The Inquisition is an ecclesiastical jurisdiction1, established by the see of Rome in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and even in the Indies, for the purpose of searching out and extirpating2 infidels, Jews, and heretics.
That we may not be suspected of resorting to falsehood in order to render this tribunal odious3, we shall in this present article give the abstract of a Latin work on the “Origin and Progress of the Office of the Holy Inquisition,” printed by the royal press at Madrid in 1589, by order of Louis de Paramo, inquisitor in the kingdom of Sicily.
Without going back to the origin of the Inquisition, which Paramo thinks he discovers in the manner in which God is related to have proceeded against Adam and Eve, let us abide4 by the new law of which Jesus Christ, according to him, was the chief inquisitor. He exercised the functions of that office on the thirteenth day after his birth, by announcing to the city of Jerusalem, through the three kings or Magi, his appearance in the world, and afterwards by causing Herod to be devoured5 alive by worms; by driving the buyers and sellers out of the temple; and finally, by delivering Jud?a into the hands of tyrants6, who pillaged7 it in punishment of its unbelief.
After Jesus Christ, St. Peter, St. Paul, and the rest of the apostles exercised the office of inquisitor, which they transmitted to the popes and bishops9, and their successors. St. Dominic having arrived in France with the bishop8 of Osma, of which he was archdeacon, became animated10 with zeal11 against the Albigenses, and obtained the regard and favor of Simon, Count de Montfort. Having been appointed by the pope inquisitor in Languedoc, he there founded his order, which was approved of and ratified12, in 1216, by Honorius III. Under the auspices13 of St. Madelaine, Count Montfort took the city of Gezer by assault, and put all the inhabitants to the sword; and at Laval, four hundred Albigenses were burned at once. “In all the histories of the Inquisition that I ever read,” says Paramo, “I never met with an act of faith so eminent14, or a spectacle so solemn. At the village of Cazera, sixty were burned; and in another place a hundred and eighty.”
The Inquisition was adopted by the count of Toulouse in 1229, and confided15 to the Dominicans by Pope Gregory IX. in 1233; Innocent IV. in 1251 established it in the whole of Italy, with the exception of Naples. At the commencement, indeed, heretics were not subjected in the Milanese to the punishment of death, which they nevertheless so richly deserved, because the popes were not sufficiently16 respected by the emperor Frederick, to whom that state belonged; but a short time afterwards heretics were burned at Milan, as well as in the other parts of Italy; and our author remarks, that in 1315 some thousands of heretics having spread themselves through Cremasco, a small territory included in the jurisdiction of the Milanese, the Dominican brothers burned the greater part of them; and thus checked the ravages17 of the theological pestilence18 by the flames.
As the first canon of the Council of Toulouse enjoined19 the bishops to appoint in every parish a priest and two or three laymen20 of reputation, who should be bound by oath to search carefully and frequently for heretics, in houses, caves, and all places wherever they might be able to hide themselves, and to give the speediest information to the bishop, the seigneur of the place, or his bailiff, after having taken all necessary precautions against the escape of any heretics discovered, the inquisitors must have acted at this time in concert with the bishops. The prisons of the bishop and of the Inquisition were frequently the same; and, although in the course of the procedure the inquisitor might act in his own name, he could not, without the intervention21 of the bishop, apply the torture, pronounce any definitive22 sentence, or condemn23 to perpetual imprisonment24, etc. The frequent disputes that occurred between the bishops and the inquisitors, on the limits of their authority, on the spoils of the condemned25, etc., compelled Pope Sixtus IV., in 1473, to make the Inquisitions independent and separate from the tribunals of the bishops. He created for Spain an Inquisitor-general, with full powers to nominate particular inquisitors; and Ferdinand V., in 1478, founded and endowed the Inquisition.
At the solicitation26 of Turrecremata (or Torquemada), a brother of the Dominican order, and grand inquisitor of Spain, the same Ferdinand, surnamed the Catholic, banished28 from his kingdom all the Jews, allowing them three months from the publication of his edict, after the expiration29 of which period they were not to be found in any of the Spanish dominions30 under pain of death. They were permitted, on quitting the kingdom, to take with them the goods and merchandise which they had purchased, but forbidden to take out of it any description of gold or silver.
The brother Turrecremata followed up and strengthened this edict, in the diocese of Toledo, by prohibiting all Christians33, under pain of excommunication, from giving anything whatever to the Jews, even that which might be necessary to preserve life itself.
