§ I.
Whoever holds both the sceptre and the censer has his hands completely occupied. If he governs a people possessed1 of common sense he may be considered as a very able man; but if his subjects have no more mind than children or savages2, he may be compared to Bernier’s coachman, who was one day suddenly surprised by his master in one of the public places of Delhi, haranguing3 the populace, and distributing among them his quack4 medicines. “What! Lapierre,” says Bernier to him, “have you turned physician?” “Yes, sir,” replied the coachman; “like people, like doctor.”
The dairo of the Japanese, or the grand lama of Thibet, might make just the same remark. Even Numa Pompilius, with his Egeria, would have answered Bernier in the same manner. Melchizedek was probably in a similar situation, as well as the Anius whom Virgil introduces in the following two lines of the third book of his “?neid”:
Rex Anius, rex idem hominum Ph?bique sacerdos,
Vittis et sacra redimitus tempora lauro.
— Virgil.
Anius, the priest and king, with laurel crowned
His hoary5 locks with purple fillets bound.
— Dryden.
This charlatan6 Anius was merely king of the isle7 of Delos, a very paltry8 kingdom, which, next to those of Melchizedek and Yvetot, was one of the least considerable in the world; but the worship of Apollo had conferred on it a high reputation; a single saint is enough to raise any country into credit and consequence.
Three of the German electors are more powerful than Anius, and, like him, unite the rights of the mitre with those of the crown; although in subordination, at least apparently9 so, to the Roman emperor, who is no other than the emperor of Germany. But of all the countries in which the plenitude of ecclesiastical and the plenitude of royal claims combine to form the most full and complete power that can be imagined, modern Rome is the chief.
The pope is regarded in the Catholic part of Europe as the first of kings and the first of priests. It was the same in what was called “pagan” Rome; Julius C?sar was at once chief pontiff, dictator, warrior10, and conqueror11; distinguished12 also both for eloquence13 and gallantry; in every respect the first of mankind; and with whom no modern, except in a dedication14, could ever be compared.
The king of England, being the head also of the Church, possesses nearly the same dignities as the pope. The empress of Russia is likewise absolute mistress over her clergy15, in the largest empire existing upon earth. The notion that two powers may exist, in opposition16 to each other, in the same state, is there regarded even by the clergy themselves as a chimera17 equally absurd and pernicious.
In this connection I cannot help introducing a letter which the empress of Russia, Catherine II., did me the honor to write to me at Mount Krapak, on Aug. 22, 1765, and which she permitted me to make use of as I might see occasion:
“The Capuchins who are tolerated at Moscow (for toleration is general throughout the Russian empire, and the Jesuits alone are not suffered to remain in it), having, in the course of the last winter, obstinately19 refused to inter18 a Frenchman who died suddenly, under a pretence20 that he had not received the sacraments, Abraham Chaumeix drew up a factum, or statement, against them, in order to prove to them that it was obligatory21 upon them to bury the dead. But neither this factum, nor two requisitions of the governor, could prevail on these fathers to obey. At last they were authoritatively22 told that they must either bury the Frenchman or remove beyond the frontiers. They actually removed accordingly; and I sent some Augustins from this place, who were somewhat more tractable23, and who, perceiving that no trifling24 or delay would be permitted, did all that was desired on the occasion. Thus Abraham Chaumeix has in Russia become a reasonable man; he absolutely is an enemy to persecution25; were he also to become a man of wit and intellect, he would make the most incredulous believe in miracles; but all the miracles in the world will not blot26 out the disgrace of having been the denouncer of the ‘Encyclopedia.’
