Manners can be known only from facts, which facts must be incontestable. It is beyond doubt that this man, so immoderately praised as the restorer of morals and of laws, was long one of the most infamous1 debauchees in the Roman commonwealth2. His epigram on Fulvia, written after the horrors of the proscriptions, proves that he was no less a despiser of decency3 in his language than he was a barbarian4 in his conduct. This abominable5 epigram is one of the strongest testimonies6 to Augustus’ infamous immorality7. Sextus Pompeius also reproached him with shameful8 weaknesses: “Effeminatum infectatus est.” Antony, before the triumvirate, declared that C?sar, great-uncle to Augustus, had adopted him as his son only because he had been subservient9 to his pleasures: “Adoptionem avunculi stupro meritum.”
Lucius C?sar charged him with the same crime, and even asserted that he had been base enough to sell himself to Hirtius for a very considerable sum. He was so shameless as to take the wife of a consul10 from her husband in the midst of a supper; he took her to a neighboring closet, staid with her there for some time, and brought her back to table without himself, the woman, or her husband blushing at all at the proceeding11.
We have also a letter from Antony to Augustus, couched in these terms: “Ita valeas ut hanc epistolam cum leges, non inieris Testullam, aut Terentillam, aut Russillam, aut Salviam, aut omnes. Anne refert ubi et in quam arrigas?” We are afraid to translate this licentious12 letter.
Nothing is better known than the scandalous feast of five of the companions of his pleasures with five of the principal women of Rome. They were dressed up as gods and goddesses, and imitated all the immodesties invented in fable13 —“Dum nova Divorum c?nat adulteria.” And on the stage he was publicly designated by this famous line:
Videsne ut cinaedus orbem digito temperet?
Almost every Latin author that speaks of Ovid asserts that Augustus had the insolence14 to banish15 that Roman knight16, who was a much better man than himself, merely because the other had surprised him in an incest with his own daughter Julia; and that he sent his daughter into exile only through jealousy18. This is the more likely, as Caligula published aloud that his mother was born from the incest of Augustus with Julia. So says Suetonius, in his life of Caligula.
We know that Augustus repudiated19 the mother of Julia the very day she was brought to bed of her, and on the same day took Livia from her husband when she was pregnant of Tiberius — another monster, who succeeded him. Such was the man to whom Horace said: “Res Italas armis tuteris, moribus ornes, Legibus emendes. . . . ”
It is hard to repress our indignation at reading at the commencement of the Georgics that Augustus is one of the greatest of divinities; and that it is not known what place he will one day deign20 to occupy in heaven; whether he will reign21 in the air, or become the protector of cities, or vouchsafe22 to accept the empire of the seas:
An Deus immensi venias maris, ac tua nauta
Numina sola celant tibi serviat ultima Thule.
Ariosto speaks with much more sense as well as grace, when he says in his fine thirty-fifth canto23:
Non fu si santo ne benigno Augusto
?Come la tromba di Virgilio sonna;
L’aver avuto in poesia buon gusto
?La proscriptione iniqua gli perdona.
Augustus was not quite so mild and chaste24
?As he’s by honest Virgil represented;
But then, the tyrant25 had poetic26 taste;
?With this the poet fully27 was contented28.
The Cruelties of Augustus.
If Augustus was long abandoned to the most shameful and frantic29 dissipation, his cruelty was no less uniform and deliberate. His proscriptions were published in the midst of feasting and revelry; he proscribed30 more than three hundred senators, two thousand knights31, and one hundred obscure but wealthy heads of families, whose only crime was their being rich. Antony and Octavius had them killed, solely32 that they might get possession of their money; in which they differed not the least from highway robbers, who are condemned33 to the wheel.
Octavius, immediately after the Persian war, gave his veterans all the lands belonging to the citizens of Mantua and Cremona, thus recompensing murder by depredation34.
It is but too certain that the world was ravaged35, from the Euphrates to the extremities37 of Spain, by this man without shame, without faith, honor, or probity38, knavish39, ungrateful, avaricious40, bloodthirsty, cool in the commission of crime, who, in any well-regulated republic, would have been condemned to the greatest of punishments for the first of his offences.
Nevertheless, the government of Augustus is still admired, because under him Rome tasted peace, pleasure and abundance. Seneca says of him: “Clementiam non voco lassam crudelitatem” —“I do not call exhausted42 cruelty clemency43.”
It is thought that Augustus became milder when crime was no longer necessary to him; and that, being absolute master, he saw that he had no other interest than to appear just. But it appears to me that he still was pitiless rather than clement41; for, after the battle of Actium, he had Antony’s son murdered at the feet of C?sar’s statue; and he was so barbarous as to have young C?sarion, the son of C?sar and Cleopatra, beheaded, though he had recognized him as king of Egypt.
Suspecting one day that the pr?tor Quintus Gallius had come to an audience with a poinard under his robe, he had him put to the torture in his presence; and, in his indignation at hearing that senator call him a tyrant, he tore out his eyes with his own hands; at least, so says Suetonius.