In consequence of these decrees about a million Jews departed from Catalonia, the kingdom of Aragon, that of Valencia, and other countries subject to the dominion31 of Ferdinand; the greater part of whom perished miserably34; so that they compare the calamities35 that they suffered during this period to those they experienced under Titus and Vespasian. This expulsion of the Jews gave incredible joy to all Catholic sovereigns.
Some divines blamed these edicts of the king of Spain; their principal reasons are that unbelievers ought not to be constrained36 to embrace the faith of Jesus Christ, and that these violences are a disgrace to our religion.
But these arguments are very weak, and I contend, says Paramo, that the edict is pious37, just, and praiseworthy, as the violence with which the Jews are required to be converted is not an absolute but a conditional38 violence, since they might avoid it by quitting their country. Besides, they might corrupt39 those of the Jews who were newly converted, and even Christians themselves; but, as St. Paul says, what communion is there between justice and iniquity40, light and darkness, Jesus Christ and Belial?
With respect to the confiscation41 of their goods, nothing could be more equitable42, as they had acquired them only by usury43 towards Christians, who only received back, therefore, what was in fact their own.
In short, by the death of our Lord, the Jews became slaves, and everything that a slave possesses belongs to his master. We could not but suspend our narrative44 for a moment to make these remarks, in opposition45 to persons who have thus calumniated46 the piety47, the spotless justice, and the sanctity of the Catholic king.
At Seville, where an example of severity to the Jews was ardently48 desired, it was the holy will of God, who knows how to draw good out of evil, that a young man who was in waiting in consequence of an assignation, should see through the chinks of a partition an assembly of Jews, and in consequence inform against them. A great number of the unhappy wretches49 were apprehended50, and punished as they deserved. By virtue51 of different edicts of the kings of Spain, and of the inquisitors, general and particular, established in that kingdom, there were, in a very short time, about two thousand heretics burned at Seville, and more than four thousand from 1482 to 1520. A vast number of others were condemned to perpetual imprisonment, or exposed to inflictions of different descriptions. The emigration from it was so great that five hundred houses were supposed to be left in consequence quite empty, and in the whole diocese, three thousand; and altogether more than a hundred thousand heretics were put to death, or punished in some other manner, or went into banishment52 to avoid severer suffering. Such was the destruction of heretics accomplished53 by these pious brethren.
The establishment of the Inquisition at Toledo was a fruitful source of revenue to the Catholic Church. In the short space of two years it actually burned at the stake fifty-two obstinate54 heretics, and two hundred and twenty more were outlawed55; whence we may easily conjecture56 of what utility the Inquisition has been from its original establishment, since in so short a period it performed such wonders.
From the beginning of the fifteenth century, Pope Boniface IX. attempted in vain to establish the Inquisition in Portugal, where he created the provincial57 of the Dominicans, Vincent de Lisbon, inquisitor-general. Innocent VII., some years after, having named as inquisitor the Minim Didacus de Sylva, King John I. wrote to that pope that the establishment of the Inquisition in his kingdom was contrary to the good of his subjects, to his own interests, and perhaps also to the interests of religion.
The pope, affected58 by the representations of a too mild and easy monarch59, revoked60 all the powers granted to the inquisitors newly established, and authorized61 Mark, bishop of Senigaglia, to absolve62 the persons accused; which he accordingly did. Those who had been deprived of their dignities and offices were re-established in them, and many were delivered from the fear of the confiscation of their property.
But how admirable, continues Paramo, is the Lord in all his ways! That which the sovereign pontiffs had been unable effectually to obtain with all their urgency, King John granted spontaneously to a dexterous63 impostor, whom God made use of as an instrument for accomplishing the good work. In fact, the wicked are frequently useful instruments in God’s hands, and he does not reject the good they bring about. Thus, when John remarks to our Lord Jesus Christ, “Lord, we saw one who was not Thy disciple64 casting out demons65 in Thy name, and we prevented him from doing so,” Jesus answered him, “Prevent him not; for he who works miracles in My name will not speak ill of Me; and he who is not against Me is for Me.”
