Arius has, even at this day, the honor of being regarded as the inventor of his opinion, as Calvin is considered to have been the founder1 of Calvinism. The pride in being the head of a sect2 is the second of this world’s vanities; for that of conquest is said to be the first. However, it is certain that neither Arius nor Calvin is entitled to the melancholy3 glory of invention. The quarrel about the Trinity existed long before Arius took part in it, in the disputatious town of Alexandria, where it had been beyond the power of Euclid to make men think calmly and justly. There never was a people more frivolous4 than the Alexandrians; in this respect they far exceeded even the Parisians.
There must already have been warm disputes about the Trinity; since the patriarch, who composed the “Alexandrian Chronicle,” preserved at Oxford5, assures us that the party embraced by Arius was supported by two thousand priests.
We will here, for the reader’s convenience, give what is said of Arius in a small book which every one may not have at hand: Here is an incomprehensible question, which, for more than sixteen hundred years, has furnished exercise for curiosity, for sophistic subtlety6, for animosity, for the spirit of cabal7, for the fury of dominion8, for the rage of persecution9, for blind and sanguinary fanaticism10, for barbarous credulity, and which has produced more horrors than the ambition of princes, which ambition has occasioned very many. Is Jesus the Word? If He be the Word, did He emanate11 from God in time or before time? If He emanated12 from God, is He coeternal and consubstantial with Him, or is He of a similar substance? Is He distinct from Him, or is He not? Is He made or begotten13? Can He beget14 in his turn? Has He paternity? or productive virtue15 without paternity? Is the Holy Ghost made? or begotten? or produced? or proceeding16 from the Father? or proceeding from the Son? or proceeding from both? Can He beget? can He produce? is His hypostasis consubstantial with the hypostasis of the Father and the Son? and how is it that, having the same nature — the same essence as the Father and the Son, He cannot do the same things done by these persons who are Himself?
These questions, so far above reason, certainly needed the decision of an infallible church. The Christians18 sophisticated, cavilled19, hated, and excommunicated one another, for some of these dogmas inaccessible20 to human intellect, before the time of Arius and Athanasius. The Egyptian Greeks were remarkably21 clever; they would split a hair into four, but on this occasion they split it only into three. Alexandros, bishop22 of Alexandria, thought proper to preach that God, being necessarily individual — single — a monad in the strictest sense of the word, this monad is triune.
The priest Arius, whom we call Arius, was quite scandalized by Alexandros’s monad, and explained the thing in quite a different way. He cavilled in part like the priest Sabellius, who had cavilled like the Phrygian Praxeas, who was a great caviller23. Alexandros quickly assembled a small council of those of his own opinion, and excommunicated his priest. Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, took the part of Arius. Thus the whole Church was in a flame.
The Emperor Constantine was a villain24; I confess it — a parricide25, who had smothered26 his wife in a bath, cut his son’s throat, assassinated27 his father-in-law, his brother-in-law, and his nephew; I cannot deny it — a man puffed29 up with pride and immersed in pleasure; granted — a detestable tyrant30, like his children; transeat — but he was a man of sense. He would not have obtained the empire, and subdued31 all his rivals, had he not reasoned justly.
When he saw the flames of civil war lighted among the scholastic32 brains, he sent the celebrated33 Bishop Osius with dissuasive34 letters to the two belligerent35 parties. “You are great fools,” he expressly tells them in this letter, “to quarrel about things which you do not understand. It is unworthy the gravity of your ministry37 to make so much noise about so trifling38 a matter.”
By “so trifling a matter,” Constantine meant not what regards the Divinity, but the incomprehensible manner in which they were striving to explain the nature of the Divinity. The Arabian patriarch, who wrote the history of the Church of Alexandria, makes Osius, on presenting the emperor’s letter, speak in nearly the following words:
“My brethren, Christianity is just beginning to enjoy the blessings39 of peace, and you would plunge40 it into eternal discord41. The emperor has but too much reason to tell you that you quarrel about a very trifling matter. Certainly, had the object of the dispute been essential, Jesus Christ, whom we all acknowledge as our legislator, would have mentioned it. God would not have sent His Son on earth, to return without teaching us our catechism. Whatever He has not expressly told us is the work of men and error is their portion. Jesus has commanded you to love one another, and you begin by hating one another and stirring up discord in the empire. Pride alone has given birth to these disputes, and Jesus, your Master, has commanded you to be humble42. Not one among you can know whether Jesus is made or begotten. And in what does His nature concern you, provided your own is to be just and reasonable? What has the vain science of words to do with the morality which should guide your actions? You cloud our doctrines43 with mysteries — you, who were designed to strengthen religion by your virtues44. Would you leave the Christian17 religion a mass of sophistry45? Did Christ come for this? Cease to dispute, humble yourselves, edify46 one another, clothe the naked, feed the hungry, and pacify47 the quarrels of families, instead of giving scandal to the whole empire by your dissensions.”
