The Stamp Act itself was a very small matter; but many of the American Colonies had been setting up claims of independence in various matters. As Benjamin Franklin said, the British nation was provoked by these claims of independence, and all parties proposed by this piece of legislation to settle the question once for all. While the agents of the Colonies, and among them Franklin, protested against the Stamp Act, none of them supposed that it would be met by armed resistance; and yet the terms of the act were insolent2 and sweeping3. It was provided that if the stamps were not used, "marriages would be null and void, notes of hand valueless, ships at sea prizes to the first captors, suits at law impossible, transfers of real estate invalid4, inheritances irreclaimable." In spite of these sweeping terms, Benjamin Franklin did not doubt that the act would be carried into effect, and other patriotic5 Americans thought that the colonists6 should submit. Even James Otis of Boston, who was afterwards among the first to advocate the calling of an American congress to deliberate upon the propriety7 of the acts of Great Britain, was of this opinion.
The Georgia authorities regarded the stamp duty as just as any that could be generally imposed on the Colonies, though the manner of imposing8 it greatly inspired alarm. But while the other Colonies were hesitating, a voice was heard in Virginia. Patrick Henry, speaking for the Virginians, made an eloquent9 protest against the law, and his boldness kindled10 into flames the spirit of opposition11 that had been smoldering12 in all the Colonies. The Sons of Liberty were organized North and South. In Georgia they were known as "Liberty Boys." "Liberty, property, and no stamps!" was the cry, and it was a cry that stirred the country from one end to the other.
The congress suggested by James Otis of Boston assembled on Monday, the 7th of October, 1765, Georgia had no delegates in the congress, but was represented by a messenger who was sent to obtain a copy of the proceedings13. Such representation was not because the Colony of Georgia failed to sympathize with the purpose for which the congress was called, but was entirely14 due to the influence and popularity of Governor Wright, the royal governor, who was not only a good man personally, but wise, prudent15, and far-seeing. Owing to his exertions16, Georgia was not represented in the person of delegates. The speaker of the Georgia House of Assembly had indeed called a convention of the members for the purpose of selecting delegates to the Colonial Congress called to meet in New York, and sixteen members had responded to the call; but such was the influence of Governor Wright, that these members of the assembly were prevailed upon not to send delegates to the congress. But they could not be prevented from preparing and sending a response to the Massachusetts invitation. They had resolved, they said, to support heartily17 every measure that might be suggested for the support of the common rights of the Colonies.
We learn from the letters of Governor Wright, written to the Earl of Halifax, that it was as much as he could do (and he was a very active as well as a very wise governor) to prevail on the people to maintain at least the outward show of loyalty18 to the King. And he was not successful even in this, for he informs another correspondent (Mr. Secretary Conway) on the 31st of January, 1766, that the same spirit of "sedition19, or rather rebellion, which first appeared at Boston," had reached Georgia, and that he had been constantly engaged for the space of three months in trying to convince the people that they ought to submit to the King's authority until they could point out their grievances20 and apply for redress21 in a constitutional way. Governor Wright also states to the same correspondent that he has had much trouble in preserving from destruction at the hands of the people the stamp papers that had been forwarded for the collection of the tax. He received "incendiary" letters; he had to issue proclamations against riots and "tumultuous and unlawful assemblies;" and he had also to take measures against the Liberty Boys, who began to have private meetings, and who had formed themselves into a society to oppose and prevent the distribution of the stamp papers.
In short, the good governor was kept in a constant state of alarm lest the Liberty Boys should seize some advantage and cause his Majesty22 the King of England to have a moment of grief. The Liberty Boys were so active, and made so many threatening demonstrations23, that Governor Wright was driven to what he describes as extreme measures. He was compelled to send the obnoxious25 stamp papers to a place of safety to prevent the people from destroying them; and when he had the papers securely hidden, he was compelled to place men on duty day and night to protect the precious stamps. He was obliged to send a posse of men to protect the stamp distributer by hiding him, and was then moved to send him into the country for a season, in order to avoid the resentment26 of the people; and then, after all his trouble, the good governor found that the people had determined27 not to apply for any papers, stamped or unstamped, until the King had acted on the petitions sent from the Colonies. No wonder that he was moved to call it "a wretched situation." It was indeed a wretched situation for one who had no higher ideas of duty than to continue to serve the King and oppose the interests of the people.
There was something more of an uproar28 in South Carolina than in Georgia; but the truth of history appears to be that the resistance offered to the Stamp Act in Georgia was much more serious than that displayed in Carolina. Although Governor Wright used all his influence to support the act, the people exercised so much vigilance in watching the stamp papers and the officer sent to issue them, that none of the papers found their way into use.
