The politicians would have been entirely7 harmless if the life of President Lincoln had been spared. During the war, Mr. Lincoln was greatly misunderstood even at the North; but it is now the general verdict of history, that, take him for all in all, he was beyond all comparison the greatest man of his time, the one man who, above all others, was best fitted to bring the people of the two sections together again, and to make the union a more perfect union than ever before. But unfortunately Mr. Lincoln fell by the hands of an assassin, and never had an opportunity to carry out the great policy of pacification8 which could only have been sustained at that time by his great influence, by his patience, that was supreme9, and by his wisdom, that has proved to be almost infallible in working out the salvation10 of the union. After Lee's surrender, the interests of the South could have sustained no severer blow than the death of Lincoln. His successor, Andrew Johnson, was a well-meaning man, but a very narrow-minded one in some respects, and a very weak one in others. It is but justice to him to say that he did his best to carry out Lincoln's policy of pacification, and his failure was no greater than that of any other leading politician of his time would have been.
It would be impossible to describe the condition of the people at this time. There was no civil law in operation, and the military government that had been established was not far-reaching enough to restrain violence of any sort. The negroes had been set free, and were supported by means of a "freedmen's bureau." They were free, and yet they wanted some practical evidence of it. To obtain this, they left the plantations11 on which they had been born, and went tramping about the country in the most restless and uneasy manner.
The Negroes Freed 306
A great many of them believed that freedom meant idleness, such as they had seen white folks indulge in. The country negroes flocked to the towns and cities in great numbers, and the freedmen's bureau, active as its agents were, had a great deal more than it could attend to. Such peace and order as existed was not maintained by any authority, but grew naturally out of the awe12 that had come over both whites and blacks at finding their condition and their relations so changed. The whites could hardly believe that slavery no longer existed. The negroes had grave doubts as to whether they were really free. To make matters worse, a great many small politicians, under pretense13 of protecting the negroes, but really to secure their votes, began a crusade against the South in Congress, the like of which can hardly be found paralleled outside of our own history. The people of the South found out long ago that the politicians of the hour did not represent the intentions and desires of the people of the North; and there is much comfort and consolation14 to be got out of that fact, even at this late day. But at that time the bitterest dose of reconstruction15 was the belief that the best opinion of the North sustained the ruinous policy that had been put in operation.
The leading men of the State were all disfranchised,—deprived of the privilege of voting, a privilege that was freely conferred on the negroes. A newspaper editor in Macon was imprisoned16, and his paper suppressed, for declaring, in regard to taking the amnesty oath, that he had to "fortify17 himself for the occasion with a good deal of Dutch courage." The wife of General Toombs was ordered by an assistant commissioner18 of the freedmen's bureau to vacate her home with only two weeks' provisions, the grounds of the order being that the premises19 were "abandoned property," and, as such, were to be seized, and applied20 to the uses of the freedmen's bureau. The superior officer of this assistant commissioner, being a humane21 and kindly22 man, revoked23 the order.
These were the days when the carpet-bagger and the scalawag flourished,—the camp followers24 of the Northern army, who wanted money and office; and the native-born Southerner, who wanted office and money. There is no doubt that the indignities25 heaped on the people led to acts of retaliation26 that nothing else could excuse; but they were driven to desperation. It seemed, in that hour, that their liberties had been entirely withdrawn27. Governor Brown, who had formerly29 been so popular, was denounced because he advised Georgians to accept the situation. He, with other wise men, thought it was a waste of time and opportunity to discuss constitutional questions at a moment when the people were living under bayonet rule. Joe Brown's plan was to accept the situation, and then get rid of it as quickly as possible. Ben Hill's plan was to fight it to the last. There was a fierce controversy30 between these two leaders; and such strong expressions were used on both sides, that General Pope made them the subject of a curious letter to his commander in chief, General Grant.
General Pope seemed to be afraid that war was about to break out again, and he assumed charge of everything. He removed and appointed mayors of cities, solicitors31, and sheriffs. He closed the State University because a student made a speech which was in effect a defense32 of civil law. After a while the general said he would reopen the institution if the press of the State would say nothing about the affair. In 1867, General Pope ordered an election to be held for delegates to a State convention. The polls were kept open five days, and voters were allowed to vote in any precinct in any county upon their making oath that they were entitled to vote. The convention met, but, in the nature of things, could not be a representative body. Thousands of the best and most representative men of the State were not allowed to vote, and thousands of other good men refused to take part in an election held under the order of a military commander: consequently, when the convention met, its membership was made up of the political rag-tag-and-bobtail of that day. There were a few good men in the body, but they had little influence over the ignorant negroes and vicious whites who had taken advantage of their first and last opportunity to hold office.
The authority of this convention was not recognized by the State government, and this contest gave rise to a fresh conflict between the State officials and the military dictators who had been placed over them. The convention needed money to pay its expenses, and passed an ordinance33 directing the treasurer34 of the State to pay forty thousand dollars for this purpose to the disbursing35 officer of the convention. General Pope issued an order to the treasurer to pay this amount. The treasurer declined to pay out the money, for the simple reason that he was forbidden by law to pay out money except on an order or warrant drawn28 by the governor, and sanctioned by the comptroller general.
