See what the emperor Julian says of the Christians5 of his time: “The Galileans,” he observes, “have suffered exile and imprisonment6 under my predecessor7; those who are by turns called heretics, have been mutually massacred. I have recalled the banished8, liberated9 the prisoners; I have restored their property to the proscribed10; I have forced them to live in peace; but such is the restless rage of the Galileans, that they complain of being no longer able to devour11 each other.”
This picture will not appear extravagant12 if we attend to the atrocious calumnies13 with which the Christians reciprocally blackened each other. For instance, St. Augustine accuses the Manich?ans of forcing their elect to receive the eucharist, after having obscenely polluted it. After him, St. Cyril of Jerusalem has accused them of the same infamy14 in these terms: “I dare not mention in what these sacrilegious wretches15 wet their ischas, which they give to their unhappy votaries16, and exhibit in the midst of their altar, and with which the Manich?an soils his mouth and tongue. Let the men call to mind what they are accustomed to experience in dreaming, and the women in their periodical affections.” Pope St. Leo, in one of his sermons, also calls the sacrifice of the Manich?ans the same turpitude17. Finally, Suidas and Cedrenus have still further improved on the calumny18, in asserting that the Manich?ans held nocturnal assemblies, in which, after extinguishing the flambeaux, they committed the most enormous indecencies.
Let us first observe that the primitive19 Christians were themselves accused of the same horrors which they afterwards imputed20 to the Manich?ans; and that the justification21 of these equally applies to the others. “In order to have pretexts22 for persecuting us,” said Athenagoras, in his “Apology for the Christians,” “they accuse us of making detestable banquets, and of committing incest in our assemblies. It is an old trick, which has been employed from all time to extinguish virtue23. Thus was Pythagoras burned, with three hundred of his disciples24; Heraclitus expelled by the Ephesians; Democritus by the Abderitans; and Socrates condemned25 by the Athenians.”
Athenagoras subsequently points out that the principles and manners of the Christians were sufficient of themselves to destroy the calumnies spread against them. The same reasons apply in favor of the Manich?ans. Why else is St. Augustine, who is positive in his book on heresies26, reduced in that on the morals of the Manich?ans, when speaking of the horrible ceremony in question, to say simply: “They are suspected of — the world has this opinion of them — if they do not commit what is imputed to them — rumor27 proclaims much ill of them; but they maintain that it is false?”
Why not sustain openly this accusation28 in his dispute with Fortunatus, who publicly challenged him in these terms: “We are accused of false crimes, and as Augustine has assisted in our worship, I beg him to declare before the whole people, whether these crimes are true or not.” St. Augustine replied: “It is true that I have assisted in your worship; but the question of faith is one thing, the question of morals another; and it is that of faith which I brought forward. However, if the persons present prefer that we should discuss that of your morals, I shall not oppose myself to them.”
Fortunatus, addressing the assembly, said: “I wish, above all things, to be justified29 in the minds of those who believe us guilty; and that Augustine should now testify before you, and one day before the tribunal of Jesus Christ, if he has ever seen, or if he knows, in any way whatever, that the things imputed have been committed by us?” St. Augustine still replies: “You depart from the question; what I have advanced turns upon faith, not upon morals.” At length, Fortunatus continuing to press St. Augustine to explain himself, he does so in these terms: “I acknowledge that in the prayer at which I assisted I did not see you commit anything impure30.”
The same St. Augustine, in his work on the “Utility of Faith,” still justifies31 the Manich?ans. “At this time,” he says, to his friend Honoratus, “when I was occupied with Manich?ism, I was yet full of the desire and the hope of marrying a handsome woman, and of acquiring riches; of attaining32 honors, and of enjoying the other pernicious pleasures of life. For when I listened with attention to the Manich?an doctors, I had not renounced34 the desire and hope of all these things. I do not attribute that to their doctrine35; for I am bound to render this testimony36 — that they sedulously37 exhorted38 men to preserve themselves from those things. That is, indeed, what hindered me from attaching myself altogether to the sect39, and kept me in the rank of those who are called auditors40. I did not wish to renounce33 secular41 hopes and affairs.” And in the last chapter of this book, where he represents the Manich?an doctors as proud men, who had as gross minds as they had meagre and skinny bodies, he does not say a word of their pretended infamies42.
