their leaders. They have nothing perverse89 in their origin, but rudely mark some real and lasting90 relation. We might as wisely reprove the east wind, or the frost, as a political party, whose members, for the most part, could give no account of their position, but stand for the defence of those interests in which they find themselves. Our quarrel with them begins, when they quit this deep natural ground at the bidding of some leader, and, obeying personal considerations, throw themselves into the maintenance and defence of points, nowise belonging to their system. A party is perpetually corrupted91 by personality. Whilst we absolve92 the association from dishonesty, we cannot extend the same charity to their leaders. They reap the rewards of the docility93 and zeal94 of the masses which they direct. Ordinarily, our parties are parties of circumstance, and not of principle; as, the planting interest in conflict with the commercial; the party of capitalists, and that of operatives; parties which are identical in their moral character, and which can easily change ground with each other, in the support of many of their measures. Parties of principle, as, religious sects95, or the party of free-trade, of universal suffrage96, of abolition97 of slavery, of abolition of capital punishment, degenerate98 into personalities99, or would inspire enthusiasm. The vice100 of our leading parties in this country (which may be cited as a fair specimen101 of these societies of opinion) is, that they do not plant themselves on the deep and necessary grounds to which they are respectively entitled, but lash102 themselves to fury in the carrying of some local and momentary103 measure, nowise useful to the commonwealth104. Of the two great parties, which, at this hour, almost share the nation between them, I should say, that, one has the best cause, and the other contains the best men. The philosopher, the poet, or the religious man, will, of course, wish to cast his vote with the democrat28, for free-trade, for wide suffrage, for the abolition of legal cruelties in the penal105 code, and for facilitating in every manner the access of the young and the poor to the sources of wealth and power. But he can rarely accept the persons whom the so-called popular party propose to him as representatives of these liberalities. They have not at heart the ends which give to the name of democracy what hope and virtue are in it. The spirit of our American radicalism106 is destructive and aimless: it is not loving; it has no ulterior and divine ends; but is destructive only out of hatred107 and selfishness. On the other side, the conservative party, composed of the most moderate, able, and cultivated part of the population, is timid, and merely defensive108 of property. It vindicates110 no right, it aspires111 to no real good, it brands no crime, it proposes no generous policy, it does not build, nor write, nor cherish the arts, nor foster religion, nor establish schools, nor encourage science, nor emancipate112 the slave, nor befriend the poor, or the Indian, or the immigrant. From neither party, when in power, has the world any benefit to expect in science, art, or humanity, at all commensurate with the resources of the nation.
I do not for these defects despair of our republic. We are not at the mercy of any waves of chance. In the strife113 of ferocious114 parties, human nature always finds itself cherished, as the children of the convicts at Botany Bay are found to have as healthy a moral sentiment as other children. Citizens of feudal115 states are alarmed at our democratic institutions lapsing116 into anarchy117; and the older and more cautious among ourselves are learning from Europeans to look with some terror at our turbulent freedom. It is said that in our license118 of construing119 the Constitution, and in the despotism of public opinion, we have no anchor; and one foreign observer thinks he has found the safeguard in the sanctity of Marriage among us; and another thinks he has found it in our Calvinism. Fisher Ames expressed the popular security more wisely, when he compared a monarchy and a republic, saying, “that a monarchy is a merchantman, which sails well, but will sometimes strike on a rock, and go to the bottom; whilst a republic is a raft, which would never sink, but then your feet are always in water.” No forms can have any dangerous importance, whilst we are befriended by the laws of things. It makes no difference how many tons weight of atmosphere presses on our heads, so long as the same pressure resists it within the lungs. Augment120 the mass a thousand fold, it cannot begin to crush us, as long as reaction is equal to action. The fact of two poles, of two forces, centripetal121 and centrifugal, is universal, and each force by its own activity develops the other. Wild liberty develops iron conscience. Want of liberty, by strengthening law and decorum, stupefies conscience. ‘Lynch-law’ prevails only where there is greater hardihood and self-subsistency in the leaders. A mob cannot be a permanency: everybody’s interest requires that it should not exist, and only justice satisfies all.