“The subjects of the Church, having suffered many, and frequently tyrannical, grievances27, which the frequent change of masters very considerably28 increased, towards the end of the reign29 of the empress Elizabeth, rose in actual rebellion; and at my accession to the throne there were more than a hundred thousand men in arms. This occasioned me, in 1762, to execute the project of changing entirely30 the administration of the property of the clergy, and to settle on them fixed31 revenues. Arsenius, bishop32 of Rostow, strenuously33 opposed this, urged on by some of his brother clergy, who did not feel it perfectly34 convenient to put themselves forward by name. He sent in two memorials, in which he attempted to establish the absurd principle of two powers. He had made the like attempt before, in the time of the empress Elizabeth, when he had been simply enjoined35 silence; but his insolence36 and folly37 redoubling, he was now tried by the metropolitan38 of Novgorod and the whole synod, condemned39 as a fanatic40, found guilty of attempts contrary to the orthodox faith, as well as to the supreme41 power, deprived of his dignity and priesthood, and delivered over to the secular42 arm. I acted leniently43 towards him; and after reducing him to the situation of a monk44, extended his punishment no farther.”
Such are the very words of the empress; and the inference from the whole case is that she well knows both how to support the Church and how to restrain it; that she respects humanity as well as religion; that she protects the laborer46 as well as the priest; and that all orders in the state ought both to admire and bless her.
I shall hope to be excused for the further indiscretion of transcribing47 here a passage contained in another of her letters, written on November 28, 1765:
“Toleration is established among us; it constitutes a law of the state; persecution is prohibited. We have indeed fanatics48 who, as they are not persecuted49 by others, burn themselves; but if those of other countries also did the same, no great harm could result; the world, in consequence of such a system, would have been more tranquil50, and Calas would not have been racked to death.”
Do not imagine that she writes in this style from a feeling of transient and vain enthusiasm, contradicted afterwards in her practice, nor even from a laudable desire of obtaining throughout Europe the suffrages51 and applause of those who think, and teach others the way to think. She lays down these principles as the basis of her government. She wrote with her own hand, in the “Council of Legislations,” the following words, which should be engraved52 on the gates of every city in the world:
“In a great empire, extending its sway over as many different nations as there are different creeds53 among mankind, the most pernicious fault would be intolerance.”
It is to be observed that she does not hesitate to put intolerance in the rank of faults — I had nearly said offences. Thus does an absolute empress, in the depths of the North, put an end to persecution and slavery — while in the South —.
Judge for yourself, sir, after this, whether there will be found a man in Europe who will not be ready to sign the eulogium you propose. Not only is this princess tolerant, but she is desirous that her neighbors should be so likewise. This is the first instance in which supreme power has been exercised in establishing liberty of conscience. It constitutes the grandest epoch54 with which I am acquainted in modern history.
The case of the ancient Persians forbidding the Carthaginians to offer human sacrifices is a somewhat similar instance. Would to God, that instead of the barbarians55 who formerly56 poured from the plains of Scythia, and the mountains of Imaus and Caucasus, towards the Alps and Pyrenees, carrying with them ravage57 and desolation, armies might be seen at the present day descending58 to subvert59 the tribunal of the Inquisition — a tribunal more horrible than even the sacrifices of human beings which constitute the eternal reproach of our forefathers60.
In short, this superior genius wishes to convince her neighbors of what Europe is now beginning to comprehend, that metaphysical unintelligible61 opinions, which are the daughters of absurdity62, are the mothers of discord63; and that the Church, instead of saying: “I come to bring, not peace, but the sword,” should exclaim aloud: “I bring peace, and not the sword.” Accordingly the empress is unwilling64 to draw the sword against any but those who wish to crush the dissidents.
§ II.
Conversation Between the Reverend Father Bouvet, Missionary65 of the Company of Jesus, and the Emperor Camhi, in the Presence of Brother Attiret, a Jesuit; Extracted from the Private Memoirs66 of the Mission, in 1772.
father bouvet.
