THUCYDIDES, an Athenian, wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians, beginning at the moment that it broke out, and believing that it would be a great war and more worthy1 of relation than any that had preceded it. This belief was not without its grounds. The preparations of both the combatants were in every department in the last state of perfection; and he could see the rest of the Hellenic race taking sides in the quarrel; those who delayed doing so at once having it in contemplation. Indeed this was the greatest movement yet known in history, not only of the Hellenes, but of a large part of the barbarian2 world — I had almost said of mankind. For though the events of remote antiquity3, and even those that more immediately preceded the war, could not from lapse5 of time be clearly ascertained6, yet the evidences which an inquiry7 carried as far back as was practicable leads me to trust, all point to the conclusion that there was nothing on a great scale, either in war or in other matters.
For instance, it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations8 were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies9 of life required, destitute10 of capital, never planting their land (for they could not tell when an invader11 might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him), thinking that the necessities of daily sustenance12 could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained13 to any other form of greatness. The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas. The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement15 of particular individuals, and thus created faction16 which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period, becoming naturalized, swelled17 the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to Ionia.
There is also another circumstance that contributes not a little to my conviction of the weakness of ancient times. Before the Trojan war there is no indication of any common action in Hellas, nor indeed of the universal prevalence of the name; on the contrary, before the time of Hellen, son of Deucalion, no such appellation18 existed, but the country went by the names of the different tribes, in particular of the Pelasgian. It was not till Hellen and his sons grew strong in Phthiotis, and were invited as allies into the other cities, that one by one they gradually acquired from the connection the name of Hellenes; though a long time elapsed before that name could fasten itself upon all. The best proof of this is furnished by Homer. Born long after the Trojan War, he nowhere calls all of them by that name, nor indeed any of them except the followers19 of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were the original Hellenes: in his poems they are called Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. He does not even use the term barbarian, probably because the Hellenes had not yet been marked off from the rest of the world by one distinctive20 appellation. It appears therefore that the several Hellenic communities, comprising not only those who first acquired the name, city by city, as they came to understand each other, but also those who assumed it afterwards as the name of the whole people, were before the Trojan war prevented by their want of strength and the absence of mutual21 intercourse22 from displaying any collective action.
Indeed, they could not unite for this expedition till they had gained increased familiarity with the sea. And the first person known to us by tradition as having established a navy is Minos. He made himself master of what is now called the Hellenic sea, and ruled over the Cyclades, into most of which he sent the first colonies, expelling the Carians and appointing his own sons governors; and thus did his best to put down piracy23 in those waters, a necessary step to secure the revenues for his own use.
For in early times the Hellenes and the barbarians24 of the coast and islands, as communication by sea became more common, were tempted25 to turn pirates, under the conduct of their most powerful men; the motives26 being to serve their own cupidity27 and to support the needy28. They would fall upon a town unprotected by walls, and consisting of a mere29 collection of villages, and would plunder30 it; indeed, this came to be the main source of their livelihood31, no disgrace being yet attached to such an achievement, but even some glory. An illustration of this is furnished by the honour with which some of the inhabitants of the continent still regard a successful marauder, and by the question we find the old poets everywhere representing the people as asking of voyagers —“Are they pirates?”— as if those who are asked the question would have no idea of disclaiming32 the imputation33, or their interrogators of reproaching them for it. The same rapine prevailed also by land.
And even at the present day many of Hellas still follow the old fashion, the Ozolian Locrians for instance, the Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and that region of the continent; and the custom of carrying arms is still kept up among these continentals34, from the old piratical habits. The whole of Hellas used once to carry arms, their habitations being unprotected and their communication with each other unsafe; indeed, to wear arms was as much a part of everyday life with them as with the barbarians. And the fact that the people in these parts of Hellas are still living in the old way points to a time when the same mode of life was once equally common to all. The Athenians were the first to lay aside their weapons, and to adopt an easier and more luxurious36 mode of life; indeed, it is only lately that their rich old men left off the luxury of wearing undergarments of linen37, and fastening a knot of their hair with a tie of golden grasshoppers38, a fashion which spread to their Ionian kindred and long prevailed among the old men there. On the contrary, a modest style of dressing39, more in conformity40 with modern ideas, was first adopted by the Lacedaemonians, the rich doing their best to assimilate their way of life to that of the common people. They also set the example of contending naked, publicly stripping and anointing themselves with oil in their gymnastic exercises. Formerly41, even in the Olympic contests, the athletes who contended wore belts across their middles; and it is but a few years since that the practice ceased. To this day among some of the barbarians, especially in Asia, when prizes for boxing and wrestling are offered, belts are worn by the combatants. And there are many other points in which a likeness42 might be shown between the life of the Hellenic world of old and the barbarian of to-day.
