The pleasure of governing must certainly be exquisite1, if we may judge from the vast numbers who are eager to be concerned in it. We have many more books on government than there are monarchs3 in the world. Heaven preserve me from making any attempt here to give instruction to kings and their noble ministers — their valets, confessors, or financiers. I understand nothing about the matter; I have the profoundest respect and reverence4 for them all. It belongs only to Mr. Wilkes, with his English balance, to weigh the merits of those who are at the head of the human race. It would, besides, be exceedingly strange if, with three or four thousand volumes on the subject of government, with Machiavelli, and Bossuet’s “Policy of the Holy Scripture,” with the “General Financier,” the “Guide to Finances,” the “Means of Enriching a State,” etc., there could possibly be a single person living who was not perfectly5 acquainted with the duties of kings and the science of government.
Professor Puffendorf, or, as perhaps we should rather say, Baron7 Puffendorf, says that King David, having sworn never to attempt the life of Shimei, his privy8 counsellor, did not violate his oath when, according to the Jewish history, he instructed his son Solomon to get him assassinated9, “because David had only engaged that he himself would not kill Shimei.” The baron, who rebukes10 so sharply the mental reservations of the Jesuits, allows David, in the present instance, to entertain one which would not be particularly palatable11 to privy counsellors.
Let us consider the words of Bossuet in his “Policy of the Holy Scripture,” addressed to Monseigneur the Dauphin. “Thus we see royalty12 established according to the order of succession in the house of David and Solomon, and the throne of David is secured forever — although, by the way, that same little joint-stool called a ‘throne,’ instead of being secured forever, lasted, in fact, only a very short time.” By virtue14 of this law, the eldest15 son was to succeed, to the exclusion16 of his brothers, and on this account Adonijah, who was the eldest, said to Bathsheba, the mother of Solomon, “Thou knowest that the kingdom was mine, and all Israel had recognized my right; but the Lord hath transferred the kingdom to my brother Solomon.” The right of Adonijah was incontestable. Bossuet expressly admits this at the close of this article. “The Lord has transferred” is only a usual phrase, which means, I have lost my property or right, I have been deprived of my right. Adonijah was the issue of a lawful17 wife; the birth of his younger brother was the fruit of a double crime.
“Unless, then,” says Bossuet, “something extraordinary occurred, the eldest was to succeed.” But the something extraordinary, in the present instance, which prevented it was, that Solomon, the issue of a marriage arising out of a double adultery and a murder, procured18 the assassination19, at the foot of the altar, of his elder brother and his lawful king, whose rights were supported by the high priest Abiathar and the chief commander Joab. After this we must acknowledge that it is more difficult than some seem to imagine to take lessons on the rights of persons, and on the true system of government from the Holy Scriptures21, which were first given to the Jews, and afterwards to ourselves, for purposes of a far higher nature.
“The preservation22 of the people is the supreme23 law.” Such is the fundamental maxim24 of nations; but in all civil wars the safety of the people is made to consist in slaughtering25 a number of the citizens. In all foreign wars, the safety of a people consists in killing27 their neighbors, and taking possession of their property! It is difficult to perceive in this a particularly salutary “right of nations,” and a government eminently28 favorable to liberty of thought and social happiness.
There are geometrical figures exceedingly regular and complete in their kind; arithmetic is perfect; many trades or manufactures are carried on in a manner constantly uniform and excellent; but with respect to the government of men, is it possible for any one to be good, when all are founded on passions in conflict with each other?
No convent of monks29 ever existed without discord30; it is impossible, therefore, to exclude it from kingdoms. Every government resembles not merely a monastic institution, but a private household. There are none existing without quarrels; and quarrels between one people and another, between one prince and another, have ever been sanguinary; those between subjects and their sovereigns have been sometimes no less destructive. How is an individual to act? Must he risk joining in the conflict, or withdraw from the scene of action?
§ II.
More than one people are desirous of new constitutions. The English would have no objection to a change of ministers once in every eight hours, but they have no wish to change the form of their government.
The modern Romans are proud of their church of St. Peter and their ancient Greek statues; but the people would be glad to be better fed, although they were not quite so rich in benedictions32; the fathers of families would be content that the Church should have less gold, if the granaries had more corn; they regret the time when the apostles journeyed on foot, and when the citizens of Rome travelled from one palace to another in litters.
We are incessantly33 reminded of the admirable republics of Greece. There is no question that the Greeks would prefer the government of a Pericles and a Demosthenes to that of a pasha; but in their most prosperous and palmy times they were always complaining; discord and hatred34 prevailed between all the cities without, and in every separate city within. They gave laws to the old Romans, who before that time had none; but their own were so bad for themselves that they were continually changing them.
What could be said in favor of a government under which the just Aristides was banished35, Phocion put to death, Socrates condemned36 to drink hemlock37 after having been exposed to banter38 and derision on the stage by Aristophanes; and under which the Amphyctions, with contemptible39 imbecility, actually delivered up Greece into the power of Philip, because the Phocians had ploughed up a field which was part of the territory of Apollo? But the government of the neighboring monarchies40 was worse.