About this time General Meade was appointed to rule in Georgia in place of General Pope, and he found this matter unsettled when he took charge. So he wrote to Governor Jenkins, and requested him to draw his warrant on the treasury36 for forty thousand dollars. The governor could find no authority in law for paying over this sum, and he therefore refused. But civil government was not of much importance to the military at that time; so, when he had received the governor's letter, General Meade drew a sheet of paper before him, called for pen and ink, and issued "General Order No. 8," in which the announcement is made that "the following-named officers are detailed37 for duty in the district of Georgia: Brevet Brigadier General Thomas H. Ruger, Colonel 33d Infantry38, to be Governor of the State of Georgia; Brevet Captain Charles F. Rockwell, Ordnance39 Corps40 U. S. Army, to be Treasurer of the State of Georgia."
In this way the rag-tag-and-bobtail convention got its money, but it got also the hatred41 and contempt of the people; and the Republican party,—the party that had been molded and made by the wise policy of Lincoln,—by indorsing these foolish measures of reconstruction, and putting its influence behind the outrages42 that were committed in the name of "loyalty," aroused prejudices in the minds of the Southern people that have not died away to this day. Some of the more vicious of the politicians of that epoch43 organized what was known as "The union League." It was a secret political society, and had branches in every county of the State. Through the medium of this secret organization, the basest deception44 was practiced on the ignorant negroes. They were solemnly told that their old masters were making arrangements to re雗slave them, and all sorts of incendiary suggestions were made to them. It was by means of this secret society that the negroes were made to believe that they would be entitled to forty acres and a mule45 for voting for the candidates of the carpet-baggers.
The effect of all this was to keep the blacks in a constant state of turmoil46. They were too uneasy to settle down to work, and too suspicious to enter into contracts with the whites: so they went wandering about the State from town to town and from county to county, committing all sorts of crimes. As the civil system had been entirely overthrown47 by the military, there was neither law nor order; and this condition was very seriously aggravated48 by the incendiary teachings of The union League. The people, therefore, in some parts of the South, offset49 this secret society with another, which was called the "Ku Klux Klan." This organization was intended to prevent violence and to restore order in communities; but the spirit of it was very frequently violated by lawless persons, who, acting50 in the name of the "Klan," subjected defenseless negroes to cruel treatment.
There is no darker period in the history of the State than that of reconstruction. The tax payers were robbed in the most reckless way, and the rights of citizens were entirely disregarded. Even when the Republican Congress, responsive to the voice of conservative Northern opinion, turned its back on the carpet-bag government of Georgia, these men made a tremendous effort to extend their rule unlawfully. The carpet-bag Legislature was in session three hundred and twenty-eight days, and cost the State nearly one million dollars; whereas the cost of legislation from 1853 to 1862, nine years, was not nine hundred thousand dollars. In one year the State Road took in a million dollars and a half; and of this immense sum, only forty-five thousand dollars was paid into the treasury. Added to this, the road had been run into debt to the amount of six hundred thousand dollars, and it had been run down to such an extent that five hundred thousand was needed to place it in good condition.
During this trying period, Joseph E. Brown, who had been so popular with the people, was under a cloud. He had advised accepting the reconstruction measures in the first instance, so that they might be carried out by men who had the confidence and the esteem51 of the State; but this wise proposition brought upon his head only reproaches and abuse. The public mind was in such a state of frenzied52 uneasiness, the result of carpetbag robbery and recklessness, that the people would listen to no remedy except passionate53 defiance54 and denunciation. When the name of Brown was mentioned only as a handle of abuse, Benjamin H. Hill became the leader and the idol55 of the people. When, in 1870, Hill issued an address declaring that the reconstruction must be accepted by the people, he was at once made the object of the most violent attacks. But Brown was right in 1864, and Hill was right in 1870, and the people were wrong. They paid dearly for their blindness in the wrongs imposed on them by men who were neither Republicans nor reconstructionists at heart, but public plunderers.
In 1871 the carpet-bag government began to totter56. The governor left the State, and staid away so long that the State treasurer, a man of stern integrity, refused to pay warrants that were not signed by a resident governor. Finally the governor returned, but almost immediately resigned. In a short time the real representatives of the people took charge of affairs, and since that time the State has been in a highly prosperous condition.
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1
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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wrangles
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| n.（尤指长时间的）激烈争吵，口角，吵嘴( wrangle的名词复数 )v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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27
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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solicitors
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| 初级律师( solicitor的名词复数 ) | |
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32
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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disbursing
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| v.支出，付出( disburse的现在分词 ) | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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42
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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45
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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46
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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47
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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48
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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49
offset
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| n.分支，补偿；v.抵消，补偿 | |
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50
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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51
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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52
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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53
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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54
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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55
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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56
totter
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| v.蹒跚， 摇摇欲坠；n.蹒跚的步子 | |
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