We know that C?sar, his adopted father, was great enough to pardon almost all his enemies; but I do not find that Augustus pardoned one of his. I have great doubts of his pretended clemency to Cinna. This affair is mentioned neither by Suetonius nor by Tacitus. Suetonius, who speaks of all the conspiracies44 against Augustus, would not have failed to mention the most memorable45. The singularity of giving a consulship46 to Cinna in return for the blackest perfidy47 would not have escaped every contemporary historian. Dion Cassius speaks of it only after Seneca; and this passage in Seneca has the appearance rather of declamation48 than of historical truth. Besides, Seneca lays the scene in Gaul, and Dion at Rome; this contradiction deprives the occurrence of all remaining verisimilitude. Not one of our Roman histories, compiled in haste and without selection, has discussed this interesting fact. Lawrence Echard’s History has appeared to enlightened men to be as faulty as it is mutilated; writers have rarely been guided by the spirit of examination.
Cinna might be suspected, or convicted, by Augustus of some infidelity; and, when the affair had been cleared up, he might honor him with the vain title of consul; but it is not at all probable that Cinna sought by a conspiracy50 to seize the supreme51 authority — he, who had never commanded an army, was supported by no party, and was a man of no consideration in the empire. It is not very likely that a mere17 subordinate courtier would think of succeeding a sovereign who had been twenty years firmly established on his throne, and had heirs; nor is it more likely that Augustus would make him consul immediately after the conspiracy.
If Cinna’s adventure be true, Augustus pardoned him only because he could not do otherwise, being overcome by the reasoning or the importunities of Livia, who had acquired great influence over him, and persuaded him, says Seneca, that pardon would do him more service than chastisement52. It was then only through policy that he, for once, was merciful; it certainly was not through generosity53.
Shall we give a robber credit for clemency, because, being enriched and secure, enjoying in peace the fruits of his rapine, he is not every day assassinating54 the sons and grandsons of the proscribed, while they are kneeling to and worshipping him? After being a barbarian he was a prudent55 politician. It is worthy56 of remark that posterity57 never gave him the title of virtuous58, which was bestowed59 on Titus, on Trajan, and the Antonines. It even became customary in the compliments paid to emperors on their accession, to wish that they might be more fortunate than Augustus, and more virtuous than Trajan. It is now, therefore, allowable to consider Augustus as a clever and fortunate monster.
Louis Racine, son of the great Racine, and heir to a part of his talents, seems to forget himself when he says, in his “Reflections on Poetry,” that “Horace and Virgil spoiled Augustus; they exhausted their art in poisoning the mind of Augustus by their praises.” These expressions would lead one to believe that the eulogies60 so meanly lavished61 by these two great poets, corrupted62 this emperor’s fine disposition63. But Louis Racine very well knew that Augustus was an exceedingly bad man, regarding crime and virtue64 with indifference65, availing himself alike of the horrors of the one and the appearances of the other, attentive66 solely to his own interest, employing bloodshed and peace, arms and laws, religion and pleasure, only to make himself master of the earth, and sacrificing everything to himself. Louis Racine only shows us that Virgil and Horace had servile souls.
He is, unfortunately, too much in the right when he reproaches Corneille with having dedicated67 “Cinna” to the financier Montoron, and said to that receiver, “What you most especially have in common with Augustus is the generosity with which,” etc., for, though Augustus was the most wicked of Roman citizens, it must be confessed that the first of the emperors, the master, the pacificator, the legislator of the then known world, should not be placed absolutely on a level with a clerk to a comptroller-general in Gaul.
The same Louis Racine, in justly condemning68 the mean adulation of Corneille, and the baseness of the aged36 Horace and Virgil, marvellously lays hold of this passage in Massillon’s “Petit Carême.” “It is no less culpable69 to fail in truth towards monarchs70 than to be wanting in fidelity49; the same penalty should be imposed on adulation as on revolt.”
I ask your pardon, Father Massillon; but this stroke of yours is very oratorical71, very preacher-like, very exaggerated. The League and the Fronde have, if I am not deceived, done more harm than Quinault’s prologues72. There is no way of condemning Quinault as a rebel. “Est modus in rebus,” Father Massillon, which is wanting in all manufacturers of sermons.
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1
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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15
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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19
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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20
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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21
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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22
vouchsafe
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| v.惠予，准许 | |
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23
canto
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| n.长篇诗的章 | |
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24
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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30
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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32
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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33
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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34
depredation
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| n.掠夺，蹂躏 | |
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35
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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36
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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37
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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38
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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39
knavish
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| adj.无赖（似）的，不正的；刁诈 | |
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40
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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41
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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42
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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43
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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44
conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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45
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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46
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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47
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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48
declamation
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| n. 雄辩，高调 | |
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49
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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50
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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51
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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52
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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53
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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54
assassinating
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的现在分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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55
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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56
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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57
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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58
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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59
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
eulogies
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| n.颂词，颂文( eulogy的名词复数 ) | |
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61
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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68
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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69
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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prologues
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| n.序言，开场白( prologue的名词复数 ) | |
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