Puffendorf promises us a discussion on the best form of government. He tells us, “that many pronounce in favor of monarchy41, and others, on the contrary, inveigh42 furiously against kings; and that it does not fall within the limits of his subject to examine in detail the reasons of the latter.” If any mischievous43 and malicious44 reader expects to be told here more than he is told by Puffendorf, he will be much deceived.
A Swiss, a Hollander, a Venetian nobleman, an English peer, a cardinal45, and a count of the empire, were once disputing, on a journey, about the nature of their respective governments, and which of them deserved the preference: no one knew much about the matter; each remained in his own opinion without having any very distinct idea what that opinion was; and they returned without having come to any general conclusion; every one praising his own country from vanity, and complaining of it from feeling.
What, then, is the destiny of mankind? Scarcely any great nation is governed by itself. Begin from the east, and take the circuit of the world. Japan closed its ports against foreigners from the well-founded apprehension46 of a dreadful revolution.
China actually experienced such a revolution; she obeys Tartars of a mixed race, half Mantchou and half Hun. India obeys Mogul Tartars. The Nile, the Orontes, Greece, and Epirus are still under the yoke47 of the Turks. It is not an English race that reigns31 in England; it is a German family which succeeded to a Dutch prince, as the latter succeeded a Scotch48 family which had succeeded an Angevin family, that had replaced a Norman family, which had expelled a family of usurping49 Saxons. Spain obeys a French family; which succeeded to an Austrasian race, that Austrasian race had succeeded families that boasted of Visigoth extraction; these Visigoths had been long driven out by the Arabs, after having succeeded to the Romans, who had expelled the Carthaginians. Gaul obeys Franks, after having obeyed Roman prefects.
The same banks of the Danube have belonged to Germans, Romans, Arabs, Slavonians, Bulgarians, and Huns, to twenty different families, and almost all foreigners.
And what greater wonder has Rome had to exhibit than so many emperors who were born in the barbarous provinces, and so many popes born in provinces no less barbarous? Let him govern who can. And when any one has succeeded in his attempts to become master, he governs as he can.
§ III.
In 1769, a traveller delivered the following narrative50: “I saw, in the course of my journey, a large and populous51 country, in which all offices and places were purchasable; I do not mean clandestinely52, and in evasion53 of the law, but publicly, and in conformity54 to it. The right to judge, in the last resort, of the honor, property, and life of the citizen, was put to auction55 in the same manner as the right and property in a few acres of land. Some very high commissions in the army are conferred only on the highest bidder56. The principal mystery of their religion is celebrated57 for the petty sum of three sesterces, and if the celebrator does not obtain this fee he remains58 idle like a porter without employment.
“Fortunes in this country are not made by agriculture, but are derived59 from a certain game of chance, in great practice there, in which the parties sign their names, and transfer them from hand to hand. If they lose, they withdraw into the mud and mire60 of their original extraction; if they win, they share in the administration of public affairs; they marry their daughters to mandarins, and their sons become a species of mandarins also.
“A considerable number of the citizens have their whole means of subsistence assigned upon a house, which possesses in fact nothing, and a hundred persons have bought for a hundred thousand crowns each the right of receiving and paying the money due to these citizens upon their assignments on this imaginary hotel; rights which they never exercise, as they in reality know nothing at all of what is thus supposed to pass through their hands.
“Sometimes a proposal is made and cried about the streets, that all who have a little money in their chest should exchange it for a slip of exquisitely61 manufactured paper, which will free you from all pecuniary62 care, and enable you to pass through life with ease and comfort. On the morrow an order is published, compelling you to change this paper for another, much better. On the following day you are deafened63 with the cry of a new paper, cancelling the two former ones. You are ruined! But long heads console you with the assurance, that within a fortnight the newsmen will cry up some proposal more engaging.
“You travel into one province of this empire, and purchase articles of food, drink, clothing, and lodging64. If you go into another province, you are obliged to pay duties upon all those commodities, as if you had just arrived from Africa. You inquire the reason of this, but obtain no answer; or if, from extraordinary politeness, any one condescends66 to notice your questions, he replies that you come from a province reputed foreign, and that, consequently, you are obliged to pay for the convenience of commerce. In vain you puzzle yourself to comprehend how the province of a kingdom can be deemed foreign to that kingdom.
“On one particular occasion, while changing horses, finding myself somewhat fatigued67, I requested the postmaster to favor me with a glass of wine. ‘I cannot let you have it,’ says he; ‘the superintendents68 of thirst, who are very considerable in number, and all of them remarkably69 sober, would accuse me of drinking to excess, which would absolutely be my ruin.’ ‘But drinking a single glass of wine,’ I replied, ‘to repair a man’s strength, is not drinking to excess; and what difference can it make whether that single glass of wine is taken by you or me?’
