THE FOLLOWING DAY the Tsar stayed in Vishau. His medical attendant, Villier, was several times summoned to him. At headquarters and among the troops that were nearer, the news circulated that the Tsar was unwell. He was eating nothing and had slept badly that night, so those about him reported. The cause of this indisposition was the too violent shock given to the sensitive soul of the Tsar by the sight of the killed and wounded.
At dawn on the 17th, a French officer was conducted from our outposts into Vishau. He came under a flag of truce to ask for an interview with the Russian Emperor. This officer was Savary. The Tsar had only just fallen asleep, and so Savary had to wait. At midday he was admitted to the Emperor, and an hour later he rode away accompanied by Prince Dolgorukov to the outposts of the French army. Savary's mission was, so it was rumoured, to propose a meeting between Alexander and Napolean. A personal interview was, to the pride and rejoicing of the whole army, refused, and instead of the Tsar, Prince Dolgorukov, the general victorious in the action at Vishau, was despatched with Savary to undertake negotiations with Napoleon, if these negotiations—contrary to expectation—were founded on a real desire for peace. In the evening Dolgorukov came back, went straight to the Tsar and remained a long while alone with him.
On the 18th and 19th the troops moved forward two days' march, and the enemy's outposts, after a brief interchange of shots, retired. In the higher departments of the army an intense, bustling excitement and activity prevailed from midday of the 19th till the morning of the following day, the 20th of November, on which was fought the memorable battle of Austerlitz. Up to midday of the 19th the activity, the eager talk, the bustle, and the despatching of adjutants was confined to the headquarters of the Emperors; after midday the activity had reached the headquarters of Kutuzov and the staff of the commanding officers of the columns. By evening this activity had been carried by the adjutants in all directions into every part of the army, and in the night of the 19th the multitude of the eighty thousands of the allied army rose from its halting-place, and with a hum of talk moved on, a heaving mass nine versts long.
The intense activity that had begun in the morning in the headquarters of the Emperors, and had given the impetus to all the activity in remoter parts, was like the first action in the centre wheel of a great tower clock. Slowly one wheel began moving, another began turning, and a third, and more and more rapidly, levers, wheels, and blocks began to revolve, chimes began playing, figures began to pop out, and the hands began moving rhythmically, as a result of that activity.
Just as in the mechanism of the clock, in the mechanism of the military machine too, once the impetus was given, it was carried on to the last results, and just as unsympathetically stationary were the parts of the machinery which the impulse had not yet reached. Wheels creak on their axles, and teeth bite into cogs, and blocks whir in rapid motion, while the next wheel stands as apathetic and motionless as though it were ready to stand so for a hundred years. But the momentum reaches it—the lever catches, and the wheel, obeying the impulse, creaks and takes its share in the common movement, the result and aim of which are beyond its ken.
Just as in the clock, the result of the complex action of countless different wheels and blocks is only the slow, regular movement of the hand marking the time, so the result of all the complex human movement of those 160,000 Russians and Frenchmen—of all the passions, hopes, regrets, humiliations, sufferings, impulses of pride, of fear, and of enthusiasm of those men—was only the loss of the battle of Austerlitz, the so-called battle of the three Emperors, that is, the slow shifting of the registering hand on the dial of the history of mankind.
Prince Andrey was on duty that day, and in close attendance on the commander-in-chief. At six o'clock in the evening Kutuzov visited the headquarters of the Emperors, and after a brief interview with the Tsar, went in to see the Ober-Hofmarschall Count Tolstoy.
Bolkonsky took advantage of this interval to go in to Dolgorukov to try and learn details about the coming action. Prince Andrey felt that Kutuzov was disturbed and displeased about something, and that they were displeased with him at headquarters, and that all the persons at the Emperor's headquarters took the tone with him of people who knew something other people are not aware of; and for that reason he wanted to have some talk with Dolgorukov.
“Oh, good evening, my dear boy,” said Dolgorukov, who was sitting at tea with Bilibin. “The fête's for to-morrow. How's your old fellow? out of humour?”
“I won't say he's out of humour, but I fancy he would like to get a hearing.”
“But he did get a hearing at the council of war, and he will get a hearing when he begins to talk sense. But to delay and wait about now when Bonaparte fears a general engagement more than anything—is out of the question.”