We must trust infinitely122 to the beneficent necessity which shines through all laws. Human nature expresses itself in them as characteristically as in statues, or songs, or railroads, and an abstract of the codes of nations would be a transcript123 of the common conscience. Governments have their origin in the moral identity of men. Reason for one is seen to be reason for another, and for every other. There is a middle measure which satisfies all parties, be they never so many, or so resolute124 for their own. Every man finds a sanction for his simplest claims and deeds in decisions of his own mind, which he calls Truth and Holiness. In these decisions all the citizens find a perfect agreement, and only in these; not in what is good to eat, good to wear, good use of time, or what amount of land, or of public aid, each is entitled to claim. This truth and justice men presently endeavor to make application of, to the measuring of land, the apportionment of service, the protection of life and property. Their first endeavors, no doubt, are very awkward. Yet absolute right is the first governor; or, every government is an impure125 theocracy126. The idea, after which each community is aiming to make and mend its law, is, the will of the wise man. The wise man, it cannot find in nature, and it makes awkward but earnest efforts to secure his government by contrivance; as, by causing the entire people to give their voices on every measure; or, by a double choice to get the representation of the whole; or, by a selection of the best citizens; or, to secure the advantages of efficiency and internal peace, by confiding127 the government to one, who may himself select his agents. All forms of government symbolize128 an immortal129 government, common to all dynasties and independent of numbers, perfect where two men exist, perfect where there is only one man.
Every man’s nature is a sufficient advertisement to him of the character of his fellows. My right and my wrong, is their right and their wrong. Whilst I do what is fit for me, and abstain130 from what is unfit, my neighbor and I shall often agree in our means, and work together for a time to one end. But whenever I find my dominion over myself not sufficient for me, and undertake the direction of him also, I overstep the truth, and come into false relations to him. I may have so much more skill or strength than he, that he cannot express adequately his sense of wrong, but it is a lie, and hurts like a lie both him and me. Love and nature cannot maintain the assumption: it must be executed by a practical lie, namely, by force. This undertaking131 for another, is the blunder which stands in colossal132 ugliness in the governments of the world. It is the same thing in numbers, as in a pair, only not quite so intelligible133. I can see well enough a great difference between my setting myself down to a self-control, and my going to make somebody else act after my views: but when a quarter of the human race assume to tell me what I must do, I may be too much disturbed by the circumstances to see so clearly the absurdity134 of their command. Therefore, all public ends look vague and quixotic beside private ones. For, any laws but those which men make for themselves, are laughable. If I put myself in the place of my child, and we stand in one thought, and see that things are thus or thus, that perception is law for him and me. We are both there, both act. But if, without carrying him into the thought, I look over into his plot, and, guessing how it is with him, ordain135 this or that, he will never obey me. This is the history of governments, — one man does something which is to bind136 another. A man who cannot be acquainted with me, taxes me; looking from afar at me, ordains137 that a part of my labor shall go to this or that whimsical end, not as I, but as he happens to fancy. Behold138 the consequence. Of all debts, men are least willing to pay the taxes. What a satire is this on government! Everywhere they think they get their money’s worth, except for these.
Hence, the less government we have, the better, — the fewer laws, and the less confided139 power. The antidote140 to this abuse of formal Government, is, the influence of private character, the growth of the Individual; the appearance of the principal to supersede141 the proxy142; the appearance of the wise man, of whom the existing government, is, it must be owned, but a shabby imitation. That which all things tend to educe143, which freedom, cultivation, intercourse144, revolutions, go to form and deliver, is character; that is the end of nature, to reach unto this coronation of her king. To educate the wise man, the State exists; and with the appearance of the wise man, the State expires. The appearance of character makes the State unnecessary. The wise man is the State. He needs no army, fort, or navy, — he loves men too well; no bribe145, or feast, or palace, to draw friends to him; no vantage ground, no favorable circumstance. He needs no library, for he has not done thinking; no church, for he is a prophet; no statute book, for he has the lawgiver; no money, for he is value; no road, for he is at home where he is; no experience, for the life of the creator shoots through him, and looks from his eyes. He has no personal friends, for he who has the spell to draw the prayer and piety146 of all men unto him, needs not husband and educate a few, to share with him a select and poetic life. His relation to men is angelic; his memory is myrrh to them; his presence, frankincense and flowers.