“ ‘Sir,’ replied the man, ‘our laws relating to thirst are much more excellent than you appear to think them. After our vintage is finished, physicians are appointed by the regular authorities to visit our cellars. They set aside a certain quantity of wine, such as they judge we may drink consistently with health. At the end of the year they return; and if they conceive that we have exceeded their restriction70 by a single bottle, they punish us with very severe fines; and if we make the slightest resistance, we are sent to Toulon to drink salt-water. Were I to give you the wine you ask, I should most certainly be charged with excessive drinking. You must see to what danger I should be exposed from the supervisors71 of our health.’
“I could not refrain from astonishment72 at the existence of such a system; but my astonishment was no less on meeting with a disconsolate73 and mortified74 pleader, who informed me that he had just then lost, a little beyond the nearest rivulet75, a cause precisely76 similar to one he had gained on this side of it. I understood from him that, in his country, there are as many different codes of laws as there are cities. His conversation raised my curiosity. ‘Our nation,’ said he, ‘is so completely wise and enlightened, that nothing is regulated in it. Laws, customs, the rights of corporate77 bodies, rank, precedence, everything is arbitrary; all is left to the prudence78 of the nation.’
“I happened to be still in this same country when it became involved in a war with some of its neighbors. This war was nicknamed ‘The Ridicule,’ because there was much to be lost and nothing to be gained by it. I went upon my travels elsewhere, and did not return till the conclusion of peace, when the nation seemed to be in the most dreadful state of misery79; it had lost its money, its soldiers, its fleets, and its commerce. I said to myself, its last hour is come; everything, alas80! must pass away. Here is a nation absolutely annihilated81. What a dreadful pity! for a great part of the people were amiable82, industrious83, and gay, after having been formerly84 coarse, superstitious85, and barbarous.
“I was perfectly astonished, at the end of only two years, to find its capital and principal cities more opulent than ever. Luxury had increased, and an air of enjoyment86 prevailed everywhere. I could not comprehend this prodigy87; and it was only after I had examined into the government of the neighboring nations that I could discover the cause of what appeared so unaccountable. I found that the government of all the rest was just as bad as that of this nation, and that this nation was superior to all the rest in industry.
“A provincial88 of the country I am speaking of was once bitterly complaining to me of all the grievances89 under which he labored90. He was well acquainted with history. I asked him if he thought he should have been happier had he lived a hundred years before, when his country was in a comparative state of barbarism, and a citizen was liable to be hanged for having eaten flesh in Lent? He shook his head in the negative. Would you prefer the times of the civil wars, which began at the death of Francis II.; or the times of the defeats of St. Quentin and Pavia; or the long disorders92 attending the wars against the English; or the feudal93 anarchy94; or the horrors of the second race of kings, or the barbarity of the first? At every successive question, he appeared to shudder95 more violently. The government of the Romans seemed to him the most intolerable of all. ‘Nothing can be worse,’ he said, ‘than to be under foreign masters.’ At last we came to the Druids. ‘Ah!’ he exclaimed, ‘I was quite mistaken: it is still worse to be governed by sanguinary priests.’ He admitted, at last, although with sore reluctance96, that the time he lived in was, all things considered, the least intolerable and hateful.”
§ IV.
An eagle governed the birds of the whole country of Ornithia. He had no other right, it must be allowed, than what he derived from his beak97 and claws; however, after providing liberally for his own repasts and pleasures, he governed as well as any other bird of prey98.
In his old age he was invaded by a flock of hungry vultures, who rushed from the depths of the North to scatter99 fear and desolation through his provinces. There appeared, just about this time, a certain owl20, who was born in one of the most scrubby thickets100 of the empire, and who had long been known under the name of “luci-fugax,” or light-hater. He possessed101 much cunning, and associated only with bats; and, while the vultures were engaged in conflict with the eagle, our politic102 owl and his party entered with great adroitness103, in the character of pacificators, on that department of the air which was disputed by the combatants.
The eagle and vultures, after a war of long duration, at last actually referred the cause of contention104 to the owl, who, with his solemn and imposing105 physiognomy, was well formed to deceive them both.
He persuaded the eagles and vultures to suffer their claws to be a little pared, and just the points of their beaks106 to be cut off, in order to bring about perfect peace and reconciliation107. Before this time, the owl had always said to the birds, “Obey the eagle”; afterwards, in consequence of the invasion, he had said to them, “Obey the vultures.” He now, however, soon called out to them, “Obey me only.” The poor birds did not know to whom to listen: they were plucked by the eagle, the vultures, and the owl and bats. “Qui habet aures, audiat.” —“He that hath ears to hear, let him hear.”
§ V.
“I have in my possession a great number of catapult? and balist? of the ancient Romans, which are certainly rather worm-eaten, but would still do very well as specimens108. I have many water-clocks, but half of them probably out of repair and broken, some sepulchral110 lamps, and an old copper111 model of a quinquereme. I have also togas, pretextas, and laticlaves in lead; and my predecessors112 established a society of tailors; who, after inspecting ancient monuments, can make up robes pretty awkwardly. For these reasons thereunto moving us, after hearing the report of our chief antiquary, we do hereby appoint and ordain113, that all the said venerable usages should be observed and kept up forever; and every person, through the whole extent of our dominions114, shall dress and think precisely as men dressed and thought in the time of Cnidus Rufillus, proprietor115 of the province devolved to us by right,” etc.