“Oh yes, you have seen him,” said Prince Andrey. “Well, what did you think of Bonaparte? What impression did he make on you?”
“Yes, I saw him, and I'm persuaded he fears a general engagement more than anything in the world,” repeated Dolgorukov, who evidently attached great value to this general deduction he had made from his interview with Napoleon. “If he weren't afraid of an engagement what reason has he to ask for this interview, to open negotiations, and, above all, to retreat, when retreat is contrary to his whole method of conducting warfare? Believe me, he's afraid, afraid of a general engagement; his hour has come, mark my words.”
“But tell me what was he like, how did he behave?” Prince Andrey still insisted.
“He's a man in a grey overcoat, very anxious to be called ‘your majesty,' but disappointed at not getting a title of any kind out of me. That's the sort of man he is, that's all,” answered Dolgorukov, looking round with a smile at Bilibin.
“In spite of my profound respect for old Kutuzov,” he pursued, “a pretty set of fools we should be to wait about and let him have a chance to get away or cheat us, when as it is he's in our hands for certain. No, we mustn't forget Suvorov and his rule—never to put oneself in a position to be attacked, but to make the attack oneself. Believe me, the energy of young men is often a safer guide in warfare than all the experience of the old cunctators.”
“But in what position are you going to attack him? I have been at the outposts to-day, and there was no making out where his chief forces are concentrated,” said Prince Andrey. He was longing to explain to Dolgorukov his own idea, the plan of attack he had formed.
“Ah, that's a matter of no consequence whatever,” Dolgorukov said quickly, getting up and unfolding a map on the table. “Every contingency has been provided for; if he is concentrated at Brünn.…” And Prince Dolgorukov gave a rapid and vague account of Weierother's plan of a flank movement.
Prince Andrey began to make objections and to explain his own plan, which may have been as good as Weierother's, but had the fatal disadvantage that Weierother's plan had already been accepted. As soon as Prince Andrey began to enlarge on the drawbacks of the latter and the advantages of his own scheme, Prince Dolgorukov ceased to attend, and looked without interest not at the map, but at Prince Andrey's face.
“There is to be a council of war at Kutuzov's to-night, though; you can explain all that then,” said Dolgorukov.
“That's what I am going to do,” said Prince Andrey, moving away from the map.
“And what are you worrying yourselves about, gentlemen?” said Bilibin, who had till then been listening to their talk with a beaming smile, but now unmistakably intended to make a joke. “Whether there is victory or defeat to-morrow, the glory of the Russian arms is secure. Except your Kutuzov, there's not a single Russian in command of a column. The commanders are: Herr General Wimpfen, le comte de Langeron, le prince de Lichtenstein, le prince de Hohenlohe and Prishprshiprsh, or some such Polish name.”
“Hold your tongue, backbiter,” said Dolgorukov. “It's not true, there are two Russians: Miloradovitch and Dohturov, and there would have been a third, Count Araktcheev, but for his weak nerves.”
“Mihail Ilarionovitch has come out, I think,” said Prince Andrey. “Good luck and success to you, gentlemen,” he added, and went out, after shaking hands with Dolgorukov and Bilibin.
On returning home Prince Andrey could not refrain from asking Kutuzov, who sat near him in silence, what he thought about the coming battle. Kutuzov looked sternly at his adjutant, and after a pause, answered: “I think the battle will be lost, and I said so to Count Tolstoy and asked him to give that message to the Tsar. And what do you suppose was the answer he gave me? ‘Eh, mon cher général, je me mêle de riz et de c?telettes, mêlez-vous des affaires de la guerre.' Yes.… That's the answer I got!”