But on what proofs were these imputations founded? The first which Augustine alleges43 is, that these indecencies were a consequence of the Manich?an system, regarding the means which God makes use of to wrest44 from the prince of darkness the portion of his substance. We have spoken of this in the article on “Genealogy,” and these are horrors which one may dispense45 with repeating. It is enough to say here, that the passage from the seventh book of the “Treasure of Manes,” which Augustine cites in many places, is evidently falsified. The arch heretic says, if we can believe it, that these celestial46 virtues47, which are transformed sometimes into beautiful boys, and sometimes into beautiful girls, are God the Father Himself. This is false; Manes has never confounded the celestial virtues with God the Father. St. Augustine, not having understood the Syriac phrase of a “virgin48 of light” to mean a virgin light, supposes that God shows a beautiful maiden49 to the princes of darkness, in order to excite their brutal50 lust51; there is nothing of all this talked of in ancient authors; the question concerns the cause of rain.
“The great prince,” says Tirbon, cited by St. Epiphanius, “sends out for himself, in his passion, black clouds, which darken all the world; he chafes52, worries himself, throws himself into a perspiration53, and that it is which makes the rain, which is no other than the sweat of the great prince.” St. Augustine must have been deceived by a mistranslation, or rather by a garbled54, unfaithful extract from the “Treasure of Manes,” from which he only cites two or three passages. The Manich?an Secundinus also reproaches him with comprehending nothing of the mysteries of Manich?ism, and with attacking them only by mere55 paralogisms. “How, otherwise,” says the learned M. de Beausobre — whom we here abridge56 — “would St. Augustine have been able to live so many years among a sect in which such abominations were publicly taught? And how would he have had the face to defend it against the Catholics?”
From this proof by reasoning, let us pass to the proofs of fact and evidence alleged57 by St. Augustine, and see if they are more substantial. “It is said,” proceeds this father, “that some of them have confessed this fact in public pleadings, not only in Paphlagonia, but also in the Gauls, as I have heard said at Rome by a certain Catholic.”
Such hearsay58 deserves so little attention that St. Augustine dared not make use of it in his conference with Fortunatus, although it was seven or eight years after he had quitted Rome; he seems even to have forgotten the name of the Catholic from whom he learned them. It is true, that in his book of “Heresies,” he speaks of the confessions59 of two girls, the one named Margaret, the other Eusebia, and of some Manich?ans who, having been discovered at Carthage, and taken to the church, avowed61, it is said, the horrible fact in question.
He adds that a certain Viator declared that they who committed these scandals were called Catharistes, or purgators; and that, when interrogated62 on what scripture63 they founded this frightful64 practice, they produced the passage from the “Treasure of Manes,” the falsehood of which has been demonstrated. But our heretics, far from availing themselves of it, have openly disavowed it, as the work of some impostor who wished to ruin them. That alone casts suspicion on all these acts of Carthage, which “Quod-vult-Deus” had sent to St. Augustine; and these wretches who were discovered and taken to the church, have very much the air of persons suborned to confess all they were wanted to confess.
In the 47th chapter on the “Nature of Good,” St. Augustine admits that when our heretics were reproached with the crimes in question, they replied that one of their elect, a seceder65 from the sect, and become their enemy, had introduced this enormity. Without inquiring whether this was a real sect whom Viator calls Catharistes, it is sufficient to observe here, that the first Christians likewise imputed to the Gnostics the horrible mysteries of which they were themselves accused by the Jews and Pagans; and if this defence is good on their behalf, why should it not be so on that of the Manich?ans?
It is, however, these vulgar rumors66 which M. de Tillemont, who piques67 himself on his exactness and fidelity68, ventures to convert into positive facts. He asserts that the Manich?ans had been made to confess these disgraceful doings in public judgments69, in Paphlagonia, in the Gauls, and several times at Carthage.
