One Wednesday afternoon, toward the close of September, 1862, a group of men and boys might have been seen standing4 on the steps and in the entry of the Town House. Why they had met will best appear from a large placard, which had been posted up on barns and fences and inside the village store and postoffice.
It ran as follows:
WAR MEETING!
The citizens of Rossville are invited to meet at the Town Hall, on Wednesday, September 24, at 3 P. M. to decide what measures shall be taken toward raising the town's quota5 of twenty-five men, under the recent call of the President of the United States. All patriotic6 citizens, who are in favor of sustaining the free institutions transmitted to us by our fathers, are urgently invited to be present.
The Hon. Solomon Stoddard is expected to address the meeting.
Come one, come all.
At the appointed hour one hundred and fifty men had assembled in the hall. They stood in groups, discussing the recent call and the general management of the war with that spirit of independent criticism which so eminently7 characterizes the little democracies which make up our New England States.
“The whole thing has been mismanaged from the first,” remarked a sapient-looking man with a gaunt, cadaverous face, addressing two listeners. “The Administration is corrupt8; our generals are either incompetent9 or purposely inefficient10. We haven't got an officer that can hold a candle to General Lee. Abraham Lincoln has called for six hundred thousand men. What'll he do with 'em when he gets 'em? Just nothing at all. They'll melt away like snow, and then he'll call for more men. Give me a third of six hundred thousand, and I'll walk into Richmond in less'n thirty days.”
A quiet smile played over the face of one of the listeners. With a slight shade of irony11 in his voice he said, “If such are your convictions, Mr. Holman, I think it a great pity that you are not in the service. We need those who have clear views of what is required in the present emergency. Don't you intend to volunteer?”
“I!” exclaimed the other with lofty scorn. “No, sir; I wash my hands of the whole matter. I ain't clear about the justice of warring upon our erring12 brethren at all. I have no doubt they would be inclined to accept overtures13 of peace if accompanied with suitable concessions14. Still, if war must be waged, I believe I could manage matters infinitely15 better than Lincoln and his cabinet have done.”
“Wouldn't it be well to give them the benefit of your ideas on the subject?” suggested the other quietly.
“Ahem!” said Mr. Holman, a little suspiciously.
“What do you mean, Mr. Frost?”
“Only this, that if, like you, I had a definite scheme, which I thought likely to terminate the war, I should feel it my duty to communicate it to the proper authorities, that they might take it into consideration.”
“It wouldn't do any good,” returned Holman, still a little suspicious that he was quietly laughed at. “They're too set in their own ways to be changed.”
At this moment there was a sharp rap on the table, and a voice was heard, saying, “The meeting will please come to order.”
The buzz of voices died away; and all eyes were turned toward the speaker's stand.
“It will be necessary to select a chairman to preside over your deliberations,” was next heard. “Will any one nominate?”
“I nominate Doctor Plunkett,” came from a man in the corner.
A gentlemanly-looking man with a pleasant face advanced to the speaker's stand, and with a bow made a few remarks to this effect:
“Fellow citizens: This is new business to me, as you are doubtless aware. My professional engagements have not often allowed me to take part in the meetings which from time to time you have held in this hall. On the present occasion, however, I felt it to be my duty, and the duty of every loyal citizen, to show by his presence how heartily17 he approves the object which has called us together. The same consideration will not suffer me to decline the unexpected responsibility which you have devolved upon me. Before proceeding18 farther, I would suggest that a clerk will be needed to complete the organization.”
A young man was nominated and elected without opposition19.
Doctor Plunkett again addressed the meeting: “It is hardly necessary,” he said, “to remind you of the object which has brought us together. Our forces in the field need replenishing. The Rebellion has assumed more formidable proportions than we anticipated. It is quite clear that we cannot put it down with one hand. We shall need both. Impressed with this conviction, President Lincoln has made an extraordinary levy20 upon the country. He feels that it is desirable to put down the Rebellion as speedily as possible, and not suffer it to drag through a series of years. But he cannot work single-handed. The loyal States must give their hearty21 cooperation. Our State, though inferior in extent and population to some others, has not fallen behind in loyal devotion. Nor, I believe, will Rossville be found wanting in this emergency. Twenty-five men have been called for. How shall we get them? This is the question which we are called upon to consider. I had hoped the Honorable Solomon Stoddard would be here to address you; but I regret to learn that a temporary illness will prevent his doing so. I trust that those present will not be backward in expressing their opinions.”
Mr. Holman was already on his feet. His speech consisted of disconnected remarks on the general conduct of the war, mingled22 with severe denunciation of the Administration.
He had spoken for fifteen minutes in this strain, when the chairman interfered——
Holman wiped his cadaverous features with a red silk pocket-handkerchief, and inquired, sarcastically25, “Am I to understand that freedom of speech is interdicted26 in this hall?”