Paramo relates afterwards that he saw in the library of St. Laurence, at the Escorial, a manuscript in the handwriting of Saavedra, in which that knave66 details his fabrication of a false bull, and obtaining thereby67 his entrée into Seville as legate, with a train of a hundred and twenty domestics; his defrauding68 of thirteen thousand ducats the heirs of a rich nobleman in that neighborhood, during his twenty days’ residence in the palace of the archbishop, by producing a counterfeit69 bond for the same sum, which the nobleman acknowledged, in that instrument, to have borrowed of the legate when he visited Rome; and finally, after his arrival at Badajoz, the permission granted him by King John III., to whom he was presented by means of forged letters of the pope, to establish tribunals of the Inquisition in the principal cities of the kingdom.
These tribunals began immediately to exercise their jurisdiction; and a vast number of condemnations and executions of relapsed heretics took place, as also of absolutions of recanting and penitent71 heretics. Six months had passed in this manner, when the truth was made apparent of that expression in the Gospel, “There is nothing hid which shall not be made known.” The Marquis de Villeneuve de Barcarotta, a Spanish nobleman, assisted by the governor of Mora, had the impostor apprehended and conducted to Madrid. He was there carried before John de Tavera, archbishop of Toledo. That prelate, perfectly72 astonished at all that now transpired73 of the knavery74 and address of the false legate, despatched all the depositions75 and documents relative to the case to Pope Paul III.; as he did also the acts of the inquisitions which Saavedra had established, and by which it appeared that a great number of heretics had already been judged and condemned, and that the impostor had extorted76 from his victims more than three hundred thousand ducats.
The pope could not help acknowledging in this the finger of God and a miracle of His providence77; he accordingly formed the congregation of the tribunal of the Inquisition, under the denomination78 of “The Holy Office,” in 1545, and Sixtus V. confirmed it in 1588.
All writers but one agree with Paramo on the subject of the establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal. Antoine de Sousa alone, in his “Aphorisms of Inquisitors,” calls the history of Saavedra in question, under the pretence79 that he may very easily be conceived to have accused himself without being in fact guilty, in consideration of the glory which would redound80 to him from the event, and in the hope of living in the memory of mankind. But Sousa, in the very narrative which he substitutes for that of Paramo, exposes himself to the suspicion of bad faith, in citing two bulls of Paul III., and two others from the same pope to Cardinal81 Henry, the king’s brother; bulls which Sousa has not introduced into his printed work, and which are not to be found in any collection of apostolical bulls extant; two decisive reasons for rejecting his opinion, and adhering to that of Paramo, Hiescas, Salasar, Mendo?a, Fernandez, and Placentinus.
When the Spaniards passed over to America they carried the Inquisition with them; the Portuguese82 introduced it in the Indies, immediately upon its being established at Lisbon, which led to the observation which Louis de Paramo makes in his preface, that this flourishing and verdant83 tree had extended its branches and its roots throughout the world, and produced the most pleasant fruits.
In order to form some correct idea of the jurisprudence of the Inquisition, and the forms of its proceedings84, unknown to civil tribunals, let us take a cursory86 view of the “Directory of Inquisitors,” which Nicolas Eymeric, grand inquisitor of the kingdom of Aragon about the middle of the fourteenth century, composed in Latin, and addressed to his brother inquisitors, in virtue of the authority of his office.
A short time after the invention of printing, an edition of this work was printed at Barcelona, and soon conveyed to all the inquisitions in the Christian32 world. A second edition appeared at Rome in 1578, in folio, with scholia and commentaries by Francois Pegna, doctor in theology and canonist.
The following eulogium on the work is given by the editor in an epistle dedicatory to Gregory XIII.: “While Christian princes are everywhere engaged in combating with arms the enemies of the Catholic religion, and pouring out the blood of their soldiers to support the unity87 of the Church and the authority of the apostolic see, there are also zealous88 and devoted89 writers, who toil90 in obscurity, either to refute the opinions of innovators or to arm and direct the power of the laws against their persons, in order that the severity of punishments, and the solemnity and torture attending executions, keeping them within the bounds of duty, may produce that effect upon them which cannot be produced in them by the love of virtue.
“Although I fill only the lowest place among these defenders91 of religion, I am nevertheless animated with the same zeal for repressing the impious audacity92 and horrible depravity of the broachers of innovation. The labor93 which I here present to you on the ‘Directory of Inquisitions,’ will be a proof of my assertion. This work of Nicolas Eymeric, respectable for its antiquity94, contains a summary of the principal articles of faith, and an elaborate and methodical code of instruction for the tribunals of the Holy Inquisition, on the means which they ought to employ for the repression95 and extirpation96 of heretics; on which account I felt it my duty to offer it in homage97 to your holiness, as the chief of the Christian republic.”