But Osius addressed an obstinate48 audience. The Council of Nice was assembled and the Roman Empire was torn by a spiritual civil war. This war brought on others and mutual49 persecution has continued from age to age, unto this day.
The melancholy part of the affair was that as soon as the council was ended the persecution began; but Constantine, when he opened it, did not yet know how he should act, nor upon whom the persecution should fall. He was not a Christian, though he was at the head of the Christians. Baptism alone then constituted Christianity, and he had not been baptized; he had even rebuilt the Temple of Concord50 at Rome. It was, doubtless, perfectly51 indifferent to him whether Alexander of Alexandria, or Eusebius of Nicomedia, and the priest Arius, were right or wrong; it is quite evident, from the letter given above, that he had a profound contempt for the dispute.
But there happened that which always happens and always will happen in every court. The enemies of those who were afterwards named Arians accused Eusebius of Nicomedia of having formerly52 taken part with Licinius against the emperor. “I have proofs of it,” said Constantine in his letter to the Church of Nicomedia, “from the priests and deacons in his train whom I have taken,” etc.
Thus, from the time of the first great council, intrigue53, cabal, and persecution were established, together with the tenets of the Church, without the power to derogate54 from their sanctity. Constantine gave the chapels55 of those who did not believe in the consubstantiality to those who did believe in it; confiscated56 the property of the dissenters57 to his own profit, and used his despotic power to exile Arius and his partisans58, who were not then the strongest. It has even been said that of his own private authority he condemned59 to death whosoever should not burn the writings of Arius; but this is not true. Constantine, prodigal60 as he was of human blood, did not carry his cruelty to so mad and absurd an excess as to order his executioners to assassinate28 the man who should keep an heretical book, while he suffered the heresiarch to live.
At court everything soon changes. Several non-consubstantial bishops61, with some of the eunuchs and the women, spoke62 in favor of Arius, and obtained the reversal of the lettre de cachet. The same thing has repeatedly happened in our modern courts on similar occasions.
The celebrated Eusebius, bishop of C?sarea, known by his writings, which evince no great discernment, strongly accused Eustatius, bishop of Antioch, of being a Sabellian; and Eustatius accused Eusebius of being an Arian. A council was assembled at Antioch; Eusebius gained his cause; Eustatius was displaced; and the See of Antioch was offered to Eusebius, who would not accept it; the two parties armed against each other, and this was the prelude63 to controversial warfare64. Constantine, who had banished65 Arius for not believing in the consubstantial Son, now banished Eustatius for believing in Him; nor are such revolutions uncommon66.
St. Athanasius was then bishop of Alexandria. He would not admit Arius, whom the emperor had sent thither67, into the town, saying that “Arius was excommunicated; that an excommunicated man ought no longer to have either home or country; that he could neither eat nor sleep anywhere; and that it was better to obey God than man.” A new council was forthwith held at Tyre, and new lettres de cachet were issued. Athanasius was removed by the Tyrian fathers and banished to Treves. Thus Arius, and Athanasius, his greatest enemy, were condemned in turn by a man who was not yet a Christian.
The two factions68 alike employed artifice69, fraud, and calumny70, according to the old and eternal usage. Constantine left them to dispute and cabal, for he had other occupations. It was at that time that this good prince assassinated his son, his wife, and his nephew, the young Licinius, the hope of the empire, who was not yet twelve years old.
Under Constantine, Arius’ party was constantly victorious71. The opposite party has unblushingly written that one day St. Macarius, one of the most ardent72 followers73 of Athanasius, knowing that Arius was on the way to the cathedral of Constantinople, followed by several of his brethren, prayed so ardently74 to God to confound this heresiarch that God could not resist the prayer; and immediately all Arius’ bowels75 passed through his fundament — which is impossible. But at length Arius died.
Constantine followed him a year afterwards, and it is said he died of leprosy. Julian, in his “C?sars,” says that baptism, which this emperor received a few hours before his death, cured no one of this distemper.
As his children reigned76 after him the flattery of the Roman people, who had long been slaves, was carried to such an excess that those of the old religion made him a god, and those of the new made him a saint. His feast was long kept, together with that of his mother.
After his death, the troubles caused by the single word “consubstantial” agitated78 the empire with renewed violence. Constantius, son and successor to Constantine, imitated all his father’s cruelties, and, like him, held councils — which councils anathematized one another. Athanasius went over all Europe and Asia to support his party, but the Eusebians overwhelmed him. Banishment79, imprisonment80, tumult81, murder, and assassination82 signalized the close of the reign77 of Constantius. Julian, the Church’s mortal enemy, did his utmost to restore peace to the Church, but was unsuccessful. Jovian, and after him Valentinian, gave entire liberty of conscience, but the two parties accepted it only as the liberty to exercise their hatred83 and their fury.