With respect to their towns, later on, at an era of increased facilities of navigation and a greater supply of capital, we find the shores becoming the site of walled towns, and the isthmuses44 being occupied for the purposes of commerce and defence against a neighbour. But the old towns, on account of the great prevalence of piracy, were built away from the sea, whether on the islands or the continent, and still remain in their old sites. For the pirates used to plunder one another, and indeed all coast populations, whether seafaring or not.
The islanders, too, were great pirates. These islanders were Carians and Phoenicians, by whom most of the islands were colonized45, as was proved by the following fact. During the purification of Delos by Athens in this war all the graves in the island were taken up, and it was found that above half their inmates46 were Carians: they were identified by the fashion of the arms buried with them, and by the method of interment, which was the same as the Carians still follow. But as soon as Minos had formed his navy, communication by sea became easier, as he colonized most of the islands, and thus expelled the malefactors. The coast population now began to apply themselves more closely to the acquisition of wealth, and their life became more settled; some even began to build themselves walls on the strength of their newly acquired riches. For the love of gain would reconcile the weaker to the dominion47 of the stronger, and the possession of capital enabled the more powerful to reduce the smaller towns to subjection. And it was at a somewhat later stage of this development that they went on the expedition against Troy.
What enabled Agamemnon to raise the armament was more, in my opinion, his superiority in strength, than the oaths of Tyndareus, which bound the suitors to follow him. Indeed, the account given by those Peloponnesians who have been the recipients48 of the most credible49 tradition is this. First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from Asia with vast wealth, acquired such power that, stranger though he was, the country was called after him; and this power fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his descendants. Eurystheus had been killed in Attica by the Heraclids. Atreus was his mother’s brother; and to the hands of his relation, who had left his father on account of the death of Chrysippus, Eurystheus, when he set out on his expedition, had committed Mycenae and the government. As time went on and Eurystheus did not return, Atreus complied with the wishes of the Mycenaeans, who were influenced by fear of the Heraclids — besides, his power seemed considerable, and he had not neglected to court the favour of the populace — and assumed the sceptre of Mycenae and the rest of the dominions50 of Eurystheus. And so the power of the descendants of Pelops came to be greater than that of the descendants of Perseus. To all this Agamemnon succeeded. He had also a navy far stronger than his contemporaries, so that, in my opinion, fear was quite as strong an element as love in the formation of the confederate expedition. The strength of his navy is shown by the fact that his own was the largest contingent51, and that of the Arcadians was furnished by him; this at least is what Homer says, if his testimony52 is deemed sufficient. Besides, in his account of the transmission of the sceptre, he calls him
Of many an isle53, and of all Argos king.
Now Agamemnon’s was a continental35 power; and he could not have been master of any except the adjacent islands (and these would not be many), but through the possession of a fleet.