He declares, elsewhere, that he had it reprinted for the instruction of inquisitors; that the work is as much to be admired as respected, and teaches with equal piety and learning the proper means of repressing and exterminating98 heretics. He acknowledges, however, that he is in possession of other useful and judicious99 methods, for which he refers to practice, which will instruct much more effectually than any lessons, and that he more readily thus silently refers to practice, as there are certain matters relating to the subject which it is of importance not to divulge100, and which, at the same time, are generally well known to inquisitors. He cites a vast number of writers, all of whom have followed the doctrines101 of the “Directory”; and he even complains that many have availed themselves of it without ascribing any honor to Eymeric for the good things they have in fact stolen from him.
We will secure ourselves from any reproach of this description, by pointing out exactly what we mean to borrow both from the author and the editor. Eymeric says, in the fifty-eighth page, “Commiseration for the children of the criminal, who by the severity used towards him are reduced to beggary, should never be permitted to mitigate103 that severity, since both by divine and human laws children are punished for the faults of their fathers.”
Page 123. “If a charge entered for prosecution104 were destitute105 of every appearance of truth, the inquisitor should not on that account expunge106 it from his register, because what at one period has not been discovered, may be so at another.”
Page 291. “It is necessary for the inquisitor to oppose cunning and stratagem107 to those employed by heretics, that he may thus pay the offenders108 in their own coin, and be enabled to adopt the language of the apostle, ‘Being crafty109, I caught you with guile110.’ ”
Page 296. “The information and depositions (procés-verbal) may be read over to the accused, completely suppressing the names of the accusers; and then it is for him to conjecture who the persons are that have brought against him any particular charges, to challenge them as incompetent111 witnesses, or to weaken their testimony112 by contrary evidence. This is the method generally used. The accused must not be permitted to imagine that challenges of witnesses will be easily allowed in cases of heresy113, for it is of no consequence whether witnesses are respectable or infamous114, accomplices115 in the prisoner’s offence, excommunicated, heretical, or in any manner whatever guilty, or perjured116, etc. This has been so ruled in favor of the faith.”
Page 202. “The appeal which a prisoner makes from the Inquisition does not preclude117 that tribunal from trial and sentence of him upon other heads of accusation118.”
Page 313. “Although the form of the order for applying the torture may suppose variation in the answers of the accused, and also in addition sufficient presumptive evidence against him for putting him to the question; both these circumstances are not necessary, and either will be sufficient for the purpose without the other.”
Pegna informs us, in the hundred and eighteenth scholium on the third book, that inquisitors generally employ only five kinds of torture when putting to the question, although Marsilius mentions fifteen kinds, and adds, that he has imagined others still — such, for example, as precluding119 the possibility of sleep, in which he is approved by Grillandus and Locatus.
Eymeric continues, page 319: “Care should be taken never to state in the form of absolution, that the prisoner is innocent, but merely that there was not sufficient evidence against him; a precaution necessary to prevent the prisoner, absolved121 in one case, from pleading that absolution in defence against any future charge that may be brought against him.”
Page 324. “Sometimes abjuration122 and canonical123 purgation are prescribed together. This is done, when, to a bad reputation of an individual in point of doctrine102 are joined inconsiderable presumptions124, which, were they a little stronger, would tend to convict him of having really said or done something injurious to the faith. The prisoner who stands in these circumstances is compelled to abjure125 all heresy in general; and after that, if he falls into any heresy of any description whatever, however different from those which may have constituted the matter of the present charge or suspicion against him, he is punished as a relapsed person, and delivered over to the secular126 arm.”
Page 331. “Relapsed persons, when the relapse is clearly proved, must be delivered up to secular justice, whatever protestation they may make as to their future conduct, and whatever contrition127 they may express. The inquisitor will, in such circumstances, inform the secular authorities, that on such a particular day and hour, and in such a particular place, a heretic will be delivered up to them and should provide that notice be given to the public that they will be expected to be present at the ceremony, as the inquisitor will deliver a sermon on the occasion in defence of the true faith, and those who attend will obtain the usual indulgences.”
These indulgences are accordingly detailed128: after the form of sentence given against the penitent heretic, the inquisitor will grant forty days’ indulgence to all persons present; three years to those who contributed to the apprehension129, abjuration, condemnation70, etc., of the said heretic; and finally, three years also will be granted by our holy father, the pope, to all who will denounce any other heretic.