We think our civilization near its meridian147, but we are yet only at the cock-crowing and the morning star. In our barbarous society the influence of character is in its infancy148. As a political power, as the rightful lord who is to tumble all rulers from their chairs, its presence is hardly yet suspected. Malthus and Ricardo quite omit it; the Annual Register is silent; in the Conversations’ Lexicon149, it is not set down; the President’s Message, the Queen’s Speech, have not mentioned it; and yet it is never nothing. Every thought which genius and piety throw into the world, alters the world. The gladiators in the lists of power feel, through all their frocks of force and simulation, the presence of worth. I think the very strife of trade and ambition are confession150 of this divinity; and successes in those fields are the poor amends151, the fig-leaf with which the shamed soul attempts to hide its nakedness. I find the like unwilling152 homage153 in all quarters. It is because we know how much is due from us, that we are impatient to show some petty talent as a substitute for worth. We are haunted by a conscience of this right to grandeur154 of character, and are false to it. But each of us has some talent, can do somewhat useful, or graceful155, or formidable, or amusing, or lucrative156. That we do, as an apology to others and to ourselves, for not reaching the mark of a good and equal life. But it does not satisfy us, whilst we thrust it on the notice of our companions. It may throw dust in their eyes, but does not smooth our own brow, or give us the tranquillity of the strong when we walk abroad. We do penance157 as we go. Our talent is a sort of expiation158, and we are constrained159 to reflect on our splendid moment, with a certain humiliation160, as somewhat too fine, and not as one act of many acts, a fair expression of our permanent energy. Most persons of ability meet in society with a kind of tacit appeal. Each seems to say, ‘I am not all here.’ Senators and presidents have climbed so high with pain enough, not because they think the place specially161 agreeable, but as an apology for real worth, and to vindicate109 their manhood in our eyes. This conspicuous162 chair is their compensation to themselves for being of a poor, cold, hard nature. They must do what they can. Like one class of forest animals, they have nothing but a prehensile163 tail: climb they must, or crawl. If a man found himself so rich-natured that he could enter into strict relations with the best persons, and make life serene164 around him by the dignity and sweetness of his behavior, could he afford to circumvent165 the favor of the caucus166 and the press, and covet167 relations so hollow and pompous168, as those of a politician? Surely nobody would be a charlatan169, who could afford to be sincere.
The tendencies of the times favor the idea of self-government, and leave the individual, for all code, to the rewards and penalties of his own constitution, which work with more energy than we believe, whilst we depend on artificial restraints. The movement in this direction has been very marked in modern history. Much has been blind and discreditable, but the nature of the revolution is not affected170 by the vices171 of the revolters; for this is a purely172 moral force. It was never adopted by any party in history, neither can be. It separates the individual from all party, and unites him, at the same time, to the race. It promises a recognition of higher rights than those of personal freedom, or the security of property. A man has a right to be employed, to be trusted, to be loved, to be revered173. The power of love, as the basis of a State, has never been tried. We must not imagine that all things are lapsing into confusion, if every tender protestant be not compelled to bear his part in certain social conventions: nor doubt that roads can be built, letters carried, and the fruit of labor secured, when the government of force is at an end. Are our methods now so excellent that all competition is hopeless? Could not a nation of friends even devise better ways? On the other hand, let not the most conservative and timid fear anything from a premature174 surrender of the bayonet, and the system of force. For, according to the order of nature, which is quite superior to our will, it stands thus; there will always be a government of force, where men are selfish; and when they are pure enough to abjure175 the code of force, they will be wise enough to see how these public ends of the post-office, of the highway, of commerce, and the exchange of property, of museums and libraries, of institutions of art and science, can be answered.