It is represented to an officer belonging to the department whence this edict issued, that all the engines enumerated116 in it are become useless; that the understandings and the inventions of mankind are every day making new advances towards perfection; and that it would be more judicious118 to guide and govern men by the reins119 in present use, than by those by which they were formerly subjected; that no person could be found to go on board the quinquereme of his most serene120 highness; that his tailors might make as many laticlaves as they pleased, and that not a soul would purchase one of them; and that it would be worthy121 of his wisdom to condescend65, in some small measure, to the manner of thinking that now prevailed among the better sort of people in his own dominions.
The officer above mentioned promised to communicate this representation to a clerk, who promised to speak about it to the referendary, who promised to mention it to his most serene highness whenever an opportunity should offer.
§ VI.
Picture of the English Government.
The establishment of a government is a matter of curious and interesting investigation123. I shall not speak, in this place, of the great Tamerlane, or Timerling, because I am not precisely acquainted with the mystery of the Great Mogul’s government. But we can see our way somewhat more clearly into the administration of affairs in England; and I had rather examine that than the administration of India; as England, we are informed, is inhabited by free men and not by slaves; and in India, according to the accounts we have of it, there are many slaves and but few free men.
Let us, in the first place, view a Norman bastard124 seating himself upon the throne of England. He had about as much right to it as St. Louis had, at a later period, to Grand Cairo. But St. Louis had the misfortune not to begin with obtaining a judicial125 decision in favor of his right to Egypt from the court of Rome; and William the Bastard failed not to render his cause legitimate126 and sacred, by obtaining in confirmation127 of the rightfulness of his claim, a decree of Pope Alexander II. issued without the opposite party having obtained a hearing, and simply in virtue of the words, “Whatsoever thou shalt bind128 on earth, shall be bound in heaven.” His competitor, Harold, a perfectly legitimate monarch2, being thus bound by a decree of heaven, William united to this virtue of the holy see another of far more powerful efficacy still, which was the victory of Hastings. He reigned129, therefore, by the right of the strongest, just as Pepin and Clovis had reigned in France; the Goths and Lombards in Italy; the Visigoths, and afterwards the Arabs in Spain; the Vandals in Africa, and all the kings of the world in succession.
It must be nevertheless admitted, that our Bastard possessed as just a title as the Saxons and the Danes, whose title, again, was quite as good as that of the Romans. And the title of all these heroes in succession was precisely that of “robbers on the highway,” or, if you like it better, that of foxes and pole-cats when they commit their depredations130 on the farm-yard.
All these great men were so completely highway robbers, that from the time of Romulus down to the buccaneers, the only question and concern were about the “spolia opima,” the pillage131 and plunder132, the cows and oxen carried off by the hand of violence. Mercury, in the fable133, steals the cows of Apollo; and in the Old Testament134, Isaiah assigns the name of robber to the son whom his wife was to bring into the world, and who was to be an important and sacred type. That name was Mahershalalhashbaz, “divide speedily the soil.” We have already observed, that the names of soldier and robber were often synonymous.
Thus then did William soon become king by divine right. William Rufus, who usurped135 the crown over his elder brother, was also king by divine right, without any difficulty; and the same right attached after him to Henry, the third usurper136.
The Norman barons137 who had joined at their own expense in the invasion of England, were desirous of compensation. It was necessary to grant it, and for this purpose to make them great vassals139, and great officers of the crown. They became possessed of the finest estates. It is evident that William would rather, had he dared, have kept all to himself, and made all these lords his guards and lackeys140. But this would have been too dangerous an attempt. He was obliged, therefore, to divide and distribute.
With respect to the Anglo-Saxon lords, there was no very easy way of killing, or even making slaves of the whole of them. They were permitted in their own districts, to enjoy the rank and denomination141 of lords of the manor142 — seignieurs chatelans. They held of the great Norman vassals, who held of William.
By this system everything was kept in equilibrium143 until the breaking out of the first quarrel. And what became of the rest of the nation? The same that had become of nearly all the population of Europe. They became serfs or villeins.
At length, after the frenzy144 of the Crusades, the ruined princes sell liberty to the serfs of the glebe, who had obtained money by labor91 and commerce. Cities are made free, the commons are granted certain privileges; and the rights of men revive even out of anarchy itself.
The barons were everywhere in contention with their king, and with one another. The contention became everywhere a petty intestine145 war, made up out of numberless civil wars. From this abominable146 and gloomy chaos147 appeared a feeble gleam, which enlightened the commons, and considerably148 improved their situation.
The kings of England, being themselves great vassals of France for Normandy, and afterwards for Guienne and other provinces, easily adopted the usages of the kings from whom they held. The states of the realm were long made up, as in France, of barons and bishops149.
