The Expedition left England on the 10th of March, 1858, in Her Majesty’s Colonial Steamer “Pearl,” commanded by Captain Duncan; and, after enjoying the generous hospitality of our friends at Cape3 Town, with the obliging attentions of Sir George Grey, and receiving on board Mr. Francis Skead, R.N., as surveyor, we reached the East Coast in the following May.
Our first object was to explore the Zambesi, its mouths and tributaries4, with a view to their being used as highways for commerce and Christianity to pass into the vast interior of Africa. When we came within five or six miles of the land, the yellowish-green tinge5 of the sea in soundings was suddenly succeeded by muddy water with wrack6, as of a river in flood. The two colours did not intermingle, but the line of contact was as sharply defined as when the ocean meets the land. It was observed that under the wrack — consisting of reeds, sticks, and leaves. — and even under floating cuttlefish8 bones and Portuguese9 “men-of-war” (Physalia), numbers of small fish screen themselves from the eyes of birds of prey10, and from the rays of the torrid sun.
We entered the river Luawe first, because its entrance is so smooth and deep, that the “Pearl,” drawing 9 feet 7 inches, went in without a boat sounding ahead. A small steam launch having been brought out from England in three sections on the deck of the “Pearl” was hoisted11 out and screwed together at the anchorage, and with her aid the exploration was commenced. She was called the “Ma Robert,” after Mrs. Livingstone, to whom the natives, according to their custom, gave the name Ma (mother) of her eldest12 son. The harbour is deep, but shut in by mangrove13 swamps; and though the water a few miles up is fresh, it is only a tidal river; for, after ascending14 some seventy miles, it was found to end in marshes15 blocked up with reeds and succulent aquatic16 plants. As the Luawe had been called “West Luabo,” it was supposed to be a branch of the Zambesi, the main stream of which is called “Luabo,” or “East Luabo.” The “Ma Robert” and “Pearl” then went to what proved to be a real mouth of the river we sought.
The Zambesi pours its waters into the ocean by four mouths, namely, the Milambe, which is the most westerly, the Kongone, the Luabo, and the Timbwe (or Muselo). When the river is in flood, a natural canal running parallel with the coast, and winding17 very much among the swamps, forms a secret way for conveying slaves from Quillimane to the bays Massangano and Nameara, or to the Zambesi itself. The Kwakwa, or river of Quillimane, some sixty miles distant from the mouth of the Zambesi, has long been represented as the principal entrance to the Zambesi, in order, as the Portuguese now maintain, that the English cruisers might be induced to watch the false mouth, while slaves were quietly shipped from the true one; and, strange to say, this error has lately been propagated by a map issued by the colonial minister of Portugal.
After the examination of three branches by the able and energetic surveyor, Francis Skead, R.N., the Kongone was found to be the best entrance. The immense amount of sand brought down by the Zambesi has in the course of ages formed a sort of promontory18, against which the long swell19 of the Indian Ocean, beating during the prevailing20 winds, has formed bars, which, acting21 against the waters of the delta22, may have led to their exit sideways. The Kongone is one of those lateral23 branches, and the safest; inasmuch as the bar has nearly two fathoms24 on it at low water, and the rise at spring tides is from twelve to fourteen feet. The bar is narrow, the passage nearly straight, and, were it buoyed25 and a beacon26 placed on Pearl Island, would always be safe to a steamer. When the wind is from the east or north, the bar is smooth; if from the south and south-east, it has a heavy break on it, and is not to be attempted in boats. A strong current setting to the east when the tide is flowing, and to the west when ebbing27, may drag a boat or ship into the breakers. If one is doubtful of his longitude28 and runs east, he will soon see the land at Timbwe disappear away to the north; and coming west again, he can easily make out East Luabo from its great size; and Kongone follows several miles west. East Luabo has a good but long bar, and not to be attempted unless the wind be north-east or east. It has sometimes been called “Barra Catrina,” and was used in the embarkations of slaves. This may have been the “River of Good Signs,” of Vasco da Gama, as the mouth is more easily seen from the seaward than any other; but the absence of the pillar dedicated29 by that navigator to “St. Raphael,” leaves the matter in doubt. No Portuguese live within eighty miles of any mouth of the Zambesi.