We live in a very low state of the world, and pay unwilling tribute to governments founded on force. There is not, among the most religious and instructed men of the most religious and civil nations, a reliance on the moral sentiment, and a sufficient belief in the unity49 of things to persuade them that society can be maintained without artificial restraints, as well as the solar system; or that the private citizen might be reasonable, and a good neighbor, without the hint of a jail or a confiscation176. What is strange too, there never was in any man sufficient faith in the power of rectitude, to inspire him with the broad design of renovating177 the State on the principle of right and love. All those who have pretended this design, have been partial reformers, and have admitted in some manner the supremacy178 of the bad State. I do not call to mind a single human being who has steadily denied the authority of the laws, on the simple ground of his own moral nature. Such designs, full of genius and full of fate as they are, are not entertained except avowedly179 as air-pictures. If the individual who exhibits them, dare to think them practicable, he disgusts scholars and churchmen; and men of talent, and women of superior sentiments, cannot hide their contempt. Not the less does nature continue to fill the heart of youth with suggestions of this enthusiasm, and there are now men, — if indeed I can speak in the plural180 number, — more exactly, I will say, I have just been conversing181 with one man, to whom no weight of adverse182 experience will make it for a moment appear impossible, impossible, that thousands of human beings might exercise towards each other the grandest and simplest sentiments, as well as a knot of friends, or a pair of lovers.
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boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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muses
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| v.沉思，冥想( muse的第三人称单数 )；沉思自语说（某事） | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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orchard
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| n.果园，果园里的全部果树，(美俚)棒球场 | |
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boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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fended
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| v.独立生活，照料自己( fend的过去式和过去分词 )；挡开，避开 | |
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furrow
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| n.沟；垄沟；轨迹；车辙；皱纹 | |
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hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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29
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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30
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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31
jot
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| n.少量；vi.草草记下；vt.匆匆写下 | |
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32
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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33
stammering
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| v.结巴地说出( stammer的现在分词 ) | |
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34
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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35
shuns
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的第三人称单数 ) | |
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36
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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37
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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38
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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39
sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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40
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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41
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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42
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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43
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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44
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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45
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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46
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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47
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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48
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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49
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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50
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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51
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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52
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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53
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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54
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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55
spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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56
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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57
deteriorating
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| 恶化，变坏( deteriorate的现在分词 ) | |
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58
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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59
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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60
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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61
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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62
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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63
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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64
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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65
subdivide
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| vt.细分（细区分，再划分，重分，叠分，分小类） | |
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66
overtly
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| ad.公开地 | |
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67
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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68
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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69
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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70
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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71
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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72
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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73
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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74
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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75
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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76
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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77
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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78
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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79
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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80
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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81
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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82
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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83
corrupt
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|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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84
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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85
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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86
benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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87
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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88
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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89
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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90
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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91
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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92
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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93
docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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94
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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95
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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96
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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97
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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98
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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99
personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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100
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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101
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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102
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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103
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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104
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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105
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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106
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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107
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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108
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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109
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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110
vindicates
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| n.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的名词复数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的第三人称单数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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111
aspires
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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113
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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114
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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115
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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116
lapsing
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| v.退步( lapse的现在分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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117
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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118
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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119
construing
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的现在分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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120
augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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121
centripetal
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| adj.向心的 | |
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122
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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123
transcript
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| n.抄本，誊本，副本，肄业证书 | |
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124
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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125
impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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126
theocracy
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| n.神权政治；僧侣政治 | |
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127
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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128
symbolize
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| vt.作为...的象征，用符号代表 | |
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129
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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130
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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131
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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132
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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133
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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134
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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135
ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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136
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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137
ordains
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的第三人称单数 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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138
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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139
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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140
antidote
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| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
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141
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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142
proxy
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| n.代理权，代表权；（对代理人的）委托书；代理人 | |
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143
educe
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| v.引出；演绎 | |
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144
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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145
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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146
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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147
meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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148
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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149
lexicon
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| n.字典，专门词汇 | |
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150
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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151
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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152
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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153
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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154
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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157
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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158
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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prehensile
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| adj.（足等）适于抓握的 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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circumvent
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| vt.环绕，包围；对…用计取胜，智胜 | |
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caucus
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| n.秘密会议；干部会议；v.（参加）干部开会议 | |
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167
covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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169
charlatan
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| n.骗子；江湖医生；假内行 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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175
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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renovating
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| 翻新，修复，整修( renovate的现在分词 ) | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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avowedly
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| adv.公然地 | |
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plural
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| n.复数；复数形式；adj.复数的 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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