The English court of chancery was an imitation of the council of state, of which the chancellor150 of France was president. The court of king’s bench was formed on the model of the parliament instituted by Philip le Bel. The common pleas were like the jurisdiction151 of the chatelat. The court of exchequer152 resembled that of the superintendents of the finances — généraux des finances — which became, in France, the court of aids.
The maxim that the king’s domain153 is inalienable is evidently taken from the system of French government.
The right of the king of England to call on his subjects to pay his ransom154, should he become a prisoner of war; that of requiring a subsidy155 when he married his eldest daughter, and when he conferred the honor of knighthood on his son; all these circumstances call to recollection the ancient usages of a kingdom of which William was the chief vassal138.
Scarcely had Philip le Bel summoned the commons to the states-general, before Edward, king of England, adopted the like measure, in order to balance the great power of the barons. For it was under this monarch’s reign26 that the commons were first clearly and distinctly summoned to parliament.
We perceive, then, that up to this epoch156 in the fourteenth century, the English government followed regularly in the steps of France. The two churches are entirely157 alike; the same subjection to the court of Rome; the same exactions which are always complained of, but, in the end, always paid to that rapacious158 court; the same dissensions, somewhat more or less violent; the same excommunications; the same donations to monks; the same chaos; the same mixture of holy rapine, superstition159, and barbarism.
As France and England, then, were for so long a period governed by the same principles, or rather without any principle at all, and merely by usages of a perfectly similar character, how is it that, at length, the two governments have become as different as those of Morocco and Venice?
It is, perhaps, in the first place to be ascribed to the circumstance of England, or rather Great Britain, being an island, in consequence of which the king has been under no necessity of constantly keeping up a considerable standing117 army which might more frequently be employed against the nation itself than against foreigners.
It may be further observed, that the English appear to have in the structure of their minds something more firm, more reflective, more persevering160, and, perhaps, more obstinate161, than some other nations.
To this latter circumstance it may be probably attributed, that, after incessantly complaining of the court of Rome, they at length completely shook off its disgraceful yoke; while a people of more light and volatile162 character has continued to wear it, affecting at the same time to laugh and dance in its chains.
The insular163 situation of the English, by inducing the necessity of urging to the particular pursuit and practice of navigation, has probably contributed to the result we are here considering, by giving to the natives a certain sternness and ruggedness165 of manners.
These stern and rugged164 manners, which have made their island the theatre of many a bloody166 tragedy, have also contributed, in all probability, to inspire a generous frankness.
It is in consequence of this combination of opposite qualities that so much royal blood has been shed in the field, and on the scaffold, and yet poison, in all their long and violent domestic contentions167, has never been resorted to; whereas, in other countries, under priestly domination poison has been the prevailing168 weapon of destruction.
The love of liberty appears to have advanced, and to have characterized the English, in proportion as they have advanced in knowledge and in wealth. All the citizens of a state cannot be equally powerful, but they may be equally free. And this high point of distinction and enjoyment the English, by their firmness and intrepidity169, have at length attained170.
To be free is to be dependent only on the laws. The English, therefore, have ever loved the laws, as fathers love their children, because they are, or at least think themselves, the framers of them.
A government like this could be established only at a late period; because it was necessary long to struggle with powers which commanded respect, or at least, impressed awe171 — the power of the pope, the most terrible of all, as it was built on prejudice and ignorance; the royal power ever tending to burst its proper boundary, and which it was requisite172, however difficult, to restrain within it; the power of the barons, which was, in fact, an anarchy; the power of the bishops, who, always mixing the sacred with the profane173, left no means unattempted to prevail over both barons and kings.
The house of commons gradually became the impregnable mole174, which successfully repelled175 those serious and formidable torrents176.
The house of commons is, in reality, the nation; for the king, who is the head, acts only for himself, and what is called his prerogative177. The peers are a parliament only for themselves; and the bishops only for themselves, in the same manner.
But the house of commons is for the people, as every member of it is deputed by the people. The people are to the king in the proportion of about eight millions to unity122. To the peers and bishops they are as eight millions to, at most, two hundred. And these eight million free citizens are represented by the lower house.
With respect to this establishment or constitution — in comparison with which the republic of Plato is merely a ridiculous reverie, and which might be thought to have been invented by Locke, or Newton, or Halley, or Archimedes — it sprang, in fact, out of abuses, of a most dreadful description, and such as are calculated to make human nature shudder. The inevitable178 friction179 of this vast machine nearly proved its destruction in the days of Fairfax and Cromwell. Senseless fanaticism180 broke into this noble edifice181, like a devouring182 fire that consumes a beautiful building formed only of wood.
In the time of William the Third it was rebuilt of stone. Philosophy destroyed fanaticism, which convulses to their centres states even the most firm and powerful. We cannot easily help believing that a constitution which has regulated the rights of king, lords, and people, and in which every individual finds security, will endure as long as human institutions and concerns shall have a being.