The Kongone is five miles east of the Milambe, or western branch, and seven miles west from East Luabo, which again is five miles from the Timbwe. We saw but few natives, and these, by escaping from their canoes into the mangrove thickets30 the moment they caught sight of us, gave unmistakeable indications that they had no very favourable32 opinion of white men. They were probably fugitives33 from Portuguese slavery. In the grassy36 glades37 buffaloes38, wart-hogs39, and three kinds of antelope40 were abundant, and the latter easily obtained. A few hours’ hunting usually provided venison enough for a score of men for several days.
On proceeding41 up the Kongone branch it was found that, by keeping well in the bends, which the current had worn deep, shoals were easily avoided. The first twenty miles are straight and deep; then a small and rather tortuous42 natural canal leads off to the right, and, after about five miles, during which the paddles almost touch the floating grass of the sides, ends in the broad Zambesi. The rest of the Kongone branch comes out of the main stream considerably43 higher up as the outgoing branch called Doto.
The first twenty miles of the Kongone are enclosed in mangrove jungle; some of the trees are ornamented44 with orchilla weed, which appears never to have been gathered. Huge ferns, palm bushes, and occasionally wild date-palms peer out in the forest, which consists of different species of mangroves; the bunches of bright yellow, though scarcely edible45 fruit, contrasting prettily46 with the graceful47 green leaves. In some spots the Milola, an umbrageous48 hibiscus, with large yellowish flowers, grows in masses along the bank. Its bark is made into cordage, and is especially valuable for the manufacture of ropes attached to harpoons49 for killing51 the hippopotamus. The Pandanus or screw-palm, from which sugar bags are made in the Mauritius, also appears, and on coming out of the canal into the Zambesi many are so tall as in the distance to remind us of the steeples of our native land, and make us relish52 the remark of an old sailor, “that but one thing was wanting to complete the picture, and that was a ‘grog-shop near the church.’” We find also a few guava and lime-trees growing wild, but the natives claim the crops. The dark woods resound53 with the lively and exultant54 song of the kinghunter (Halcyon striolata), as he sits perched on high among the trees. As the steamer moves on through the winding channel, a pretty little heron or bright kingfisher darts55 out in alarm from the edge of the bank, flies on ahead a short distance, and settles quietly down to be again frightened off in a few seconds as we approach. The magnificent fishhawk (Halietus vocifer) sits on the top of a mangrove-tree, digesting his morning meal of fresh fish, and is clearly unwilling56 to stir until the imminence57 of the danger compels him at last to spread his great wings for flight. The glossy58 ibis, acute of ear to a remarkable59 degree, hears from afar the unwonted sound of the paddles, and, springing from the mud where his family has been quietly feasting, is off, screaming out his loud, harsh, and defiant60 Ha! ha! ha! long before the danger is near.
Several native huts now peep out from the bananas and cocoa-palms on the right bank; they stand on piles a few feet above the low damp ground, and their owners enter them by means of ladders. The soil is wonderfully rich, and the gardens are really excellent. Rice is cultivated largely; sweet potatoes, pumpkins62, tomatoes, cabbages, onions (shalots), peas, a little cotton, and sugar-cane are also raised. It is said that English potatoes, when planted at Quillimane on soil resembling this, in the course of two years become in taste like sweet potatoes (Convolvulus batatas), and are like our potato frosted. The whole of the fertile region extending from the Kongone canal to beyond Mazaro, some eighty miles in length, and fifty in breadth, is admirably adapted for the growth of sugar-cane; and were it in the hands of our friends at the Cape, would supply all Europe with sugar. The remarkably63 few people seen appear to be tolerably well fed, but there was a dearth64 of clothing among them; all were blacks, and nearly all Portuguese “colonos” or serfs. They manifested no fear of white men, and stood in groups on the bank gazing in astonishment65 at the steamers, especially at the “Pearl,” which accompanied us thus far up the river. One old man who came on board remarked that never before had he seen any vessel66 so large as the “Pearl,” it was like a village, “Was it made out of one tree?” All were eager traders, and soon came off to the ship in light swift canoes with every kind of fruit and food they possessed67; a few brought honey and beeswax, which are found in quantities in the mangrove forests. As the ships steamed off, many anxious sellers ran along the bank, holding up fowls68, baskets of rice and meal, and shouting “Malonda, Malonda,” “things for sale,” while others followed in canoes, which they sent through the water with great velocity70 by means of short broad-bladed paddles.