And from this expedition we may infer the character of earlier enterprises. Now Mycenae may have been a small place, and many of the towns of that age may appear comparatively insignificant54, but no exact observer would therefore feel justified55 in rejecting the estimate given by the poets and by tradition of the magnitude of the armament. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate56, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition57 with posterity58 to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent59 of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned60 with magnificent temples and public edifices61, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy62. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. We have therefore no right to be sceptical, nor to content ourselves with an inspection63 of a town to the exclusion64 of a consideration of its power; but we may safely conclude that the armament in question surpassed all before it, as it fell short of modern efforts; if we can here also accept the testimony of Homer’s poems, in which, without allowing for the exaggeration which a poet would feel himself licensed65 to employ, we can see that it was far from equalling ours. He has represented it as consisting of twelve hundred vessels66; the Boeotian complement67 of each ship being a hundred and twenty men, that of the ships of Philoctetes fifty. By this, I conceive, he meant to convey the maximum and the minimum complement: at any rate, he does not specify68 the amount of any others in his catalogue of the ships. That they were all rowers as well as warriors69 we see from his account of the ships of Philoctetes, in which all the men at the oar70 are bowmen. Now it is improbable that many supernumeraries sailed, if we except the kings and high officers; especially as they had to cross the open sea with munitions71 of war, in ships, moreover, that had no decks, but were equipped in the old piratical fashion. So that if we strike the average of the largest and smallest ships, the number of those who sailed will appear inconsiderable, representing, as they did, the whole force of Hellas. And this was due not so much to scarcity72 of men as of money. Difficulty of subsistence made the invaders73 reduce the numbers of the army to a point at which it might live on the country during the prosecution74 of the war. Even after the victory they obtained on their arrival — and a victory there must have been, or the fortifications of the naval75 camp could never have been built — there is no indication of their whole force having been employed; on the contrary, they seem to have turned to cultivation76 of the Chersonese and to piracy from want of supplies. This was what really enabled the Trojans to keep the field for ten years against them; the dispersion of the enemy making them always a match for the detachment left behind. If they had brought plenty of supplies with them, and had persevered77 in the war without scattering78 for piracy and agriculture, they would have easily defeated the Trojans in the field, since they could hold their own against them with the division on service. In short, if they had stuck to the siege, the capture of Troy would have cost them less time and less trouble. But as want of money proved the weakness of earlier expeditions, so from the same cause even the one in question, more famous than its predecessors79, may be pronounced on the evidence of what it effected to have been inferior to its renown80 and to the current opinion about it formed under the tuition of the poets.
Even after the Trojan War, Hellas was still engaged in removing and settling, and thus could not attain14 to the quiet which must precede growth. The late return of the Hellenes from Ilium caused many revolutions, and factions81 ensued almost everywhere; and it was the citizens thus driven into exile who founded the cities. Sixty years after the capture of Ilium, the modern Boeotians were driven out of Arne by the Thessalians, and settled in the present Boeotia, the former Cadmeis; though there was a division of them there before, some of whom joined the expedition to Ilium. Twenty years later, the Dorians and the Heraclids became masters of Peloponnese; so that much had to be done and many years had to elapse before Hellas could attain to a durable82 tranquillity83 undisturbed by removals, and could begin to send out colonies, as Athens did to Ionia and most of the islands, and the Peloponnesians to most of Italy and Sicily and some places in the rest of Hellas. All these places were founded subsequently to the war with Troy.
But as the power of Hellas grew, and the acquisition of wealth became more an object, the revenues of the states increasing, tyrannies were by their means established almost everywhere — the old form of government being hereditary84 monarchy85 with definite prerogatives86 — and Hellas began to fit out fleets and apply herself more closely to the sea. It is said that the Corinthians were the first to approach the modern style of naval architecture, and that Corinth was the first place in Hellas where galleys87 were built; and we have Ameinocles, a Corinthian shipwright88, making four ships for the Samians. Dating from the end of this war, it is nearly three hundred years ago that Ameinocles went to Samos. Again, the earliest sea-fight in history was between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans; this was about two hundred and sixty years ago, dating from the same time. Planted on an isthmus43, Corinth had from time out of mind been a commercial emporium; as formerly almost all communication between the Hellenes within and without Peloponnese was carried on overland, and the Corinthian territory was the highway through which it travelled. She had consequently great money resources, as is shown by the epithet89 “wealthy” bestowed90 by the old poets on the place, and this enabled her, when traffic by sea became more common, to procure91 her navy and put down piracy; and as she could offer a mart for both branches of the trade, she acquired for herself all the power which a large revenue affords. Subsequently the Ionians attained to great naval strength in the reign92 of Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, and of his son Cambyses, and while they were at war with the former commanded for a while the Ionian sea. Polycrates also, the tyrant93 of Samos, had a powerful navy in the reign of Cambyses, with which he reduced many of the islands, and among them Rhenea, which he consecrated94 to the Delian Apollo. About this time also the Phocaeans, while they were founding Marseilles, defeated the Carthaginians in a sea-fight. These were the most powerful navies. And even these, although so many generations had elapsed since the Trojan war, seem to have been principally composed of the old fifty-oars and long-boats, and to have counted few galleys among their ranks. Indeed it was only shortly the Persian war, and the death of Darius the successor of Cambyses, that the Sicilian tyrants95 and the Corcyraeans acquired any large number of galleys. For after these there were no navies of any account in Hellas till the expedition of Xerxes; Aegina, Athens, and others may have possessed96 a few vessels, but they were principally fifty-oars. It was quite at the end of this period that the war with Aegina and the prospect97 of the barbarian invasion enabled Themistocles to persuade the Athenians to build the fleet with which they fought at Salamis; and even these vessels had not complete decks.