Let us also weigh the testimony of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, whose narrative70 is altogether different from that of St. Augustine; and let us consider that the fact is so incredible and so absurd that it could scarcely be credited, even if attested71 by five or six witnesses who had seen and would affirm it on oath. St. Cyril stands alone; he had never seen it; he advances it in a popular declamation72, wherein he gives himself a licence to put into the mouth of Manes, in the conference of Cascar, a discourse73, not one word of which is in the “Acts of Arch?laus,” as M. Zaccagni is obliged to allow; and it cannot be alleged in defence of St. Cyril that he has taken only the sense of Arch?laus, and not the words; for neither the sense nor the words can be found there. Besides, the style which this father adopts is that of a historian who cites the actual words of his author.
Nevertheless, to save the honor and good faith of St. Cyril, M. Zaccagni, and after him M. de Tillemont, suppose, without any proof, that the translator or copyist has omitted the passage in the “Acts” quoted by this father; and the journalists of Trévoux have imagined two sorts of “Acts of Arch?laus”— the authentic74 ones which Cyril has copied, and others invented in the fifth century by some historian. When they shall have proved this conjecture75, we will examine their reasons.
Finally, let us come to the testimony of Pope Leo touching76 these Manich?an abominations. He says, in his sermons, that the sudden troubles in other countries had brought into Italy some Manich?ans, whose mysteries were so abominable77 that he could not expose them to the public view without sacrificing modesty78. That, in order to ascertain79 them, he had introduced male and female elect into an assembly composed of bishops81, priests, and some lay noblemen. That these heretics had disclosed many things respecting their dogmas and the ceremonies of their feast, and had confessed a crime which could not be named, but in regard to which there could be no doubt, after the confession60 of the guilty parties — that is to say, of a young girl of only ten years of age; of two women who had prepared her for the horrible ceremony of the sect; of a young man who had been an accomplice82; of the bishop80 who had ordered and presided over it. He refers those among his auditors who desire to know more, to the informations which had been taken, and which he communicated to the bishops of Italy, in his second letter.
This testimony appears more precise and more decisive than that of St. Augustine; but it is anything but conclusive83 in regard to a fact belied84 by the protestations of the accused, and by the ascertained85 principles of their morality. In effect, what proofs have we that the infamous86 persons interrogated by Leo were not bribed87 to depose88 against their sect?
It will be replied that the piety89 and sincerity90 of this pope will not permit us to believe that he has contrived91 such a fraud. But if — as we have said in the article on “Relics”— the same St. Leo was capable of supposing that pieces of linen92 and ribbons, which were put in a box, and made to descend93 into the tombs of some saints, shed blood when they were cut — ought this pope to make any scruple94 in bribing95, or causing to be bribed, some abandoned women, and I know not what Manich?an bishop, who, being assured of pardon, would make confessions of crimes which might be true as regarded themselves, but not as regarded their sect, from whose seduction St. Leo wished to protect his people? At all times, bishops have considered themselves authorized96 to employ those pious97 frauds which tend to the salvation98 of souls. The conjectural99 and apocryphal100 scriptures101 are a proof of this; and the readiness with which the fathers have put faith in those bad works, shows that, if they were not accomplices102 in the fraud, they were not scrupulous103 in taking advantage of it.
In conclusion, St. Leo pretends to confirm the secret crimes of the Manich?ans by an argument which destroys them. “These execrable mysteries,” he says, “which the more impure they are, the more carefully they are hid, are common to the Manich?ans and to the Priscillianists. There is in all respects the same sacrilege, the same obscenity, the same turpitude. These crimes, these infamies, are the same which were formerly104 discovered among the Priscillianists, and of which the whole world is informed.”
The Priscillianists were never guilty of the crimes for which they were put to death. In the works of St. Augustine is contained the instructionary remarks which were transmitted to that father by Orosius, and in which this Spanish priest protests that he has plucked out all the plants of perdition which sprang up in the sect of the Priscillianists; that he had not forgotten the smallest branch or root; that he exposed to the surgeon all the diseases of the sect, in order that he might labor105 in their cure. Orosius does not say a word of the abominable mysteries of which Leo speaks; an unanswerable proof that he had no doubt they were pure calumnies. St. Jerome also says that Priscillian was oppressed by faction106, and by the intrigues107 of the bishops Ithacus and Idacus. Would a man be thus spoken of who was guilty of profaning108 religion by the most infamous ceremonies? Nevertheless, Orosius and St. Jerome could not be ignorant of crimes of which all the world had been informed.