Finding the “Pearl’s” draught71 too great for that part of the river near the island of Simbo, where the branch called the Doto is given off to the Kongone on the right bank, and another named Chinde departs to the secret canal already mentioned on the left, the goods belonging to the expedition were taken out of her, and placed on one of the grassy islands about forty miles from the bar. The “Pearl” then left us, and we had to part with our good friends Duncan and Skead; the former for Ceylon, the latter to return to his duties as Government Surveyor at the Cape.
Of those who eventually did the work of the expedition the majority took a sober common-sense view of the enterprise in which we were engaged. Some remained on Expedition Island from the 18th June until the 13th August, while the launch and pinnace were carrying the goods up to Shupanga and Senna. The country was in a state of war, our luggage was in danger, and several of our party were exposed to disease from inactivity in the malaria72 of the delta. Here some had their first introduction to African life, and African fever. Those alone were safe who were actively73 employed with the vessels74, and of course, remembering the perilous75 position of their fellows, they strained every nerve to finish the work and take them away.
Large columns of smoke rose daily from different points of the horizon, showing that the natives were burning off the immense crops of tall grass, here a nuisance, however valuable elsewhere. A white cloud was often observed to rest on the head of the column, as if a current of hot damp air was sent up by the heat of the flames and its moisture was condensed at the top. Rain did not follow, though theorists have imagined that in such cases it ought.
Large game, buffaloes, and zebras, were abundant abreast77 the island, but no men could be seen. On the mainland, over on the right bank of the river, we were amused by the eccentric gyrations and evolutions of flocks of small seed-eating birds, who in their flight wheeled into compact columns with such military precision as to give us the impression that they must be guided by a leader, and all directed by the same signal. Several other kinds of small birds now go in flocks, and among others the large Senegal swallow. The presence of this bird, being clearly in a state of migration78 from the north, while the common swallow of the country, and the brown kite are away beyond the equator, leads to the conjecture79 that there may be a double migration, namely, of birds from torrid climates to the more temperate80, as this now is, as well as from severe winters to sunny regions; but this could not be verified by such birds of passage as ourselves.
On reaching Mazaro, the mouth of a narrow creek81 which in floods communicates with the Quillimane river, we found that the Portuguese were at war with a half-caste named Mariano alias82 Matakenya, from whom they had generally fled, and who, having built a stockade83 near the mouth of the Shire, owned all the country between that river and Mazaro. Mariano was best known by his native name Matakenya, which in their tongue means “trembling,” or quivering as trees do in a storm. He was a keen slave-hunter, and kept a large number of men, well armed with muskets84. It is an entire mistake to suppose that the slave trade is one of buying and selling alone; or that engagements can be made with labourers in Africa as they are in India; Mariano, like other Portuguese, had no labour to spare. He had been in the habit of sending out armed parties on slave-hunting forays among the helpless tribes to the north-east, and carrying down the kidnapped victims in chains to Quillimane, where they were sold by his brother-inlaw Cruz Coimbra, and shipped as “Free emigrants” to the French island of Bourbon. So long as his robberies and murders were restricted to the natives at a distance, the authorities did not interfere85; but his men, trained to deeds of violence and bloodshed in their slave forays, naturally began to practise on the people nearer at hand, though belonging to the Portuguese, and even in the village of Senna, under the guns of the fort. A gentleman of the highest standing86 told us that, while at dinner with his family, it was no uncommon87 event for a slave to rush into the room pursued by one of Mariano’s men with spear in hand to murder him.
The atrocities88 of this villain89, aptly termed by the late governor of Quillimane a “notorious robber and murderer,” became at length intolerable. All the Portuguese spoke90 of him as a rare monster of inhumanity. It is unaccountable why half-castes, such as he, are so much more cruel than the Portuguese, but such is undoubtedly91 the case.