The navies, then, of the Hellenes during the period we have traversed were what I have described. All their insignificance98 did not prevent their being an element of the greatest power to those who cultivated them, alike in revenue and in dominion. They were the means by which the islands were reached and reduced, those of the smallest area falling the easiest prey99. Wars by land there were none, none at least by which power was acquired; we have the usual border contests, but of distant expeditions with conquest for object we hear nothing among the Hellenes. There was no union of subject cities round a great state, no spontaneous combination of equals for confederate expeditions; what fighting there was consisted merely of local warfare100 between rival neighbours. The nearest approach to a coalition101 took place in the old war between Chalcis and Eretria; this was a quarrel in which the rest of the Hellenic name did to some extent take sides.
Various, too, were the obstacles which the national growth encountered in various localities. The power of the Ionians was advancing with rapid strides, when it came into collision with Persia, under King Cyrus, who, after having dethroned Croesus and overrun everything between the Halys and the sea, stopped not till he had reduced the cities of the coast; the islands being only left to be subdued102 by Darius and the Phoenician navy.
Again, wherever there were tyrants, their habit of providing simply for themselves, of looking solely103 to their personal comfort and family aggrandizement, made safety the great aim of their policy, and prevented anything great proceeding104 from them; though they would each have their affairs with their immediate4 neighbours. All this is only true of the mother country, for in Sicily they attained to very great power. Thus for a long time everywhere in Hellas do we find causes which make the states alike incapable105 of combination for great and national ends, or of any vigorous action of their own.
Plans of the Battle of Plataea
Plans of the Battle of Plataea
But at last a time came when the tyrants of Athens and the far older tyrannies of the rest of Hellas were, with the exception of those in Sicily, once and for all put down by Lacedaemon; for this city, though after the settlement of the Dorians, its present inhabitants, it suffered from factions for an unparalleled length of time, still at a very early period obtained good laws, and enjoyed a freedom from tyrants which was unbroken; it has possessed the same form of government for more than four hundred years, reckoning to the end of the late war, and has thus been in a position to arrange the affairs of the other states. Not many years after the deposition106 of the tyrants, the battle of Marathon was fought between the Medes and the Athenians. Ten years afterwards, the barbarian returned with the armada for the subjugation107 of Hellas. In the face of this great danger, the command of the confederate Hellenes was assumed by the Lacedaemonians in virtue108 of their superior power; and the Athenians, having made up their minds to abandon their city, broke up their homes, threw themselves into their ships, and became a naval people. This coalition, after repulsing109 the barbarian, soon afterwards split into two sections, which included the Hellenes who had revolted from the King, as well as those who had aided him in the war. At the end of the one stood Athens, at the head of the other Lacedaemon, one the first naval, the other the first military power in Hellas. For a short time the league held together, till the Lacedaemonians and Athenians quarrelled and made war upon each other with their allies, a duel110 into which all the Hellenes sooner or later were drawn111, though some might at first remain neutral. So that the whole period from the Median war to this, with some peaceful intervals112, was spent by each power in war, either with its rival, or with its own revolted allies, and consequently afforded them constant practice in military matters, and that experience which is learnt in the school of danger.