We cannot but believe, also, that all states not established upon similar principles, will experience revolutions.
The English constitution has, in fact, arrived at that point of excellence183, in consequence of which all men are restored to those natural rights, which, in nearly all monarchies, they are deprived of. These rights are, entire liberty of person and property; freedom of the press; the right of being tried in all criminal cases by a jury of independent men — the right of being tried only according to the strict letter of the law; and the right of every man to profess6, unmolested, what religion he chooses, while he renounces184 offices, which the members of the Anglican or established church alone can hold. These are denominated privileges. And, in truth, invaluable185 privileges they are in comparison with the usages of most other nations of the world! To be secure on lying down that you shall rise in possession of the same property with which you retired186 to rest; that you shall not be torn from the arms of your wife, and from your children, in the dead of might, to be thrown into a dungeon187, or buried in exile in a desert; that, when rising from the bed of sleep, you will have the power of publishing all your thoughts; and that, if you are accused of having either acted, spoken, or written wrongly, you can be tried only according to law. These privileges attach to every one who sets his foot on English ground. A foreigner enjoys perfect liberty to dispose of his property and person; and, if accused of any offence, he can demand that half the jury shall be composed of foreigners.
I will venture to assert, that, were the human race solemnly assembled for the purpose of making laws, such are the laws they would make for their security. Why then are they not adopted in other countries? But would it not be equally judicious to ask, why cocoanuts, which are brought to maturity189 in India, do not ripen190 at Rome? You answer, these cocoanuts did not always, or for some time, come to maturity in England; that the trees have not been long cultivated; that Sweden, following her example, planted and nursed some of them for several years, but that they did not thrive; and that it is possible to produce such fruit in other provinces, even in Bosnia and Servia. Try and plant the tree then.
And you who bear authority over these benighted191 people, whether under the name of pasha, effendi, or mollah, let me advise you, although an unpromising subject for advice, not to act the stupid as well as barbarous part of riveting192 your nations in chains. Reflect, that the heavier you make the people’s yoke, the more completely your own children, who cannot all of them be pashas, will be slaves. Surely you would not be so contemptible a wretch193 as to expose your whole posterity194 to groan195 in chains, for the sake of enjoying a subaltern tyranny for a few days! Oh, how great at present is the distance between an Englishman and a Bosnian!
§ VII.
The mixture now existing in the government of England — this concert between the commons, the lords, and the king — did not exist always. England was long a slave. She was so to the Romans, the Saxons, Danes, and French. William the Conqueror196, in particular, ruled her with a sceptre of iron. He disposed of the properties and lives of his new subjects like an Oriental despot; he prohibited them from having either fire or candle in their houses after eight o’clock at night, under pain of death: his object being either to prevent nocturnal assemblies among them, or merely, by so capricious and extravagant197 a prohibition198, to show how far the power of some men can extend over others. It is true, that both before as well as after William the Conqueror, the English had parliaments; they made a boast of them; as if the assemblies then called parliaments, made up of tyrannical churchmen and baronial robbers, had been the guardians199 of public freedom and happiness.
The barbarians200, who, from the shores of the Baltic poured over the rest of Europe, brought with them the usage of states or parliaments, about which a vast deal is said and very little known. The kings were not despotic, it is true; and it was precisely on this account that the people groaned201 in miserable202 slavery. The chiefs of these savages203, who had ravaged204 France, Italy, Spain, and England, made themselves monarchs. Their captains divided among themselves the estates of the vanquished205; hence, the margraves, lairds, barons, and the whole series of the subaltern tyrants206, who often contested the spoils of the people with the monarchs, recently advanced to the throne and not firmly fixed207 on it. These were all birds of prey, battling with the eagle, in order to suck the blood of the doves. Every nation, instead of one good master, had a hundred tyrants. The priests soon took part in the contest. From time immemorial it had been the fate of the Gauls, the Germans, and the islanders of England, to be governed by their druids and the chiefs of their villages, an ancient species of barons, but less tyrannical than their successors. These druids called themselves mediators between God and men; they legislated208, they excommunicated, they had the power of life and death. The bishops gradually succeeded to the authority of the druids, under the Goth and Vandal government. The popes put themselves at their head; and, with briefs, bulls, and monks, struck terror into the hearts of kings, whom they sometimes dethroned and occasionally caused to be assassinated, and drew to themselves, as nearly as they were able, all the money of Europe. The imbecile Ina, one of the tyrants of the English heptarchy, was the first who, on a pilgrimage to Rome, submitted to pay St. Peter’s penny — which was about a crown of our money — for every house within his territory. The whole island soon followed this example; England gradually became a province of the pope; and the holy father sent over his legates, from time to time, to levy209 upon it his exorbitant210 imposts. John, called Lackland, at length made a full and formal cession13 of his kingdom to his holiness, by whom he had been excommunicated; the barons, who did not at all find their account in this proceeding211, expelled that contemptible king, and substituted in his room Louis VIII., father of St. Louis, king of France. But they soon became disgusted with the new-comer, and obliged him to recross the sea.