It was asserted that one of his favourite modes of creating an impression in the country, and making his name dreaded92, was to spear his captives with his own hands. On one occasion he is reported to have thus killed forty poor wretches94 placed in a row before him. We did not at first credit these statements, and thought that they were merely exaggerations of the incensed96 Portuguese, who naturally enough were exasperated97 with him for stopping their trade, and harbouring their runaway98 slaves; but we learned afterwards from the natives, that the accounts given us by the Portuguese had not exceeded the truth; and that Mariano was quite as great a ruffian as they had described him. One expects slave-owners to treat their human chattels99 as well as men do other animals of value, but the slave-trade seems always to engender100 an unreasoning ferocity, if not blood — thirstiness.
War was declared against Mariano, and a force sent to take him; he resisted for a time; but seeing that he was likely to get the worst of it, and knowing that the Portuguese governors have small salaries, and are therefore “disposed to be reasonable,” he went down to Quillimane to “arrange” with the Governor, as it is termed here; but Colonel da Silva put him in prison, and then sent him for trial to Mozambique. When we came into the country, his people were fighting under his brother Bonga. The war had lasted six months and stopped all trade on the river during that period. On the 15th June we first came into contact with the “rebels.” They appeared as a crowd of well-armed and fantastically-dressed people under the trees at Mazaro. On explaining that we were English, some at once came on board and called to those on shore to lay aside their arms. On landing among them we saw that many had the branded marks of slaves on their chests, but they warmly approved our objects, and knew well the distinctive101 character of our nation on the slave question. The shout at our departure contrasted strongly with the suspicious questioning on our approach. Hence-forward we were recognized as friends by both parties.
At a later period we were taking in wood within a mile of the scene of action, but a dense76 fog prevented our hearing the noise of a battle at Mazaro; and on arriving there, immediately after, many natives and Portuguese appeared on the bank.
Dr. Livingstone, landing to salute102 some of his old friends among the latter, found himself in the sickening smell, and among the mutilated bodies of the slain103; he was requested to take the Governor, who was very ill of fever, across to Shupanga, and just as he gave his assent104, the rebels renewed the fight, and the balls began to whistle about in all directions. After trying in vain to get some one to assist the Governor down to the steamer, and unwilling to leave him in such danger, as the officer sent to bring our Kroomen did not appear, he went into the hut, and dragged along his Excellency to the ship. He was a very tall man, and as he swayed hither and thither105 from weakness, weighing down Dr. Livingstone, it must have appeared like one drunken man helping106 another. Some of the Portuguese white soldiers stood fighting with great bravery against the enemy in front, while a few were coolly shooting at their own slaves for fleeing into the river behind. The rebels soon retired107, and the Portuguese escaped to a sandbank in the Zambesi, and thence to an island opposite Shupanga, where they lay for some weeks, looking at the rebels on the mainland opposite. This state of inactivity on the part of the Portuguese could not well be helped, as they had expended108 all their ammunition109 and were waiting anxiously for supplies; hoping, no doubt sincerely, that the enemy might not hear that their powder had failed. Luckily their hopes were not disappointed; the rebels waited until a supply came, and were then repulsed110 after three-and-a-half hours’ hard fighting. Two months afterwards Mariano’s stockade was burned, the garrison111 having fled in a panic; and as Bonga declared that he did not wish to fight with this Governor, with whom he had no quarrel, the war soon came to an end. His Excellency meanwhile, being a disciple112 of Raspail, had taken nothing for the fever but a little camphor, and after he was taken to Shupanga became comatose113. More potent114 remedies were administered to him, to his intense disgust, and he soon recovered. The Colonel in attendance, whom he never afterwards forgave, encouraged the treatment. “Give what is right; never mind him; he is very (muito) impertinent:” and all night long, with every draught of water the Colonel gave a quantity of quinine: the consequence was, next morning the patient was cinchonized and better.
