And speaks the language of Canaan truly.
Tribulation1. You must await his calling, and the coming
Of the good spirit. You did ill to upbraid2 him.
The Alchemist.
We return to Henry Morton, whom we left on the field of battle. He was eating, by one of the watch-fires, his portion of the provisions which had been distributed to the army, and musing3 deeply on the path which he was next to pursue, when Burley suddenly came up to him, accompanied by the young minister, whose exhortation4 after the victory had produced such a powerful effect.
“Henry Morton,” said Balfour abruptly5, “the council of the army of the Covenant6, confiding7 that the son of Silas Morton can never prove a lukewarm Laodicean, or an indifferent Gallio, in this great day, have nominated you to be a captain of their host, with the right of a vote in their council, and all authority fitting for an officer who is to command Christian8 men.”
“Mr Balfour,” replied Morton, without hesitation9, “I feel this mark of confidence, and it is not surprising that a natural sense of the injuries of my country, not to mention those I have sustained in my own person, should make me sufficiently10 willing to draw my sword for liberty and freedom of conscience. But I will own to you, that I must be better satisfied concerning the principles on which you bottom your cause ere I can agree to take a command amongst you.”
“And can you doubt of our principles,” answered Burley, “since we have stated them to be the reformation both of church and state, the rebuilding of the decayed sanctuary11, the gathering12 of the dispersed13 saints, and the destruction of the man of sin?”
“I will own frankly15, Mr Balfour,” replied Morton, “much of this sort of language, which, I observe, is so powerful with others, is entirely16 lost on me. It is proper you should be aware of this before we commune further together.” (The young clergyman here groaned17 deeply.) “I distress19 you, sir,” said Morton; “but, perhaps, it is because you will not hear me out. I revere20 the Scriptures21 as deeply as you or any Christian can do. I look into them with humble22 hope of extracting a rule of conduct and a law of salvation24. But I expect to find this by an examination of their general tenor25, and of the spirit which they uniformly breathe, and not by wresting26 particular passages from their context, or by the application of Scriptural phrases to circumstances and events with which they have often very slender relation.”
The young divine seemed shocked and thunderstruck with this declaration, and was about to remonstrate27.
“Hush, Ephraim!” said Burley, “remember he is but as a babe in swaddling clothes. — Listen to me, Morton. I will speak to thee in the worldly language of that carnal reason, which is, for the present, thy blind and imperfect guide. What is the object for which thou art content to draw thy sword? Is it not that the church and state should be reformed by the free voice of a free parliament, with such laws as shall hereafter prevent the executive government from spilling the blood, torturing and imprisoning28 the persons, exhausting the estates, and trampling29 upon the consciences of men, at their own wicked pleasure?”
“Most certainly,” said Morton; “such I esteem30 legitimate31 causes of warfare32, and for such I will fight while I can wield33 a sword.”
“Nay, but,” said Macbriar, “ye handle this matter too tenderly; nor will my conscience permit me to fard or daub over the causes of divine wrath34.”
“Peace, Ephraim Macbriar!” again interrupted Burley.
“I will not peace,” said the young man. “Is it not the cause of my Master who hath sent me? Is it not a profane35 and Erastian destroying of his authority, usurpation36 of his power, denial of his name, to place either King or Parliament in his place as the master and governor of his household, the adulterous husband of his spouse37?”
“You speak well,” said Burley, dragging him aside, “but not wisely; your own ears have heard this night in council how this scattered38 remnant are broken and divided, and would ye now make a veil of separation between them? Would ye build a wall with unslaked mortar39? — if a fox go up, it will breach40 it.”
“I know,” said the young clergyman, in reply, “that thou art faithful, honest, and zealous42, even unto slaying43; but, believe me, this worldly craft, this temporizing45 with sin and with infirmity, is in itself a falling away; and I fear me Heaven will not honour us to do much more for His glory, when we seek to carnal cunning and to a fleshly arm. The sanctified end must be wrought46 by sanctified means.”
“I tell thee,” answered Balfour, “thy zeal41 is too rigid47 in this matter; we cannot yet do without the help of the Laodiceans and the Erastians; we must endure for a space the indulged in the midst of the council — the sons of Zeruiah are yet too strong for us.”
“I tell thee I like it not,” said Macbriar; “God can work deliverance by a few as well as by a multitude. The host of the faithful that was broken upon Pentland-hills, paid but the fitting penalty of acknowledging the carnal interest of that tyrant48 and oppressor, Charles Stewart.”