St. Martin of Tours, and St. Ambrosius, who were at Trier when Priscillian was sentenced, would have been equally informed of them. They, however, instantly solicited109 a pardon for him; and, not being able to obtain it, they refused to hold intercourse110 with his accusers and their faction. Sulpicius Severus relates the history of the misfortunes of Priscillian. Latronian, Euphrosyne, widow of the poet Delphidius, his daughter, and some other persons, were executed with him at Trier, by order of the tyrant111 Maximus, and at the instigation of Ithacus and Idacus, two wicked bishops, who, in reward for their injustice112, died in excommunication, loaded with the hatred113 of God and man.
The Priscillianists were accused, like the Manich?ans, of obscene doctrines114, of religious nakedness and immodesty. How were they convicted? Priscillian and his accomplices confessed, as is said, under the torture. Three degraded persons, Tertullus, Potamius, and John, confessed without awaiting the question. But the suit instituted against the Priscillianists would have been founded on other depositions115, which had been made against them in Spain. Nevertheless, these latter informations were rejected by a great number of bishops and esteemed116 ecclesiastics117; and the good old man Higimis, bishop of Cordova, who had been the denouncer of the Priscillianists, afterwards believed them so innocent of the crimes imputed to them that he received them into his communion, and found himself involved thereby118 in the persecution119 which they endured.
These horrible calumnies, dictated120 by a blind zeal, would seem to justify121 the reflection which Ammianus Marcellinus reports of the emperor Julian. “The savage122 beasts,” he said, “are not more formidable to men than the Christians are to each other, when they are divided by creed123 and opinion.”
It is still more deplorable when zeal is false and hypocritical, examples of which are not rare. It is told of a doctor of the Sorbonne, that in departing from a sitting of the faculty124, Tournély, with whom he was strictly125 connected, said to him: “You see that for two hours I have maintained a certain opinion with warmth; well, I assure you, there is not one word of truth in all I have said!”
The answer of a Jesuit is also known, who was employed for twenty years in the Canada missions, and who himself not believing in a God, as he confessed in the ear of a friend, had faced death twenty times for the sake of a religion which he preached to the savages126. This friend representing to him the inconsistency of his zeal: “Ah!” replied the Jesuit missionary127, “you have no idea of the pleasure a man enjoys in making himself heard by twenty thousand men, and in persuading them of what he does not himself believe.”
It is frightful to observe how many abuses and disorders128 arise from the profound ignorance in which Europe has been so long plunged129. Those monarchs130 who are at last sensible of the importance of enlightenment, become the benefactors131 of mankind in favoring the progress of knowledge, which is the foundation of the tranquillity132 and happiness of nations, and the finest bulwark133 against the inroads of fanaticism134.
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1
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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sedulously
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| ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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infamies
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| n.声名狼藉( infamy的名词复数 )；臭名；丑恶；恶行 | |
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alleges
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的第三人称单数 ) | |
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wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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chafes
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的第三人称单数 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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perspiration
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| n.汗水；出汗 | |
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garbled
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| adj.（指信息）混乱的，引起误解的v.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改( garble的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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abridge
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| v.删减，删节，节略，缩短 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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60
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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61
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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62
interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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63
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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64
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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65
seceder
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| n.脱离者，分离者 | |
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66
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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67
piques
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| v.伤害…的自尊心( pique的第三人称单数 )；激起（好奇心） | |
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68
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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69
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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70
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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71
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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72
declamation
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| n. 雄辩，高调 | |
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73
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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74
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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75
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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76
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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77
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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78
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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79
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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80
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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81
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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82
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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83
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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belied
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| v.掩饰( belie的过去式和过去分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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85
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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88
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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89
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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90
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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92
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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93
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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bribing
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| 贿赂 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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98
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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conjectural
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| adj.推测的 | |
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100
apocryphal
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| adj.假冒的，虚假的 | |
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101
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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102
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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103
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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104
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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105
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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106
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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107
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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108
profaning
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| v.不敬( profane的现在分词 )；亵渎，玷污 | |
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109
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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110
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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111
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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112
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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113
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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114
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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115
depositions
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| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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116
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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117
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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118
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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119
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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120
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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121
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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122
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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123
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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124
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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125
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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126
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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127
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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128
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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129
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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130
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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131
benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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132
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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133
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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134
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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