The Colonies were bordering on a state of revolution, when, through the influence of the Earl of Chatham, the Stamp Act was repealed29. There was great rejoicing among the people, and a general manifestation31 of a renewal32 of loyalty to the mother country. But the seeds of dissension had been sown. The Stamp Act unnecessary and uncalled for, had given the people cause to ponder over their real relations to the Crown; and out of the discussion that had taken place arose a spirit of independence that grew and thrived and spread day by day.
In short, the repeal30 of the Stamp Act gave the people of the Colonies only momentary33 satisfaction. Their success in securing its repeal gave them a new taste for liberty of action, and a new sense of their importance as individuals. But King George III. was never satisfied with the repeal of the Stamp Act of 1765. He declared that it had wounded the Majesty of England. It fretted34 him, and the irritation35 that he felt extended like a contagion36 to his cabinet. When the Earl of Chatham died, there was no statesman to take his place. The mantle37 of his office fell on Charles Townshend, who was more anxious to please the King than to secure good government to the people of the Colonies. He was anxious for the British Government to assert with vigor38 its right to govern the Colonies as it saw fit.
Meanwhile the spirit of independence in the Colonies continued to assert itself more openly day by day, and the determination grew among them not to submit to taxation without representation in Parliament. The organization of Sons of Liberty and Liberty Boys grew and spread both North and South. One of the most fruitful causes of discontent was the fact that Georgia and the other Colonies were compelled to depend upon the will of the British Government in all matters. Every act passed by a colonial assembly must receive the sanction of the British Parliament before it became a law. Petitions were disregarded. Frequently there was a delay of two years between the passage of an act by the Colonial General Assembly and its ratification39. But every measure had to receive the approval of the Crown. While the affairs of the country were in this peculiar40 condition, the people became more and more dissatisfied.
It is now known that Governor James Wright, loyal to the King as he proved himself to be, was fully41 sensible of the injustice42 to which the Colonies were compelled to submit. On the 15th of August, 1769, he addressed a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, which was not read until fifteen months after it was written. In this letter the governor warned the British cabinet that the Colonies would never submit to taxation without representation. There was no disaffection, he said, toward the King or the royal family, but simply a determination on the part of the people to stand on their rights. But the governor's letter lay unread for fifteen months, and there was no reply to the numerous petitions sent from the Colonies. At last the Americans determined to appeal to the pockets instead of to the sentiments of the people of Great Britain. They determined to import no goods whatever that could be manufactured or produced at home.
This determination, instead of causing the British people to conciliate the Americans by securing the repeal of unfriendly laws, turned the popular opinion against the Colonies; and this feeling was intensified43 by the Boston Tea Party. A bill was passed by both Houses of the British Parliament to close the port of Boston, and the discussion of the measure gave an opportunity to some of the statesmen of the mother country to show their spite. Another law was passed, limiting and cutting down the power of the representative assembly of Massachusetts, and providing that town meetings should not be held except on permission in writing from the royal governor. Another act was passed, giving the governor of the Province the power to send to Great Britain or to other Colonies persons indicted44 for murder or charged with capital crimes committed in aiding the government of Massachusetts. These acts, intended to humiliate45 the Colonies, had the effect of inflaming46 them, and the Liberty Boys grew in numbers and determination.
On the 20th of July, 1774, "The Georgia Gazette," published at Savannah, contained an invitation to the people of the Province to meet at Tondee's Tavern on the 27th of July to take into consideration the unjust laws that had been passed by the British Parliament. The cause of Massachusetts was the cause of all. The meeting was held, and stood adjourned48 to the 10th of August, in order to give all the parishes an opportunity to be represented by delegates. Governor Wright, loyal to the last, issued a proclamation warning the people of the Province to avoid attending the meeting; but the proclamation was disregarded, and a meeting of the people of the Province was held at Tondee's Tavern on the 10th of August, 1774. Resolutions were adopted, declaring that his Majesty's subjects in America owed the same allegiance, and were entitled to the same rights and privileges, as their fellow-subjects in Great Britain; that the act lately passed for blockading the port of Boston was contrary to the British constitution; that the act for abolishing the charter of Massachusetts Bay tended to the subversion50 of American rights; that the Parliament of Great Britain had not, nor ever had, the right to tax his Majesty's American subjects; and that every demand for the support of government should be by requisition made to the several houses of representatives. The resolutions covered all the grievances of the people of the Colonies.