“Well, then,” said Balfour, “thou knowest the healing resolution that the council have adopted — to make a comprehending declaration, that may suit the tender consciences of all who groan18 under the yoke49 of our present oppressors. Return to the council if thou wilt50, and get them to recall it, and send forth51 one upon narrower grounds. But abide52 not here to hinder my gaining over this youth, whom my soul travails53 for; his name alone will call forth hundreds to our banners.”
“Do as thou wilt, then,” said Macbriar; “but I will not assist to mislead the youth, nor bring him into jeopardy54 of life, unless upon such grounds as will ensure his eternal reward.”
The more artful Balfour then dismissed the impatient preacher, and returned to his proselyte.
That we may be enabled to dispense55 with detailing at length the arguments by which he urged Morton to join the insurgents56, we shall take this opportunity to give a brief sketch58 of the person by whom they were used, and the motives59 which he had for interesting himself so deeply in the conversion60 of young Morton to his cause.
John Balfour of Kinloch, or Burley, for he is designated both ways in the histories and proclamations of that melancholy61 period, was a gentleman of some fortune, and of good family, in the county of Fife, and had been a soldier from his youth upwards62. In the younger part of his life he had been wild and licentious63, but had early laid aside open profligacy64, and embraced the strictest tenets of Calvinism. Unfortunately, habits of excess and intemperance65 were more easily rooted out of his dark, saturnine66, and enterprising spirit, than the vices67 of revenge and ambition, which continued, notwithstanding his religious professions, to exercise no small sway over his mind. Daring in design, precipitate68 and violent in execution, and going to the very extremity69 of the most rigid recusancy, it was his ambition to place himself at the head of the presbyterian interest.
To attain70 this eminence71 among the whigs, he had been active in attending their conventicles, and more than once had commanded them when they appeared in arms, and beaten off the forces sent to disperse14 them. At length, the gratification of his own fierce enthusiasm, joined, as some say, with motives of private revenge, placed him at the head of that party who assassinated72 the Primate73 of Scotland, as the author of the sufferings of the presbyterians. The violent measures adopted by government to revenge this deed, not on the perpetrators only, but on the whole professors of the religion to which they belonged, together with long previous sufferings, without any prospect74 of deliverance, except by force of arms, occasioned the insurrection, which, as we have already seen, commenced by the defeat of Claverhouse in the bloody75 skirmish of Loudon-hill.
But Burley, notwithstanding the share he had in the victory, was far from finding himself at the summit which his ambition aimed at. This was partly owing to the various opinions entertained among the insurgents concerning the murder of Archbishop Sharpe. The more violent among them did, indeed, approve of this act as a deed of justice, executed upon a persecutor76 of God’s church through the immediate77 inspiration of the Deity78; but the greater part of the presbyterians disowned the deed as a crime highly culpable79, although they admitted, that the Archbishop’s punishment had by no means exceeded his deserts. The insurgents differed in another main point, which has been already touched upon. The more warm and extravagant80 fanatics81 condemned82, as guilty of a pusillanimous84 abandonment of the rights of the church, those preachers and congregations who were contented85, in any manner, to exercise their religion through the permission of the ruling government. This, they said, was absolute Erastianism, or subjection of the church of God to the regulations of an earthly government, and therefore but one degree better than prelacy or popery. — Again, the more moderate party were content to allow the king’s title to the throne, and in secular86 affairs to acknowledge his authority, so long as it was exercised with due regard to the liberties of the subject, and in conformity87 to the laws of the realm. But the tenets of the wilder sect88, called, from their leader Richard Cameron, by the name of Cameronians, went the length of disowning the reigning89 monarch90, and every one of his successors, who should not acknowledge the Solemn League and Covenant. The seeds of disunion were, therefore, thickly sown in this ill-fated party; and Balfour, however enthusiastic, and however much attached to the most violent of those tenets which we have noticed, saw nothing but ruin to the general cause, if they were insisted on during this crisis, when unity57 was of so much consequence. Hence he disapproved92, as we have seen, of the honest, downright, and ardent93 zeal of Macbriar, and was extremely desirous to receive the assistance of the moderate party of presbyterians in the immediate overthrow94 of the government, with the hope of being hereafter able to dictate95 to them what should be substituted in its place.