For sixty or seventy miles before reaching Mazaro, the scenery is tame and uninteresting. On either hand is a dreary115 uninhabited expanse, of the same level grassy plains, with merely a few trees to relieve the painful monotony. The round green top of the stately palm-tree looks at a distance, when its grey trunk cannot be seen, as though hung in mid-air. Many flocks of busy sand-martins, which here, and as far south as the Orange River, do not migrate, have perforated the banks two or three feet horizontally, in order to place their nests at the ends, and are now chasing on restless wing the myriads116 of tropical insects. The broad river has many low islands, on which are seen various kinds of waterfowl, such as geese, spoonbills, herons, and flamingoes. Repulsive117 crocodiles, as with open jaws118 they sleep and bask69 in the sun on the low banks, soon catch the sound of the revolving119 paddles and glide120 quietly into the stream. The hippopotamus, having selected some still reach of the river to spend the day, rises out of the bottom, where he has been enjoying his morning bath after the labours of the night on shore, blows a puff121 of spray from his nostrils122, shakes the water out of his ears, puts his enormous snout up straight and yawns, sounding a loud alarm to the rest of the herd123, with notes as of a monster bassoon.
As we approach Mazaro the scenery improves. We see the well-wooded Shupanga ridge124 stretching to the left, and in front blue hills rise dimly far in the distance. There is no trade whatever on the Zambesi below Mazaro. All the merchandise of Senna and Tette is brought to that point in large canoes, and thence carried six miles across the country on men’s heads to be reshipped on a small stream that flows into the Kwakwa, or Quillimane river, which is entirely125 distinct from the Zambesi. Only on rare occasions and during the highest floods can canoes pass from the Zambesi to the Quillimane river through the narrow natural canal Mutu. The natives of Maruru, or the country around Mazaro, the word Mazaro meaning the “mouth of the creek” Mutu, have a bad name among the Portuguese; they are said to be expert thieves, and the merchants sometimes suffer from their adroitness126 while the goods are in transit127 from one river to the other. In general they are trained canoe-men, and man many of the canoes that ply7 thence to Senna and Tette; their pay is small, and, not trusting the traders, they must always have it before they start. Africans being prone128 to assign plausible129 reasons for their conduct, like white men in more enlightened lands, it is possible they may be good-humouredly giving their reason for insisting on being invariably paid in advance in the words of their favourite canoe-song, “Uachingere, Uachingere Kale,” “You cheated me of old;” or, “Thou art slippery slippery truly.”
The Landeens or Zulus are lords of the right bank of the Zambesi; and the Portuguese, by paying this fighting tribe a pretty heavy annual tribute, practically admit this. Regularly every year come the Zulus in force to Senna and Shupanga for the accustomed tribute. The few wealthy merchants of Senna groan130 under the burden, for it falls chiefly on them. They submit to pay annually131 200 pieces of cloth, of sixteen yards each, besides beads132 and brass133 wire, knowing that refusal involves war, which might end in the loss of all they possess. The Zulus appear to keep as sharp a look out on the Senna and Shupanga people as ever landlord did on tenant134; the more they cultivate, the more tribute they have to pay. On asking some of them why they did not endeavour to raise certain highly profitable products, we were answered, “What’s the use of our cultivating any more than we do? the Landeens would only come down on us for more tribute.”
In the forests of Shupanga the Mokundu-kundu tree abounds135; its bright yellow wood makes good boat-masts, and yields a strong bitter medicine for fever; the Gunda-tree attains136 to an immense size; its timber is hard, rather cross-grained, with masses of silica deposited in its substance; the large canoes, capable of carrying three or four tons, are made of its wood. For permission to cut these trees, a Portuguese gentleman of Quillimane was paying the Zulus, in 1858, two hundred dollars a year, and his successor now pays three hundred.
At Shupanga, a one-storied stone house stands on the prettiest site on the river. In front a sloping lawn, with a fine mango orchard137 at its southern end, leads down to the broad Zambesi, whose green islands repose138 on the sunny bosom139 of the tranquil140 waters. Beyond, northwards, lie vast fields and forests of palm and tropical trees, with the massive mountain of Morambala towering amidst the white clouds; and further away more distant hills appear in the blue horizon. This beautifully situated141 house possesses a melancholy142 interest from having been associated in a most mournful manner with the history of two English expeditions. Here, in 1826, poor Kirkpatrick, of Captain Owen’s Surveying Expedition, died of fever; and here, in 1862, died, of the same fatal disease, the beloved wife of Dr. Livingstone. A hundred yards east of the house, under a large Baobab-tree, far from their native land, both are buried.