Page 332. “When the culprit has been delivered over to the secular authority, it shall pronounce its sentence, and the criminal shall be conveyed to the place of punishment; some pious persons shall accompany him, and associate him in their prayers, and even pray with him; and not leave him till he has rendered up his soul to his Creator. But it is their duty to take particular care neither to say or to do anything which may hasten the moment of his death, for fear of falling into some irregularity. Accordingly, they should not exhort130 the criminal to mount the scaffold, or present himself to the executioner, or advise the executioner to get ready and arrange his instruments of punishment, so that the death may take place more quickly, and the prisoner be prevented from lingering; all for the sake of avoiding irregularity.”
Page 335. “Should it happen that the heretic, when just about to be fixed131 to the stake to be burned, were to give signs of conversion132, he might, perhaps, out of singular lenity and favor, be allowed to be received and shut up, like penitent heretics, within four walls, although it would be weak to place much reliance on a confession133 of this nature, and the indulgence is not authorized by any express law; such lenity, however, is very dangerous. I was witness of an example in point at Barcelona: A priest who was condemned, with two other impenitent134 heretics, to be burned, and who was actually in the midst of the flames, called on the bystanders to pull him out instantly, for he was willing to be converted; he was accordingly extricated135, dreadfully scorched136 on one side. I do not mean to decide whether this was well or ill done; but I know that, fourteen years afterwards, he was still dogmatizing, and had corrupted137 a considerable number of persons; he was therefore once more given up to justice, and was burned to death.”
“No person doubts,” says Pegna, scholium 47, “that heretics ought to be put to death; but the particular method of execution may well be a topic of discussion.” Alphonso de Castro, in the second book of his work, “On the Just Punishment of Heretics,” considers it a matter of great indifference138 whether they are destroyed by the sword, by fire, or any other method; but Hostiensis Godofredus, Covarruvias, Simancas, Roxas, etc., maintain that they ought decidedly to be burned. In fact, as Hostiensis very well expressed it, execution by fire is the punishment appropriate to heresy. We read in St. John, “If any one remain not in me, he shall be cast forth139, as a branch, and wither140, and men shall gather it and cast it into the fire and burn it.” “It may be added, continued Pegna, “that the universal custom of the Christian republic is in support of this opinion. Simancas and Roxas decide that heretics ought to be burned alive; but one precaution should always be taken in burning them, which is tearing out the tongue and keeping the mouth perfectly closed, in order to prevent their scandalizing the spectators by their impieties141.”
Finally, page 369, Eymeric enjoins142 those whom he addresses to proceed in matters of heresy straight forward, without any wranglings of advocates, and without so many forms and solemnities as are generally employed in criminal cases; that is, to make the process as short as possible, by cutting off useless delays, by going on with the hearing and trial of such causes, even on days when the labors143 of the other judges are suspended; by disallowing144 every appeal which has for its apparent object merely a postponement145 of final judgment146; and by not admitting an unnecessary multitude of witnesses, etc.
This revolting system of jurisprudence has simply been put under some restriction147 in Spain and Portugal; while at Milan the Inquisition itself has at length been entirely148 suppressed.
§ II.
The Inquisition is well known to be an admirable and truly Christian invention for increasing the power of the pope and monks149, and rendering150 the population of a whole kingdom hypocrites.
St. Dominic is usually considered as the person to whom the world is principally indebted for this institution. In fact, we have still extant a patent granted by that great saint, expressed precisely151 in the following words: “I, brother Dominic, reconcile to the Church Roger, the bearer of these presents, on condition of his being scourged152 by a priest on three successive Sundays from the entrance of the city to the church doors; of his abstaining153 from meat all his life; of his fasting for the space of three Lents in a year; of his never drinking wine; of his carrying about him the ‘san benito’ with crosses; of his reciting the breviary every day, and ten paternosters in the course of the day, and twenty at midnight; of his preserving perfect chastity, and of his presenting himself every month before the parish priest, etc.; the whole under pain of being treated as heretical, perjured, and impenitent.”
Although Dominic was the real founder154 of the Inquisition, yet Louis de Paramo, one of the most respectable writers and most brilliant luminaries155 of the Holy Office, relates, in the second chapter of his second book, that God was the first institutor of the Holy Office, and that he exercised the power of the preaching brethren, that is of the Dominican Order, against Adam. In the first place Adam is cited before the tribunal: “Adam ubi es?” — Adam, where art thou? “And in fact,” adds Paramo, “the want of this citation27 would have rendered the whole procedure of God null.”