While the barons, bishops, and popes were thus harassing212 and tearing asunder213 England, where each of the parties strove eagerly to be the dominant214 one, the people, who form the most numerous, useful, and virtuous215 portion of a community, consisting of those who study the laws and sciences, merchants, artisans, and even peasants, who exercise at once the most important and the most despised of occupations; the people, I say, were looked down upon equally by all these combatants, as a species of beings inferior to mankind. Far, indeed, at that time, were the commons from having the slightest participation216 in the government: they were villeins, or serfs of the soil; both their labor and their blood belonged to their masters, who were called “nobles.” The greater number of men in Europe were what they still continue to be in many parts of the world — the serfs of a lord, a species of cattle bought and sold together with the land. It required centuries to get justice done to humanity; to produce an adequate impression of the odious217 and execrable nature of the system, according to which the many sow, and only the few reap; and surely it may even be considered fortunate for France that the powers of these petty robbers were extinguished there by the legitimate authority of kings, as it was in England by that of the king and nation united.
Happily, in consequence of the convulsions of empires by the contests between sovereigns and nobles, the chains of nations are more or less relaxed. The barons compelled John (Lackland) and Henry III to grant the famous charter, the great object of which, in reality, was to place the king in dependence218 on the lords, but in which the rest of the nation was a little favored, to induce it, when occasion might require, to range itself in the ranks of its pretended protectors. This great charter, which is regarded as the sacred origin of English liberties, itself clearly shows how very little liberty was understood. The very title proves that the king considered himself absolute by right, and that the barons and clergy219 compelled him to abate220 his claim to this absolute power only by the application of superior force. These are the words with which Magna Charta begins: “We grant, of our free will, the following privileges to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and barons, of our kingdom,” etc. Throughout the articles of it, not a word is said of the house of commons; a proof that it did not then exist, or that it existed without power. The freemen of England are specified221 in it, a melancholy222 demonstration223 that there were men who were not free. We perceive, from the thirty-seventh article, that the pretended freemen owed service to their lord. Liberty of such a description had but too strong a similarity to bondage224. By the twenty-first article, the king ordains225 that henceforward his officers shall not take away the horses and ploughs of freemen, without paying for them. This regulation was considered by the people as true liberty, because it freed them from a greater tyranny. Henry VII., a successful warrior226 and politician, who pretended great attachment227 to the barons, but who cordially hated and feared them, granted them permission to alienate228 their lands. In consequence of this, the villeins, who by their industry and skill accumulated property, in the course of time became purchasers of the castles of the illustrious nobles who had ruined themselves by their extravagance, and, gradually, nearly all the landed property of the kingdom changed masters.
The house of commons now advanced in power every day. The families of the old nobility became extinct in the progress of time; and, as in England, correctly speaking, peers only are nobles, there would scarcely have been any nobles in the country, if the kings had not, from time to time, created new barons, and kept up the body of peers, whom they had formerly so much dreaded229, to counteract230 that of the commons, now become too formidable. All the new peers, who compose the upper house, receive from the king their title and nothing more, since none of them have the property of the lands of which they bear the names. One is duke of Dorset, without possessing a single foot of land in Dorsetshire; another is an earl under the name of a certain village, yet scarcely knowing where that village is situated231. They have power in the parliament, and nowhere else.
You hear no mention, in this country, of the high, middle, and low courts of justice, nor of the right of chase over the lands of private citizens, who have no right to fire a gun on their own estates.
A man is not exempted232 from paying particular taxes because he is a noble or a clergyman. All imposts are regulated by the house of commons, which, although subordinate in rank, is superior in credit to that of the lords. The peers and bishops may reject a bill sent up to them by the commons, when the object is to raise money, but they can make no alteration233 in it: they must admit it or reject it, without restriction. When the bill is confirmed by the lords, and assented234 to by the king, then all the classes of the nation contribute. Every man pays, not according to his rank — which would be absurd — but according to his revenue. There is no arbitrary taille or capitation, but a real tax on lands. These were all valued in the reign of the celebrated King William. The tax exists still unaltered, although the rents of lands have considerably increased; thus no one is oppressed, and no one complains. The feet of the cultivator are not bruised235 and mutilated by wooden shoes; he eats white bread; he is well clothed. He is not afraid to increase his farming-stock, nor to roof his cottage with tiles, lest the following year should, in consequence, bring with it an increase of taxation236. There are numerous farmers who have an income of about five or six hundred pounds sterling237, and still disdain238 not to cultivate the land which has enriched them, and on which they enjoy the blessing239 of freedom.
§ VIII.
The reader well knows that in Spain, near the coast of Malaga, there was discovered, in the reign of Philip II., a small community, until then unknown, concealed240 in the recesses241 of the Alpuxarras mountains. This chain of inaccessible242 rocks is intersected by luxuriant valleys, and these valleys are still cultivated by the descendants of the Moors243, who were forced, for their own happiness, to become Christians244, or at least to appear such.