The Shupanga-house was the head-quarters of the Governor during the Mariano war. He told us that the province of Mosambique costs the Home Government between 5000l. and 6000l. annually, and East Africa yields no reward in return to the mother country. We met there several other influential143 Portuguese. All seemed friendly, and expressed their willingness to assist the expedition in every way in their power; and better still, Colonel Nunes and Major Sicard put their good-will into action, by cutting wood for the steamer and sending men to help in unloading. It was observable that not one of them knew anything about the Kongone Mouth; all thought that we had come in by the “Barra Catrina,” or East Luabo. Dr. Kirk remained here a few weeks; and, besides exploring a small lake twenty miles to the south-west, had the sole medical care of the sick and wounded soldiers, for which valuable services he received the thanks of the Portuguese Government. We wooded up at this place with African ebony or black wood, and lignum vitae; the latter tree attains an immense size, sometimes as much as four feet in diameter; our engineer, knowing what ebony and lignum vitae cost at home, said it made his heart sore to burn wood so valuable. Though botanically different, they are extremely alike; the black wood as grown in some districts is superior, and the lignum vitae inferior in quality, to these timbers brought from other countries. Caoutchouc, or India-rubber, is found in abundance inland from Shupanga-house, and calumba-root is plentiful145 in the district; indigo146, in quantities, propagates itself close to the banks of the Aver35, and was probably at some time cultivated, for manufactured indigo was once exported. The India-rubber is made into balls for a game resembling “fives,” and calumba — root is said to be used as a mordant147 for certain colours, but not as a dye itself.
We started for Tette on the 17th August, 1858; the navigation was rather difficult, the Zambesi from Shupanga to Senna being wide and full of islands; our black pilot, John Scisssors, a serf, sometimes took the wrong channel and ran us aground. Nothing abashed148, he would exclaim in an aggrieved149 tone, “This is not the path, it is back yonder.” “Then why didn’t you go yonder at first?” growled150 out our Kroomen, who had the work of getting the vessel off. When they spoke roughly to poor Scissors, the weak cringing151 slave-spirit came forth152 in, “Those men scold me so, I am ready to run away.” This mode of finishing up an engagement is not at all uncommon on the Zambesi; several cases occurred, when we were on the river, of hired crews decamping with most of the goods in their charge. If the trader cannot redress153 his own wrongs, he has to endure them. The Landeens will not surrender a fugitive34 slave, even to his master. One belonging to Mr. Azevedo fled, and was, as a great favour only, returned after a present of much more than his value.
We landed to wood at Shamoara, just below the confluence154 of the Shire. Its quartz155 hills are covered with trees and gigantic grasses; the buaze, a small forest-tree, grows abundantly; it is a species of polygala; its beautiful clusters of sweet-scented pinkish flowers perfume the air with a rich fragrance156; its seeds produce a fine drying oil, and the bark of the smaller branches yields a fibre finer and stronger than flax; with which the natives make their nets for fishing. Bonga, the brother of the rebel Mariano, and now at the head of the revolted natives, with some of his principal men came to see us, and were perfectly157 friendly, though told of our having carried the sick Governor across to Shupanga, and of our having cured him of fever. On our acquainting Bonga with the object of the expedition, he remarked that we should suffer no hindrance158 from his people in our good work. He sent us a present of rice, two sheep, and a quantity of firewood. He never tried to make any use of us in the strife159; the other side showed less confidence, by carefully cross-questioning our pilot whether we had sold any powder to the enemy. We managed, however, to keep on good terms with both rebels and Portuguese.
Senna is built on a low plain, on the right bank of the Zambesi, with some pretty detached hills in the background; it is surrounded by a stockade of living trees to protect its inhabitants from their troublesome and rebellious160 neighbours. It contains a few large houses, some ruins of others, and a weather-beaten cross, where once stood a church; a mound161 shows the site of an ancient monastery162, and a mud fort by the river is so dilapidated, that cows were grazing peacefully over its prostrate163 walls.