翌日，国王在维绍市下榻。国王曾数次召唤御医维利埃。大本营和附近的部队中传出国王圣体欠适的消息。他未曾进食，夜里不能安寝，亲信均提及此事。国王圣体欠适的原因在于，他看见伤亡士兵，内心深受感动，因而留下强烈的印象。
十七日拂晓，一名法国军官从前哨押送到维绍市，他打着军使的旗帜走来，要求觐见国王。这名军官就是萨瓦里。国王刚刚睡熟了，因此，萨瓦里不得不等候。正午时他被应允觐见皇帝，一小时后他和多尔戈鲁科夫公爵一起动身到法军前哨去了。
据闻，萨瓦里被派往俄方的目的在于建议亚历山大皇帝与拿破仑会面。私下会面的建议已遭到拒绝，这使全军感到高兴和骄傲。维绍之战的胜利者多尔戈鲁科夫公爵接受派遣的命令，偕同萨瓦里替代俄皇去见拿破仑，举行谈判，但愿这次谈判与预料相反，双方能具有媾和诚意。
夜晚，多尔戈鲁科夫回来了，他径直地去觐见国王，单独一人在国王那里待了很久。
十一月十八日和十九日，部队又在行军中连续不停地走了两昼夜，在短暂的对射之后，敌军的前哨部队撤退了。从十九日中午起，军队上层中开始十分紧张而忙碌地进行活动，延续至次日——十一月二十日早晨，是日他们发动了一次非常值得纪念的奥斯特利茨战役。
直至十九日正午，人们只是在两位皇帝的大本营内开展活动，他们兴致勃勃地谈话，或者东奔西跑，或者将若干名副官派遣出去。当天晌午之后，活动传布到库图佐夫的大本营和纵队长官的司令部。晚间这项活动就由副官传布到军队的各个部门。十九日更残漏尽，八万人马的联军部队从宿营地起身，笑语喧阗，人头攒动，有如一幅十里路长的巨型油画，浩浩荡荡地出发了。
二位皇帝的大本营从大清早就开始的戮力同心的活动，就像塔楼上的巨钟的中心主轮所开始的第一次活动，它推动了以后的各种活动。一个主轮慢慢地转动一下，第二个、第三个就跟着转动起来，这些大齿轮、滑轮、小齿轮愈转愈迅速，自鸣钟于是开始鸣乐报时，跳出针盘的数字，指针开始均匀地移动，显示运转的结果。
无论是钟表的机件，还是军事机器，一开动就难以止住，必然会获得最后的结果，一些还没有运转的机件在传动之前同样是滞然不动的。轮轴上的齿轮发出吱吱的响声，旋转的滑轮因为迅速转动而发出咝咝的响声，邻近的齿轮却静止不动，就像它会静止几百年似的，但到了开动的时刻，它被杠杆抓住了，于是就听从运转规律的支配，转动时发出轧轧的响声，融汇成一种它不理解其结果和目的的共同的转动。
钟表里的无数不同的齿轮和滑轮的配合转动的结果只会导致时针的徐缓而均匀的移动，同样地，这十六万俄国军人和法国军人的各种复杂的活动——这些人所有的激情、心愿、懊悔、屈辱、痛苦、傲气、惊恐和狂喜——其结果只会导致奥斯特利茨战役，即所谓三位皇帝发动的战役的失败，也就是世界历史的时针在人类历史的表盘上的徐缓的移动。
这天安德烈公爵值勤，寸步不离总司令。
下午五点多钟，库图佐夫到了皇帝大本营，在国王那里待了不多久，便到宫廷事务大臣托尔斯泰伯爵那里去了。
博尔孔斯基藉此时机顺便到多尔戈鲁科夫那里去打听一下战事的详细情况。安德烈公爵觉得，库图佐夫不知怎的非常扫兴，他心里很不满意。大本营的人个个对他表示不满，皇帝大本营的人员和他打交道时用的都是那种腔调，听起来就像某些人知道别人所不知道的事情那样，因此他想和多尔戈鲁科夫谈谈。
“亲爱的，您好，”多尔戈鲁科夫和比利宾坐在一起用茶时说道：“明儿是节日，您的老头子怎样了？情绪不好吗？”
“我不是说他情绪不好，而是说他想要人家听听他讲话。”
“不过军事会议上大家听过他讲话，只要他讲的是正经话，大家还是会听的；但当波拿巴现在最怕大战的时候，拖延、等待都是不行的。”
“是啊，您看见他吗？”安德烈公爵说道，“啊，波拿巴怎么样？他给您留下什么印象？”