Among these Moors, as I was stating, there was, in the time of Philip, a small society, inhabiting a valley to which there existed no access but through caverns246. This valley is situated between Pitos and Portugos. The inhabitants of this secluded247 abode248 were almost unknown to the Moors themselves. They spoke188 a language that was neither Spanish nor Arabic, and which was thought to be derived from that of the ancient Carthaginians.
This society had but little increased in numbers: the reason alleged249 for which was that the Arabs, their neighbors, and before their time the Africans, were in the practice of coming and taking from them the young women.
These poor and humble250, but nevertheless happy, people, had never heard any mention of the Christian245 or Jewish religions; and knew very little about that of Mahomet, not holding it in any estimation. They offered up, from time immemorial, milk and fruits to a statue of Hercules. This was the amount of their religion. As to other matters, they spent their days in indolence and innocence251. They were at length discovered by a familiar of the Inquisition. The grand inquisitor had the whole of them burned. This is the sole event of their history.
The hallowed motives252 of their condemnation253 were, that they had never paid taxes, although, in fact, none had ever been demanded of them, and they were totally unacquainted with money; that they were not possessed of any Bible, although they did not understand Latin; and that no person had been at the pains of baptizing them. They were all invested with the san benito, and broiled254 to death with becoming ceremony.
It is evident that this is a specimen109 of the true system of government; nothing can so completely contribute to the content, harmony, and happiness of society.
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1
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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rebukes
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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12
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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owl
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| n.猫头鹰，枭 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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benedictions
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| n.祝福( benediction的名词复数 )；（礼拜结束时的）赐福祈祷；恩赐；（大写）（罗马天主教）祈求上帝赐福的仪式 | |
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33
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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hemlock
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| n.毒胡萝卜，铁杉 | |
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banter
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| n.嘲弄，戏谑；v.取笑，逗弄，开玩笑 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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42
inveigh
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| v.痛骂 | |
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43
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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48
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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49
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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50
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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52
clandestinely
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| adv.秘密地，暗中地 | |
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53
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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54
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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55
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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56
bidder
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| n.(拍卖时的)出价人，报价人，投标人 | |
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57
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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58
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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59
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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60
mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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exquisitely
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| adv.精致地；强烈地；剧烈地；异常地 | |
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62
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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deafened
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| 使聋( deafen的过去式和过去分词 )； 使隔音 | |
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64
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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65
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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condescends
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的第三人称单数 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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superintendents
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| 警长( superintendent的名词复数 )； （大楼的）管理人； 监管人； （美国）警察局长 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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71
supervisors
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| n.监督者，管理者( supervisor的名词复数 ) | |
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72
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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73
disconsolate
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| adj.忧郁的，不快的 | |
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74
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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75
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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76
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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81
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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82
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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83
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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84
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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86
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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88
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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89
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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90
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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91
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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92
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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93
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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94
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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95
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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96
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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97
beak
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| n.鸟嘴，茶壶嘴，钩形鼻 | |
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98
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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99
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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100
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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101
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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102
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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103
adroitness
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104
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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105
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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106
beaks
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| n.鸟嘴( beak的名词复数 )；鹰钩嘴；尖鼻子；掌权者 | |
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107
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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108
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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109
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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110
sepulchral
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| adj.坟墓的，阴深的 | |
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111
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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112
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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113
ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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114
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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115
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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116
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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118
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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119
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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120
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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121
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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122
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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123
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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124
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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125
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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126
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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127
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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128
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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129
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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130
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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131
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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132
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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133
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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134
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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135
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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136
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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137
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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138
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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139
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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140
lackeys
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| n.听差( lackey的名词复数 )；男仆（通常穿制服）；卑躬屈膝的人；被待为奴仆的人 | |
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141
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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142
manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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143
equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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144
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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145
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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146
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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147
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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148
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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149
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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150
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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151
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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152
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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153
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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154
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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155
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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156
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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157
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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158
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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159
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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160
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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161
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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162
volatile
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| adj.反复无常的，挥发性的，稍纵即逝的，脾气火爆的；n.挥发性物质 | |
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163
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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164
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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165
ruggedness
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| 险峻，粗野； 耐久性； 坚固性 | |
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166
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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167
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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168
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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169
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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170
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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171
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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172
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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173
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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174
mole
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| n.胎块；痣；克分子 | |
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175
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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176
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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177
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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178
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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179
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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180
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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181
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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182
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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183
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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184
renounces
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的第三人称单数 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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185
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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186
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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187
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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188
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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189
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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190
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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191
benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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192
riveting
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| adj.动听的，令人着迷的，完全吸引某人注意力的；n.铆接（法） | |
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193
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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194
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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195
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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196
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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197
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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198
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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199
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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200
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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201
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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202
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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203
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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204
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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205
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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206
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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207
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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208
legislated
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| v.立法，制定法律( legislate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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210
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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211
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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212
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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ordains
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的第三人称单数 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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caverns
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| 大山洞，大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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broiled
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| a.烤过的 | |
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