The few Senna merchants, having little or no trade in the village, send parties of trusted slaves into the interior to hunt for and purchase ivory. It is a dull place, and very conducive164 to sleep. One is sure to take fever in Senna on the second day, if by chance one escapes it on the first day of a sojourn165 there; but no place is entirely bad. Senna has one redeeming166 feature: it is the native village of the large-hearted and hospitable167 Senhor H. A. Ferrao. The benevolence168 of this gentleman is unbounded. The poor black stranger passing through the town goes to him almost as a matter of course for food, and is never sent away hungry. In times of famine the starving natives are fed by his generosity169; hundreds of his own people he never sees except on these occasions; and the only benefit derived170 from being their master is, that they lean on him as a patriarchal chief, and he has the satisfaction of settling their differences, and of saving their lives in seasons of drought and scarcity171.
Senhor Ferrao received us with his usual kindness, and gave us a bountiful breakfast. During the day the principal men of the place called, and were unanimously of opinion that the free natives would willingly cultivate large quantities of cotton, could they find purchasers. They had in former times exported largely both cotton and cloth to Manica and even to Brazil. “On their own soil,” they declared, “the natives are willing to labour and trade, provided only they can do so to advantage: when it is for their interest, blacks work very hard.” We often remarked subsequently that this was the opinion of men of energy; and that all settlers of activity, enterprise, and sober habits had become rich, while those who were much addicted172 to lying on their backs smoking, invariably complained of the laziness of the negroes, and were poor, proud, and despicable.
Beyond Pita lies the little island Nyamotobsi, where we met a small fugitive tribe of hippopotamus hunters, who had been driven by war from their own island in front. All were busy at work; some were making gigantic baskets for grain, the men plaiting from the inside. With the civility so common among them the chief ordered a mat to be spread for us under a shed, and then showed us the weapon with which they kill the hippopotamus; it is a short iron harpoon50 inserted in the end of a long pole, but being intended to unship, it is made fast to a strong cord of milola, or hibiscus, bark, which is wound closely round the entire length of the shaft173, and secured at its opposite end. Two men in a swift canoe steal quietly down on the sleeping animal. The bowman dashes the harpoon into the unconscious victim, while the quick steersman sweeps the light craft back with his broad paddle; the force of the blow separates the harpoon from its corded handle, which, appearing on the surface, sometimes with an inflated174 bladder attached, guides the hunters to where the wounded beast hides below until they despatch175 it.
These hippopotamus hunters form a separate people, called Akombwi, or Mapodzo, and rarely — the women it is said never — intermarry with any other tribe. The reason for their keeping aloof176 from certain of the natives on the Zambesi is obvious enough, some having as great an abhorrence177 of hippopotamus meat as Mahomedans have of swine’s flesh. Our pilot, Scissors, was one of this class; he would not even cook his food in a pot which had contained hippopotamus meat, preferring to go hungry till he could find another; and yet he traded eagerly in the animal’s tusks178, and ate with great relish the flesh of the foul-feeding marabout. These hunters go out frequently on long expeditions, taking in their canoes their wives and children, cooking-pots, and sleeping-mats. When they reach a good game district, they erect180 temporary huts on the bank, and there dry the meat they have killed. They are rather a comely-looking race, with very black smooth skins, and never disfigure themselves with the frightful181 ornaments182 of some of the other tribes. The chief declined to sell a harpoon, because they could not now get the milola bark from the coast on account of Mariano’s war. He expressed some doubts about our being children of the same Almighty183 Father, remarking that “they could not become white, let them wash ever so much.” We made him a present of a bit of cloth, and he very generously gave us in return some fine fresh fish and Indian corn.
The heat of the weather steadily184 increases during this month (August), and foggy mornings are now rare. A strong breeze ending in a gale185 blows up stream every night. It came in the afternoon a few weeks ago, then later, and at present its arrival is near midnight; it makes our frail186 cabin-doors fly open before it, but continues only for a short time, and is succeeded by a dead calm. Game becomes more abundant; near our wooding-places we see herds187 of zebras, both Burchell’s and the mountain variety, pallahs (Antelope melampus), waterbuck, and wild hogs, with the spoor of buffaloes and elephants.