Meanwhile, Governor Wright was not idle. He called a convention of Royalists, which met, and signed a protest against the resolutions. Copies of this protest were made, and sent into all the parishes, by the governor's friends. Under pressure, many timid men who were really in sympathy with the Liberty Boys signed the protest. The signatures of dead men were used, and other frauds practiced, in order to make the demonstration24 in favor of the King sufficient to overawe those who had pledged themselves to American independence. In all this, Governor Wright was aided by the fact that the only newspaper in the Province, "The Georgia Gazette," was under his control. He was also aided by the geographical51 situation of Georgia, and by his own personal popularity. He had made a good governor. He had worked as hard for the prosperity and progress of the Province as he now worked to prevent the people from joining the movement for independence.
The governor was successful to the extent that he was able to prevent Georgia from sending duly accredited52 representatives to the First Continental53 Congress; and this fact has been taken by some writers of history to mean that the spirit of liberty and independence was not as earnest and as enthusiastic in Georgia as in the other Provinces. Later, when Georgia was overrun by British and Tory influences, and appeared to be conquered, ill-natured critics recalled the fact that her people were slow to join hands with those who advocated resistance to tyranny.
When the South Carolina delegates to the First Continental Congress returned to their homes, bearing with them copies of the Declaration of Colonial Rights, the Liberty Boys of Georgia renewed their movement with great zeal54. Copies of the Declaration were distributed throughout the Province. The result was, that the Liberty Boys grew steadily55 stronger in numbers, and more defiant56 in action. An idea of the situation at this time may be gathered from a letter written by Governor Wright to the Earl of Dartmouth on the 13th of December, 1774. He declared that the spirit of independence, or, as he called it, the spirit of enthusiasm, which many were possessed57 of before, "is raised to such a height of frenzy58, that God knows what the consequences may be, or what man or whose property may escape their resentment."
No doubt the amiable59 governor misunderstood the situation. What he regarded as "frenzy" was merely the eager desire and the determination of the Liberty Boys of Georgia to redeem60 themselves in the eyes of their brethren in the other Colonies. They were humiliated61 by their failure to send representatives to the Continental Congress, and they endeavored to redeem themselves by increased zeal and enthusiasm.
They arranged to hold a provincial62 congress in Savannah on the 18th of January, 1775. Governor Wright, on hearing of this, determined to convene63 the Provincial General Assembly on the same day, hoping and believing that this would prevent a meeting of the Provincial Congress, or greatly hamper64 its action. But the governor was mistaken. The General Assembly met in response to the call, and so did the Provincial Congress. Governor Wright addressed the members, declaring to them the danger of the situation, and imploring65 them to be prudent and loyal. The upper house of the General Assembly made a response agreeable to the governor's expectations, but the lower house gave to its address a tone of independence that was not at all pleasing to the King's officer. He showed his displeasure, and placed a serious obstacle in the way of the Liberty Boys by adjourning66 the General Assembly until the 9th of the following May. The Assembly had met on the 18th of January, and was adjourned on the 10th of February; so that the Liberty Boys, who made up a majority of the lower house, had no time to appoint delegates to the Philadelphia congress soon to be held, nor to take any official action in behalf of the independence of Georgia.
Governor Wright's plans were certainly very shrewdly laid. His adjournment67 of the General Assembly not only hampered68 the Provincial Congress (or convention) that had met at Savannah simultaneously69 with the legislature, but threw the delegates into confusion and disorder70, and was the means of causing the convention to adjourn49 without taking such action as the friends of liberty hoped for. All that it did was to elect three representatives to the Philadelphia congress. This was something, but it was not enough. The Liberty Boys expected the Provincial Convention to adopt all the measures and resolutions suggested by the Continental Congress. They therefore felt mortified71 when the convention adjourned, and left Georgia still outside the continental association.
This event was a serious embarrassment72 to the other Colonies, and aroused the anger of those friends of liberty who were unable to understand the peculiar conditions that surrounded the movement for independence in Georgia. The friends of liberty in South Carolina were so indignant, that they denounced the Georgians "as unworthy the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their country." Throughout the Colonies, the partisans73 of American independence were deeply wounded by the apparent hesitation74 of the Georgians, while the Royalists were delighted.
Though the Provincial Convention remained in session only seven days before adjourning, the delegates of St. John's Parish had withdrawn75 from the body. These delegates insisted on an emphatic76 indorsement of the acts of the Continental Congress, and they retired77 as soon as they found there would be some difficulty in bringing some of the hesitating members to their way of thinking. They retired, and selected Dr. Lyman Hall to represent St. John's in the Philadelphia congress. He took his seat in that body, and although he cast no vote, he made his voice heard in the discussions.