He was, on this account, particularly anxious to secure the accession of Henry Morton to the cause of the insurgents. The memory of his father was generally esteemed96 among the presbyterians; and as few persons of any decent quality had joined the insurgents, this young man’s family and prospects97 were such as almost ensured his being chosen a leader. Through Morton’s means, as being the son of his ancient comrade, Burley conceived he might exercise some influence over the more liberal part of the army, and ultimately, perhaps, ingratiate himself so far with them, as to be chosen commander-inchief, which was the mark at which his ambition aimed. He had, therefore, without waiting till any other person took up the subject, exalted98 to the council the talents and disposition99 of Morton, and easily obtained his elevation100 to the painful rank of a leader in this disunited and undisciplined army.
The arguments by which Balfour pressed Morton to accept of this dangerous promotion101, as soon as he had gotten rid of his less wary102 and uncompromising companion, Macbriar, were sufficiently artful and urgent. He did not affect either to deny or to disguise that the sentiments which he himself entertained concerning church government, went as far as those of the preacher who had just left them; but he argued, that when the affairs of the nation were at such a desperate crisis, minute difference of opinion should not prevent those who, in general, wished well to their oppressed country, from drawing their swords in its behalf. Many of the subjects of division, as, for example, that concerning the Indulgence itself, arose, he observed, out of circumstances which would cease to exist, provided their attempt to free the country should be successful, seeing that the presbytery, being in that case triumphant103, would need to make no such compromise with the government, and, consequently, with the abolition104 of the Indulgence all discussion of its legality would be at once ended. He insisted much and strongly upon the necessity of taking advantage of this favourable105 crisis, upon the certainty of their being joined by the force of the whole western shires, and upon the gross guilt83 which those would incur106, who, seeing the distress of the country, and the increasing tyranny with which it was governed, should, from fear or indifference107, withhold108 their active aid from the good cause.
Morton wanted not these arguments to induce him to join in any insurrection, which might appear to have a feasible prospect of freedom to the country. He doubted, indeed, greatly, whether the present attempt was likely to be supported by the strength sufficient to ensure success, or by the wisdom and liberality of spirit necessary to make a good use of the advantages that might be gained. Upon the whole, however, considering the wrongs he had personally endured, and those which he had seen daily inflicted109 on his fellow-subjects; meditating110 also upon the precarious111 and dangerous situation in which he already stood with relation to the government, he conceived himself, in every point of view, called upon to join the body of presbyterians already in arms.
But while he expressed to Burley his acquiescence112 in the vote which had named him a leader among the insurgents, and a member of their council of war, it was not without a qualification.
“I am willing,” he said, “to contribute every thing within my limited power to effect the emancipation113 of my country. But do not mistake me. I disapprove91, in the utmost degree, of the action in which this rising seems to have originated; and no arguments should induce me to join it, if it is to be carried on by such measures as that with which it has commenced.”
Burley’s blood rushed to his face, giving a ruddy and dark glow to his swarthy brow.
“You mean,” he said, in a voice which he designed should not betray any emotion —“You mean the death of James Sharpe?”
“Frankly,” answered Morton, “such is my meaning.”
“You imagine, then,” said Burley, “that the Almighty114, in times of difficulty, does not raise up instruments to deliver his church from her oppressors? You are of opinion that the justice of an execution consists, not in the extent of the sufferer’s crime, or in his having merited punishment, or in the wholesome115 and salutary effect which that example is likely to produce upon other evil-doers, but hold that it rests solely116 in the robe of the judge, the height of the bench, and the voice of the doomster? Is not just punishment justly inflicted, whether on the scaffold or the moor117? And where constituted judges, from cowardice118, or from having cast in their lot with transgressors, suffer them not only to pass at liberty through the land, but to sit in the high places, and dye their garments in the blood of the saints, is it not well done in any brave spirits who shall draw their private swords in the public cause?”
“I have no wish to judge this individual action,” replied Morton, “further than is necessary to make you fully119 aware of my principles. I therefore repeat, that the case you have supposed does not satisfy my judgment120. That the Almighty, in his mysterious providence121, may bring a bloody man to an end deservedly bloody, does not vindicate122 those who, without authority of any kind, take upon themselves to be the instruments of execution, and presume to call them the executors of divine vengeance123.”