Theodosius declared for the Council of Nice, but the Empress Justina, who reigned in Italy, Illyria, and Africa, as guardian84 of the young Valentinian, proscribed85 the great Council of Nice; and soon after the Goths, Vandals, and Burgundians, who spread themselves over so many provinces, finding Arianism established in them, embraced it in order to govern the conquered nations by the religion of those nations.
But the Nic?an faith having been received by the Gauls, their conqueror86, Clovis, followed that communion for the very same reason that the other barbarians87 had professed88 the faith of Arius.
In Italy, the great Theodoric kept peace between the two parties, and at last the Nic?an formula prevailed in the east and in the west. Arianism reappeared about the middle of the sixteenth century, favored by the religious disputes which then divided Europe; and it reappeared, armed with new strength and a still greater incredulity. Forty gentlemen of Vicenza formed an academy, in which such tenets only were established as appeared necessary to make men Christians. Jesus was acknowledged as the Word, as Saviour89, and as Judge; but His divinity, His consubstantiality, and even the Trinity, were denied.
Of these dogmatizers, the principal were L?lius Socinus, Ochin, Pazuta, and Gentilis, who were joined by Servetus. The unfortunate dispute of the latter with Calvin is well known; they carried on for some time an interchange of abuse by letter. Servetus was so imprudent as to pass through Geneva, on his way to Germany. Calvin was cowardly enough to have him arrested, and barbarous enough to have him condemned to be roasted by a slow fire — the same punishment which Calvin himself had narrowly escaped in France. Nearly all the theologians of that time were by turns persecuting90 and persecuted91, executioners and victims.
The same Calvin solicited92 the death of Gentilis at Geneva. He found five advocates to subscribe93 that Gentilis deserved to perish in the flames. Such horrors were worthy36 of that abominable94 age. Gentilis was put in prison, and was on the point of being burned like Servetus, but he was better advised than the Spaniard; he retracted95, bestowed96 the most ridiculous praises on Calvin, and was saved. But he had afterwards the ill fortune, through not having made terms with a bailiff of the canton of Berne, to be arrested as an Arian. There were witnesses who deposed97 that he had said that the words trinity, essence, hypostasis were not to be found in the Scriptures98, and on this deposition99 the judges, who were as ignorant of the meaning of hypostasis as himself, condemned him, without at all arguing the question, to lose his head.
Faustus Socinus, nephew to L?lius Socinus, and his companions were more fortunate in Germany. They penetrated100 into Silesia and Poland, founded churches there, wrote, preached, and were successful, but at length, their religion being divested101 of almost every mystery, and a philosophical102 and peaceful, rather than a militant103 sect, they were abandoned; and the Jesuits, who had more influence, persecuted and dispersed104 them.
The remains105 of this sect in Poland, Germany, and Holland keep quiet and concealed106; but in England the sect has reappeared with greater strength and éclat. The great Newton and Locke embraced it. Samuel Clarke, the celebrated rector of St. James, and author of an excellent book on the existence of God, openly declared himself an Arian, and his disciples107 are very numerous. He would never attend his parish church on the day when the Athanasian Creed108 was recited. In the course of this work will be seen the subtleties109 which all these obstinate persons, who were not so much Christians as philosophers, opposed to the purity of the Catholic faith.
Although among the theologians of London there was a large flock of Arians, the public mind there has been more occupied by the great mathematical truths discovered by Newton, and the metaphysical wisdom of Locke. Disputes on consubstantiality appear very dull to philosophers. The same thing happened to Newton in England as to Corneille in France, whose “Pertharite,” “Théodore,” and “Récueil de Vers” were forgotten, while “Cinna” was alone thought of. Newton was looked upon as God’s interpreter, in the calculation of fluxions, the laws of gravitation, and the nature of light. On his death, his pall110 was borne by the peers and the chancellor111 of the realm, and his remains were laid near the tombs of the kings — than whom he is more revered112. Servetus, who is said to have discovered the circulation of the blood, was roasted by a slow fire, in a little town of the Allobroges, ruled by a theologian of Picardy.
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1
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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emanate
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| v.发自，来自，出自 | |
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emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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cavilled
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| v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的过去式 ) | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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caviller
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| n.提出令人为难的问题的人 | |
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villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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parricide
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| n.杀父母；杀亲罪 | |
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smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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dissuasive
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| 劝戒的 | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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edify
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| v.陶冶；教化；启发 | |
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pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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derogate
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| v.贬低，诽谤 | |
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chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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69
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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70
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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73
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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74
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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75
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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76
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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retracted
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| v.撤回或撤消( retract的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝执行或遵守；缩回；拉回 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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101
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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107
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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109
subtleties
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| 细微( subtlety的名词复数 )； 精细； 巧妙； 细微的差别等 | |
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pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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112
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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