In spite of all the drawbacks which the Liberty Boys in Georgia had experienced, their enthusiasm did not cool. They never ceased their efforts, and the independence movement continued to grow. The public mind became more and more inflamed78 with resentment against the tyranny of King George and his Parliament, as the people heard of the progress of events in the more northern Colonies. By the 10th of May the people of Savannah had heard of the shedding of American blood by British troops at Lexington and Concord79. As the news spread from parish to parish, the people became aroused, and the response of public sentiment was all that American patriots80 could expect.
Seisure of Ammunition81 in Savannah 060
The first response of the Liberty Boys at Savannah was to seize the ammunition stored in the magazine. This event occurred on the night of the 11th of May, and was planned and carried out by the members of the Council of Safety. About six hundred pounds of powder fell into the hands of the Liberty Boys. Some was sent to South Carolina, and the rest was hidden in the garrets and cellars of the patriots who had seized it. Tradition says that some of this powder was sent to Massachusetts, where it was used by the patriots who drove the British before them at the battle of Bunker Hill.
Other events occurred that showed the temper of the Liberty Boys. On the 4th of June, when Governor Wright came to fire salutes82 in honor of King George's birthday, he found the cannon83 had been spiked84, dismounted, and rolled to the bottom of the bluff85. On the 5th of June the first liberty pole in the Colony was set up at Savannah. A young man named Hopkins, who spoke86 contemptuously of the members of the Committee of Public Safety was seized by a mob, tarred and feathered, placed in an illuminated87 cart, and paraded up and down the streets of Savannah.
As the days went by, the independence movement in Georgia became more enthusiastic, the Liberty Boys more active. The first vessel88 armed and equipped for naval89 warfare90 during the Revolution was fitted up by the Liberty Boys of Georgia under the authority of the Provincial Convention, which had assembled in Savannah on the 4th of July, 1775. This event is interesting. The Carolina Committee of Safety had heard that a British ship had sailed for Georgia with a cargo91 of powder intended for the Indians and for the use of the Royalists. The Carolinians at once resolved to capture the ship and seize the cargo. To that end, two barges92, manned by forty well-armed men, were embarked93 from Beaufort, and went to the mouth of the Savannah River, where they encamped on a point that commanded a full view of Tybee Lighthouse. The Provincial Convention, hearing of this expedition, offered to assist the officers in every way possible. There was an armed British schooner94 in the river at that time; and the Liberty Boys of Savannah determined to join forces with the Carolinians at Tybee, and effect her capture. For this purpose a schooner was equipped by the Provincial Convention, and placed under command of Captain Bowen and Joseph Habersham. This vessel was armed with ten carriage guns and swivels, and carried fifty men. The British armed vessel was not inclined to enter into a contest, but, when the Georgia schooner appeared, weighed anchor and sailed away. The schooner then took position beyond the harbor bar, and waited for the ship carrying the cargo of powder. She had not long to wait. On the 10th of July, 1775, the powder ship, commanded by Captain Maitland, made her appearance. Before entering Tybee Inlet, however, Captain Maitland saw the armed schooner. Suspecting that he was about to fall into a trap, he brought his vessel round, tacked95, and stood out to sea. But he had gone too far. The Georgia schooner gave chase, and soon overtook and captured the ship. It was a fortunate capture for the Colonies. Five thousand pounds of powder were sent to Philadelphia, and nine thousand fell to the share of Georgia.
The convention that commissioned the first armed vessel of the Revolution did more important work than this. It placed the Province of Georgia in political union with her sister Colonies, and gave her fellowship with those struggling Provinces. She was welcomed into the United Colonies with joyful96 demonstrations by the Continental Congress. By the 15th of April, 1776, the Liberty Boys in Georgia were so strong that Governor Wright had taken refuge on one of the King's vessels97 at Tybee; and on that date the patriots took full charge of the government of the Province. Archibald Bulloch was the first republican president of Georgia.
This is how the Liberty Boys took the Province of Georgia from his Majesty the King, and made a free and independent government. Their struggle did not end here, but the details of that struggle must be left to history to relate.
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1
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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smoldering
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| v.用文火焖烧，熏烧，慢燃( smolder的现在分词 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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redress
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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fretted
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| 焦躁的，附有弦马的，腐蚀的 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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humiliate
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| v.使羞辱，使丢脸[同]disgrace | |
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inflaming
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| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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convene
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| v.集合，召集，召唤，聚集，集合 | |
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hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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adjourning
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的现在分词 ) | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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spiked
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| adj.有穗的；成锥形的；有尖顶的 | |
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bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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barges
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| 驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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tacked
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| 用平头钉钉( tack的过去式和过去分词 )； 附加，增补； 帆船抢风行驶，用粗线脚缝 | |
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joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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