The dresses formed of skins, which God made for Adam and Eve, were the model of the “san benito,” which the Holy Office requires to be worn by heretics. It is true that, according to this argument, God was the first tailor; it is not, however, the less evident, on account of that ludicrous and profane156 inference, that he was the first inquisitor.
Adam was deprived of the immovable property he possessed157 in the terrestrial paradise, and hence the Holy Office confiscates158 the property of all whom it condemns159.
Louis de Paramo remarks, that the inhabitants of Sodom were burned as heretics because their crime is a formal heresy. He thence passes to the history of the Jews: and in every part of it discovers the Holy Office.
Jesus Christ is the first inquisitor of the new law; the popes were inquisitors by divine right; and they afterwards communicated their power to St. Dominic.
He afterwards estimates the number of all those whom the Inquisition has put to death; he states it to be considerably160 above a hundred thousand.
His book was printed in 1589, at Madrid, with the approbation161 of doctors, the eulogiums of bishops, and the privilege of the king. We can, at the present day, scarcely form any idea of horrors at once so extravagant162 and abominable163; but at that period nothing appeared more natural and edifying164. All men resemble Louis de Paramo when they are fanatics165.
Paramo was a plain, direct man, very exact in dates, omitting no interesting fact, and calculating with precision the number of human victims immolated166 by the Holy Office throughout the world.
He relates, with great na?veté, the establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal, and coincides perfectly with four other historians who have treated of that subject. The following account they unanimously agree in:
Singular Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal.
Pope Boniface had long before, at the beginning of the fifteenth century, delegated some Dominican friars to go to Portugal, from one city to another, to burn heretics, Mussulmans, and Jews; but these were itinerant167 and not stationary168; and even the kings sometimes complained of the vexations caused by them. Pope Clement169 VII. was desirous of giving them a fixed residence in Portugal, as they had in Aragon and Castile. Difficulties, however, arose between the court of Rome and that of Lisbon; tempers became irritated, the Inquisition suffered by it, and was far from being perfectly established.
In 1539, there appeared at Lisbon a legate of the pope, who came, he said, to establish the holy Inquisition on immovable foundations. He delivered his letters to King John III. from Pope Paul III. He had other letters from Rome for the chief officers of the court; his patents as legate were duly sealed and signed; and he exhibited the most ample powers for creating a grand inquisitor and all the judges of the Holy Office. He was, however, in fact an impostor of the name of Saavedra, who had the talent of counterfeiting170 hand-writings, seals, and coats-of-arms. He had acquired the art at Rome, and was perfected in it at Seville, at which place he arrived in company with two other sharpers. His train was magnificent, consisting of more than a hundred and twenty domestics. To defray, at least in part, the enormous expense with which all this splendor171 was attended, he and his associates borrowed at Seville large sums in the name of the apostolic chamber172 of Rome; everything was concerted with the most consummate173 art.
The king of Portugal was at first perfectly astonished at the pope’s despatching a legate to him without any previous announcement to him of his intention. The legate hastily observed that in a concern so urgent as that of establishing the Inquisition on a firm foundation, his holiness could admit of no delays, and that the king might consider himself honored by the holy father’s having appointed a legate to be the first person to announce his intention. The king did not venture to reply. The legate on the same day constituted a grand inquisitor, and sent about collectors to receive the tenths; and before the court could obtain answers from Rome to its representations on the subject, the legate had brought two hundred victims to the stake, and collected more than two hundred thousand crowns.
However, the marquis of Villanova, a Spanish nobleman, of whom the legate had borrowed at Seville a very considerable sum upon forged bills, determined174, if possible, to repay himself the money with his own hands, instead of going to Lisbon and exposing himself to the intrigues175 and influence of the swindler there. The legate was at this time making his circuit through the country, and happened very conveniently to be on the borders of Spain. The marquis unexpectedly advanced upon him with fifty men well armed, carried him off prisoner, and conducted him to Madrid.
The whole imposture176 was speedily discovered at Lisbon; the Council of Madrid condemned the legate Saavedra to be flogged and sent to the galleys177 for ten years; but the most admirable circumstance was, that Pope Paul IV. confirmed subsequently all that the impostor had established; out of the plenitude of his divine power he rectified178 all the little irregularities of the various procedures, and rendered sacred what before was merely human. Of what importance the arm which God employs in His sacred service? —“Qu’ importe de quel bras Dieu daigne se servir?”