“And were we not so?” said Burley, in a tone of fierce enthusiasm. “Were not we — was not every one who owned the interest of the Covenanted124 Church of Scotland, bound by that covenant to cut off the Judas who had sold the cause of God for fifty thousand merks a-year? Had we met him by the way as he came down from London, and there smitten125 him with the edge of the sword, we had done but the duty of men faithful to our cause, and to our oaths recorded in heaven. Was not the execution itself a proof of our warrant? Did not the Lord deliver him into our hands, when we looked out but for one of his inferior tools of persecution126? Did we not pray to be resolved how we should act, and was it not borne in on our hearts as if it had been written on them with the point of a diamond, ‘Ye shall surely take him and slay44 him?’— Was not the tragedy full half an hour in acting23 ere the sacrifice was completed, and that in an open heath, and within the patrols of their garrisons127 — and yet who interrupted the great work? — What dog so much as bayed us during the pursuit, the taking, the slaying, and the dispersing128? Then, who will say — who dare say, that a mightier129 arm than ours was not herein revealed?”
“You deceive yourself, Mr Balfour,” said Morton; “such circumstances of facility of execution and escape have often attended the commission of the most enormous crimes. — But it is not mine to judge you. I have not forgotten that the way was opened to the former liberation of Scotland by an act of violence which no man can justify130 — the slaughter131 of Cumming by the hand of Robert Bruce; and, therefore, condemning132 this action, as I do and must, I am not unwilling133 to suppose that you may have motives vindicating134 it in your own eyes, though not in mine, or in those of sober reason. I only now mention it, because I desire you to understand, that I join a cause supported by men engaged in open war, which it is proposed to carry on according to the rules of civilized135 nations, without, in any respect, approving of the act of violence which gave immediate rise to it.”
Balfour bit his lip, and with difficulty suppressed a violent answer. He perceived, with disappointment, that, upon points of principle, his young brother-inarms possessed136 a clearness of judgment, and a firmness of mind, which afforded but little hope of his being able to exert that degree of influence over him which he had expected to possess. After a moment’s pause, however, he said, with coolness, “My conduct is open to men and angels. The deed was not done in a corner; I am here in arms to avow137 it, and care not where, or by whom, I am called on to do so; whether in the council, the field of battle, the place of execution, or the day of the last great trial. I will not now discuss it further with one who is yet on the other side of the veil. But if you will cast in your lot with us as a brother, come with me to the council, who are still sitting, to arrange the future march of the army, and the means of improving our victory.”
Morton arose and followed him in silence; not greatly delighted with his associate, and better satisfied with the general justice of the cause which he had espoused138, than either with the measures or the motives of many of those who were embarked139 in it.
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1
tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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2
upbraid
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| v.斥责，责骂，责备 | |
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3
musing
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| n. 沉思，冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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4
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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6
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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7
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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8
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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9
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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10
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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11
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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12
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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13
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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14
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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15
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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16
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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17
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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18
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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19
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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20
revere
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| vt.尊崇，崇敬，敬畏 | |
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21
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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23
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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26
wresting
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| 动词wrest的现在进行式 | |
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remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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29
trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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40
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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41
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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42
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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43
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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44
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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45
temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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46
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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47
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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48
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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49
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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50
wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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51
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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52
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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53
travails
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| n.艰苦劳动( travail的名词复数 )；辛勤努力；痛苦；分娩的阵痛 | |
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54
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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55
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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56
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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57
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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58
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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59
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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60
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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61
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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62
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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63
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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64
profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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65
intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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66
saturnine
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| adj.忧郁的，沉默寡言的，阴沉的，感染铅毒的 | |
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67
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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68
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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69
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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70
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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71
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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72
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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73
primate
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| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
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74
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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75
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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76
persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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77
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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78
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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79
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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80
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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81
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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82
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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83
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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84
pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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85
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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86
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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87
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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88
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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89
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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90
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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91
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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92
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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94
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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95
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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96
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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97
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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98
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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99
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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100
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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101
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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102
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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103
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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104
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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105
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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106
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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107
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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108
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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109
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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111
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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112
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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113
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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114
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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115
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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116
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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117
moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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118
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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119
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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120
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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121
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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122
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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123
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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124
covenanted
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| v.立约，立誓( covenant的过去分词 ) | |
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125
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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126
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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127
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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128
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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129
mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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130
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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131
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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132
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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133
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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134
vindicating
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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135
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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136
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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137
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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138
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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