“Freedom of speech is in order,” said the chairman calmly, “provided the speaker confines himself to the question under discussion. You have spoken fifteen minutes without once touching27 it.”
“I suppose you want me to praise the Administration,” said Holman, evidently thinking that he had demolished28 the chairman. He looked around to observe what effect his shot had produced.
“That would be equally out of order,” ruled the presiding officer. “We have not assembled to praise or to censure29 the Administration, but to consider in what manner we shall go to work to raise our quota.”
Mr. Frost rose next. It is unnecessary to report his speech. It was plain, practical, and to the point. He recommended that the town appropriate a certain sum as bounty31 money to volunteers. Other towns had done so, and he thought with good reason. It would undoubtedly32 draw in recruits more rapidly.
“Mr. Chairman,” he commenced, “I oppose that suggestion. I think it calculated to work serious mischief34. Do our young men need to be hired to fight for their country? I suppose that is what you call patriotism35. For my part, I trust the town will have too much good sense to agree to any such proposition. The consequence of it would be to plunge36 us into debt, and increase our taxes to a formidable amount.”
It may be remarked that Squire37 Haynes, the speaker, was the wealthiest man in town, and, of course, would be considerably38 affected39 by increased taxation40. Even now he never paid his annual tax-bill without an inward groan41, feeling that it was so much deducted42 from the sum total of his property.
Mr. Frost remained standing while Squire Haynes was speaking, and at the close continued his speech:
“Squire Haynes objects that my proposition, if adopted, will make our taxes heavier. I grant it: but how can we expect to carry on this gigantic war without personal sacrifices? If they only come in the form of money, we may account ourselves fortunate. I take it for granted that there is not a man here present who does not approve the present war—who does not feel that we are waging it for good and sufficient reasons.”
Here Mr. Holman moved uneasily in his seat, and seemed on the point of interrupting the speaker, but for some reason forbore.
“Such being the case, we cannot but feel that the burden ought to fall upon the entire community, and not wholly upon any particular portion. The heaviest sacrifices must undoubtedly be made by those who leave their homes and peril43 life and limb on the battlefield. When I propose that you should lighten that sacrifice so far as it lies in your power, by voting them a bounty, it is because I consider that money will compensate44 them for the privations they must encounter and the perils45 they will incur46. For that, they must look to the satisfaction that will arise from the feeling that they have responded to their country's call, and done something to save from ruin the institutions which our fathers transmitted as a sacred trust to their descendants. Money cannot pay for loss of life or limb. But some of them leave families behind. It is not right that these families should suffer because the fathers have devoted47 themselves to the sacred cause of liberty. When our soldiers go forth48, enable them to feel that their wives and children shall not lack for the necessaries of life. The least that those who are privileged to stay at home can do is to tax their purses for this end.”
“Mr. Chairman,” said Squire Haynes sarcastically, “I infer that the last speaker is intending to enlist49.”
Mr. Frost's face flushed at this insinuation.
“Squire Haynes chooses to impute50 to me interested motives51. I need enter into no defense52 before an audience to whom I am well known. I will only inquire whether interested motives have nothing to do with his opposition to voting bounties53 to our soldiers?”
This was such a palpable hit that Squire Haynes winced54 under it, and his red face turned redder as he saw the smiles of those about him.
“Impudent puppy!” he muttered to himself; “he seems to forget that I have a mortgage of eight hundred dollars on his farm. When the time comes to foreclose it, I will show him no mercy. I'll sell him out, root and branch!”
Mr. Frost could not read the thoughts that were passing through the mind of his creditor55. They might have given him a feeling of uneasiness, but would not in the least have influenced his action. He was a man loyal to his own convictions of duty, and no apprehension56 of personal loss would have prevented his speaking in accordance with what he felt to be right.
The considerations which had been urged were so reasonable that the voters present, with very little opposition, voted to pay one hundred and fifty dollars to each one who was willing to enlist as one of the town's quota. A list was at once opened, and after the close of the meeting four young men came forward and put down their names, amid the applause of the assembly.
“I wanted to do it before,” said John Drake, one of the number, to Mr. Frost, “but I've got a wife and two little children dependent upon me for support. I couldn't possibly support them out of my thirteen dollars a month, even with the State aid. But your motion has decided57 me. I could do better by staying at home, even with that; but that isn't the question. I want to help my country in this hour of her need; and now that my mind is at ease about my family, I shall cheerfully enter the service.”
“And I know of no one who will make a better soldier!” said Mr. Frost heartily.
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1
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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transact
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| v.处理；做交易；谈判 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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9
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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erring
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| 做错事的，错误的 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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15
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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18
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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27
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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28
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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30
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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41
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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42
deducted
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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44
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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45
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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46
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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47
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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48
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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49
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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50
impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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51
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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52
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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53
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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54
winced
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| 赶紧避开，畏缩( wince的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
creditor
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| n.债仅人，债主，贷方 | |
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56
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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57
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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