Such was the manner in which the Inquisition became established at Lisbon; and the whole kingdom extolled179 the wisdom and providence of God on the occasion.
To conclude, the methods of procedure adopted by this tribunal are generally known; it is well known how strongly they are opposed to the false equity180 and blind reason of all other tribunals in the world. Men are imprisoned181 on the mere120 accusation of persons the most infamous; a son may denounce his father, and the wife her husband; the accused is never confronted with the accusers; and the property of the person convicted is confiscated182 for the benefit of the judges: such at least was the manner of its proceeding85 down to our own times. Surely in this we must perceive something decidedly divine; for it is absolutely incomprehensible that men should have patiently submitted to this yoke183.
At length Count Aranda has obtained the blessings184 of all Europe by paring the nails and filing the teeth of the monster in Spain; it breathes, however, still.
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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extirpating
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的现在分词 )；根除 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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11
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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12
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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14
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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15
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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16
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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17
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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18
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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19
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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21
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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22
definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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23
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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24
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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25
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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26
solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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27
citation
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| n.引用，引证，引用文；传票 | |
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28
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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30
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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31
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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32
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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33
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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34
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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35
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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36
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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37
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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38
conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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39
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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40
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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41
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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42
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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43
usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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44
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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45
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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46
calumniated
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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48
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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49
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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50
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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51
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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52
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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53
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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54
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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55
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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56
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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57
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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58
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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59
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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60
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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62
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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63
dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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64
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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65
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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66
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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67
thereby
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|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
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68
defrauding
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|
| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的现在分词 ) | |
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69
counterfeit
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|
| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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70
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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71
penitent
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|
| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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72
perfectly
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|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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73
transpired
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|
| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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74
knavery
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| n.恶行，欺诈的行为 | |
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75
depositions
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|
| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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76
extorted
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|
| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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77
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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78
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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79
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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80
redound
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|
| v.有助于；提；报应 | |
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81
cardinal
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|
| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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82
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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83
verdant
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|
| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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84
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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85
proceeding
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|
| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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86
cursory
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|
| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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87
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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88
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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89
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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90
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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91
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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92
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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93
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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94
antiquity
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|
| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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95
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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96
extirpation
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|
| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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97
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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98
exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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99
judicious
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|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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100
divulge
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| v.泄漏(秘密等)；宣布，公布 | |
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101
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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102
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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103
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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104
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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105
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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106
expunge
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| v.除去，删掉 | |
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107
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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108
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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109
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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110
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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111
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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112
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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113
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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114
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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115
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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116
perjured
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| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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118
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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119
precluding
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| v.阻止( preclude的现在分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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120
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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121
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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122
abjuration
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| n.发誓弃绝 | |
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123
canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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124
presumptions
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| n.假定( presumption的名词复数 )；认定；推定；放肆 | |
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125
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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126
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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127
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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128
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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129
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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130
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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131
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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132
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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133
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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134
impenitent
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| adj.不悔悟的，顽固的 | |
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135
extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
scorched
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶； 枯焦 | |
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137
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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138
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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139
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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140
wither
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| vt.使凋谢，使衰退，(用眼神气势等)使畏缩；vi.枯萎，衰退，消亡 | |
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141
impieties
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| n.不敬( impiety的名词复数 )；不孝；不敬的行为；不孝的行为 | |
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142
enjoins
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| v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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143
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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144
disallowing
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| v.不承认（某事物）有效( disallow的现在分词 )；不接受；不准；驳回 | |
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145
postponement
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| n.推迟 | |
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146
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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147
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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148
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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149
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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150
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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151
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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152
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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153
abstaining
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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154
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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155
luminaries
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| n.杰出人物，名人（luminary的复数形式） | |
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156
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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157
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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158
confiscates
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的名词复数 ) | |
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159
condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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161
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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162
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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163
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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164
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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165
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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166
immolated
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| v.宰杀…作祭品( immolate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167
itinerant
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| adj.巡回的；流动的 | |
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168
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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169
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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170
counterfeiting
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| n.伪造v.仿制，造假( counterfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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171
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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172
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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173
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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174
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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175
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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176
imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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177
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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178
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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179
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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181
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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184
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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