The policy of Lacedaemon was not to exact tribute from her allies, but merely to secure their subservience113 to her interests by establishing oligarchies114 among them; Athens, on the contrary, had by degrees deprived hers of their ships, and imposed instead contributions in money on all except Chios and Lesbos. Both found their resources for this war separately to exceed the sum of their strength when the alliance flourished intact.
Having now given the result of my inquiries115 into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton, not knowing that Hippias, the eldest116 of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme117, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay118 at the very moment fixed119 on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices120, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking121 to be apprehended122 and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew123 him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession.
There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history, which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation124 of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth’s expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. To come to this war: despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration125 of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it.
With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one’s memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. And with reference to the narrative126 of events, far from permitting myself to derive127 it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed128 tests possible. My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue129 partiality for one side or the other. The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation130 of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time.
The Median War, the greatest achievement of past times, yet found a speedy decision in two actions by sea and two by land. The Peloponnesian War was prolonged to an immense length, and, long as it was, it was short without parallel for the misfortunes that it brought upon Hellas. Never had so many cities been taken and laid desolate, here by the barbarians, here by the parties contending (the old inhabitants being sometimes removed to make room for others); never was there so much banishing131 and blood-shedding, now on the field of battle, now in the strife132 of faction. Old stories of occurrences handed down by tradition, but scantily133 confirmed by experience, suddenly ceased to be incredible; there were earthquakes of unparalleled extent and violence; eclipses of the sun occurred with a frequency unrecorded in previous history; there were great droughts in sundry134 places and consequent famines, and that most calamitous135 and awfully136 fatal visitation, the plague. All this came upon them with the late war, which was begun by the Athenians and Peloponnesians by the dissolution of the thirty years’ truce137 made after the conquest of Euboea. To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their grounds of complaint and points of difference, that no one may ever have to ask the immediate cause which plunged138 the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable139. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged140 by either side which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war.
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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tempted
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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27
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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28
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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29
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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30
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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31
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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32
disclaiming
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| v.否认( disclaim的现在分词 ) | |
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33
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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34
continentals
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| n.（欧洲）大陆人( continental的名词复数 ) | |
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35
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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36
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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37
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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38
grasshoppers
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| n.蚱蜢( grasshopper的名词复数 )；蝗虫；蚂蚱；（孩子）矮小的 | |
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39
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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40
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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41
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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42
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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43
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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44
isthmuses
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| n.地峡( isthmus的名词复数 ) | |
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45
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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47
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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48
recipients
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| adj.接受的；受领的；容纳的；愿意接受的n.收件人；接受者；受领者；接受器 | |
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49
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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50
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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51
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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52
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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53
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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54
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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55
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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56
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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57
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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58
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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59
exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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60
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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61
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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62
inadequacy
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| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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63
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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64
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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65
licensed
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| adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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66
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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67
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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68
specify
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| vt.指定，详细说明 | |
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69
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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70
oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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71
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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72
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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73
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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74
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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75
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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76
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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77
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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79
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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80
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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81
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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82
durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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83
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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84
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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85
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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86
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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87
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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88
shipwright
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| n.造船工人 | |
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89
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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90
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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92
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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93
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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94
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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95
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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96
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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97
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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98
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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99
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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100
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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101
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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102
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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103
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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104
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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105
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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106
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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107
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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108
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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109
repulsing
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| v.击退( repulse的现在分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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110
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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111
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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112
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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113
subservience
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| n.有利，有益；从属（地位），附属性；屈从，恭顺；媚态 | |
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114
oligarchies
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| n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 )；寡头政治的执政集团；寡头统治的国家 | |
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115
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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116
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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117
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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118
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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119
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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120
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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121
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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122
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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123
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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124
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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125
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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126
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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127
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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128
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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129
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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130
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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131
banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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132
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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133
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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134
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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135
calamitous
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| adj.灾难的，悲惨的；多灾多难；惨重 | |
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136
awfully
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| adv.可怕地，非常地，极端地 | |
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137
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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138
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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139
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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140
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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