“是啊，我见过，而且相信，他在这个世界上最害怕的是大战，”多尔戈鲁科夫重复了一句，显然他珍惜他和拿破仑会面时他所作出的这个一般的结论。“如果他不怕大战，他干嘛要提出这次会面的要求，干嘛要举行谈判；主要是为什么撤退，而撤退是违背他的整个作战方式的，是吗？您相信我吧，他害怕、害怕大战，他要遭殃的时刻来到了。我要对您说的就是这些话。”
“可是请您讲给我听吧，他是个怎样的人呀？”安德烈公爵又问了一句。
“他这个身穿灰色常礼服的人很想我对他说一声‘陛下'，使他不痛快的是，他没有得到我赐予他的任何头衔。他是个这样的人，没有什么别的要说的了。”多尔戈鲁科夫回答，含笑地望着比利宾。
“虽然我十分尊重年老的库图佐夫，”他继续说下去，“如果我们只是等待时机，让波拿巴乘机逃走或则欺骗我们，那才叫人难受呢，而今他确实落在我们手上了。不，不应当忘记苏沃洛夫及其行为准则：不要使自己处于遭受进攻的地位，自己要发动进攻。请您相信，年轻人的精力在战争中常比优柔寡断的老年人的经验能更稳当地指明道路。”
“可是我们究竟在哪个阵地向他发动进攻呢：我今天到前哨走过一趟，不能断定他的主力布置在何处。”安德烈公爵说。
他想对多尔戈鲁科夫说出他所拟就的计划。
“唉，横竖一样，”多尔戈鲁科夫站立起来，打开桌上的地图，匆促地说，“各种情况都预见到了，假如他驻扎在布吕恩附近……”
多尔戈鲁科夫公爵急促而不清晰地叙述了魏罗特尔的侧翼迂回运动计划。
安德烈公爵开始表示异议，证明他的计划能与魏罗特尔的计划媲美，而美中不足的是，魏罗特尔的计划已经通过了。安德烈公爵一开始就证明那个计划的缺陷、他的计划的优越，多尔戈鲁科夫就不再听他讲话了，他心不在焉，抬眼望的不是地图，而是安德烈公爵的面孔。
“不过，库图佐夫今天要召开军事会议，您可以在那里把全部情况说出来。”多尔戈鲁科夫说。
“我准会办妥这件事。”安德烈公爵从地图旁边走开时说道。
“先生们，你们关心的是什么呢？”比利宾说道，一直到现在他还面露愉快的微笑，静听他们谈话，显然他现在想开玩笑了。“明天打胜仗，或者吃败仗，俄国武装力量的光荣是有保证的。除开你们的库图佐夫，再也没有一个俄国的纵队长官了。有这么几个长官：HerrgeneralWimpfen，lecomtedeLangeron，leprincedeLichtenstein，leprincedeHohenloeetenfinPrsch…prsch…etainsidesuite，commetouslesnomspolonais．”①
“Taisezvous，mauvaiselangue．”②多尔戈鲁科夫说，“您所说的是假话，现在已经有两个俄国人了：米洛拉多维奇和多赫图罗夫，可能会有第三个，那就是阿拉克切耶夫伯爵，不过他的神经很脆弱。”
“可是，我想米哈伊尔·伊拉里奥诺维奇已经出来了，”安德烈公爵说道。“先生们，祝你们幸福、成功。”他握了握多尔戈鲁科夫和比利宾的手，补充了一句，便走出去了。
安德烈公爵回去的时候，心中按捺不住，便向沉默地坐在身旁的库图佐夫问到他对明天的战斗抱有什么想法？
库图佐夫严肃地望望他的副官，沉默了片刻，答道：
“我想这一场战斗是输定了，我对托尔斯泰伯爵也是这样说的，并且请他把这句话转告国王。你想，他对我回答了什么话呢？Eh，monchergénéral，Jememelederizetdescotelettes，melezvousdesaffairesdelaguerre，③是的，他就是这样回答我的！”
①法语和德语：温普芬将军先生、朗热隆伯爵、利希滕施泰因公爵、霍恩洛厄公爵和普尔什……普尔什……全是一些波兰名字。
②法语：爱搬弄是非的人，请您住嘴。
③法语：可爱的将军！我忙着做饭，做肉丸子，而您研究的却是军事。
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