Yes, may it please your sacred majesty67, as soon as you will have had the happiness of being baptized by me, which I hope will be the case, you will be relieved of one-half of the immense burden which now oppresses you. I have mentioned to you the fable68 of Atlas69, who supported the heavens on his shoulders. Hercules relieved him and carried away the heavens. You are Atlas, and Hercules is the pope. There will be two powers in your empire. Our excellent Clement70 will be the first. Upon this plan you will enjoy the greatest of all advantages; those of being at leisure while you live, and of being saved when you die.
the emperor.
I am exceedingly obliged to my dear friend, the pope, for condescending71 to take so much trouble; but how will he be able to govern my empire at the distance of six thousand leagues?
father bouvet.
Nothing, may it please your Imperial Majesty, can be more easy. We are his vicars apostolic, and he is the vicar of God; you will therefore be governed by God Himself.
the emperor.
How delightful72 that will be! I am not, however, quite easy on the subject. Will your vice-god share the imperial revenues with myself? For all labor45 ought to be paid for.
father bouvet.
Our vice-god is so kind and good that in general he will not take, at most, more than a quarter, except in cases of disobedience. Our emoluments73 will not exceed fifty million ounces of pure silver, which is surely a trifling object in comparison with heavenly advantages.
the emperor.
Yes, it is certainly, as you say, giving them almost for nothing. I suppose your celebrated74 and benevolent75 city derives76 just about the same sum from each of my three neighbors — the Great Mogul, the Emperor of Japan, and the Empress of Russia; and also from the Persian and the Turkish empires?
father bouvet.
I cannot exactly say that is yet the case; but, with God’s help and our own, I have no doubt it will be so.
the emperor.
And how are you, who are the vicars apostolic, to be paid?
father bouvet.
We have no regular wages; but we are somewhat like the principal female character in a comedy written by one Count Caylus, a countryman of mine; all that I . . . . is for myself.
the emperor.
But pray inform me whether your Christian77 princes in Europe pay your Italian friend or patron in proportion to the assessment78 laid on me.
father bouvet.
No, they do not! One-half of Europe has separated from him and pays him nothing; and the other pays him no more than it is obliged to pay.
the emperor.
You told me some time since that he was sovereign of a very fine and fertile territory.
father bouvet.
Yes; but it produces very little to him; it lies mostly uncultivated.
the emperor.
Poor man! he does not know how to cultivate his own territory, and yet pretends to govern mine.
father bouvet.
Formerly, in one of our councils — that is, in one of our assemblies of priests, which was held in a city called Constance — our holy father caused a proposition to be made for a new tax for the support of his dignity. The assembly replied that any necessity for that would be perfectly precluded79 by his attending to the cultivation80 of his own lands. This, however, he took effectual care not to do. He preferred living on the produce of those who labor in other kingdoms. He appeared to think that this manner of living had an air of greater grandeur81.
the emperor.
Well, go and tell him from me, that I not only make those about me labor, but that I also labor myself; and I doubt much whether it will be for him.
father bouvet.
Holy Virgin82! I am absolutely taken for a fool!
the emperor.
Begone, this instant! I have been too indulgent.
brother attiret to father bouvet.
I was right, you see, when I told you that the emperor, with all his excellence83 of heart, had also more understanding than both of us together.
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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haranguing
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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quack
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| n.庸医；江湖医生；冒充内行的人；骗子 | |
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hoary
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| adj.古老的；鬓发斑白的 | |
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charlatan
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| n.骗子；江湖医生；假内行 | |
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isle
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paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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warrior
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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chimera
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| n.神话怪物；梦幻 | |
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inter
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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obligatory
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authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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persecution
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blot
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grievances
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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bishop
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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enjoined
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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fanatic
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborer
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transcribing
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的现在分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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tranquil
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suffrages
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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epoch
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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formerly
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ravage
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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subvert
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forefathers
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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absurdity
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discord
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unwilling
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missionary
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memoirs
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majesty
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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atlas
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| n.地图册，图表集 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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assessment
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| n.评价；评估；对财产的估价，被估定的金额 | |
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precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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