Shiramba Dembe, on the right bank, is deserted188; a few old iron guns show where a rebel stockade once stood; near the river above this, stands a magnificent Baobab hollowed out into a good-sized hut, with bark inside as well as without. The old oaks in Sherwood Forest, when hollow, have the inside dead or rotten; but the Baobab, though stripped of its bark outside, and hollowed to a cavity inside, has the power of exuding189 new bark from its substance to both the outer and inner surfaces; so, a hut made like that in the oak called the “Forest Queen,” in Sherwood, would soon all be lined with bark.
The portions of the river called Shigogo and Shipanga are bordered by a low level expanse of marshy190 country, with occasional clumps191 of palm-trees and a few thorny192 acacias. The river itself spreads out to a width of from three to four miles, with many islands, among which it is difficult to navigate193, except when the river is in flood. In front, a range of high hills from the north-east crosses and compresses it into a deep narrow channel, called the Lupata Gorge194. The Portuguese thought the steamer would not stem the current here; but as it was not more than about three knots, and as there was a strong breeze in our favour, steam and sails got her through with ease. Heavy-laden canoes take two days to go up this pass. A current sweeps round the little rocky promontories195 Chifura and Kangomba, forming whirlpools and eddies196 dangerous for the clumsy craft, which are dragged past with long ropes.
The paddlers place meal on these rocks as an offering to the turbulent deities197, which they believe preside over spots fatal to many a large canoe. We were slily told that native Portuguese take off their hats to these river gods, and pass in solemn silence; when safely beyond the promontories, they fire muskets, and, as we ought to do, give the canoe-men grog. From the spoor of buffaloes and elephants it appears that these animals frequent Lupata in considerable numbers, and — we have often observed the association — the tsetse fly is common. A horse for the Governor of Tette was sent in a canoe from Quillimane; and, lest it should be wrecked198 on the Chifura and Kangomba rocks, it was put on shore and sent in the daytime through the pass. It was of course bitten by the tsetse, and died soon after; it was thought that the AIR of Tette had not agreed with it. The currents above Lupata are stronger than those below; the country becomes more picturesque199 and hilly, and there is a larger population.
The ship anchored in the stream, off Tette, on the 8th September, 1858, and Dr. Livingstone went ashore200 in the boat. No sooner did the Makololo recognize him, than they rushed to the water’s edge, and manifested great joy at seeing him again. Some were hastening to embrace him, but others cried out, “Don’t touch him, you will spoil his new clothes.” The five headmen came on board and listened in quiet sadness to the story of poor Sekwebu, who died at the Mauritius on his way to England. “Men die in any country,” they observed, and then told us that thirty of their own number had died of smallpox201, having been bewitched by the people of Tette, who envied them because, during the first year, none of their party had died. Six of their young men, becoming tired of cutting firewood for a meagre pittance202, proposed to go and dance for gain before some of the neighbouring chiefs. “Don’t go,” said the others, “we don’t know the people of this country;” but the young men set out and visited an independent half-caste chief, a few miles to the north, named Chisaka, who some years ago burned all the Portuguese villas203 on the north bank of the river; afterwards the young men went to Bonga, son of another half-caste chief, who bade defiance204 to the Tette authorities, and had a stockade at the confluence of the Zambesi and Luenya, a few miles below that village. Asking the Makololo whence they came, Bonga rejoined, “Why do you come from my enemy to me? You have brought witchcraft205 medicine to kill me.” In vain they protested that they did not belong to the country; they were strangers, and had come from afar with an Englishman. The superstitious206 savage207 put them all to death. “We do not grieve,” said their companions, “for the thirty victims of the smallpox, who were taken away by Morimo (God); but our hearts are sore for the six youths who were murdered by Bonga.” Any hope of obtaining justice on the murderer was out of the question. Bonga once caught a captain of the Portuguese army, and forced him to perform the menial labour of pounding maize208 in a wooden mortar209. No punishment followed on this outrage210. The Government of Lisbon has since given Bonga the honorary title of Captain, by way of coaxing211 him to own their authority; but he still holds his stockade.
Tette stands on a succession of low sandstone ridges212 on the right bank of the Zambesi, which is here nearly a thousand yards wide (960 yards). Shallow ravines, running parallel with the river, form the streets, the houses being built on the ridges. The whole surface of the streets, except narrow footpaths213, were overrun with self-sown indigo, and tons of it might have been collected. In fact indigo, senna, and stramonium, with a species of cassia, form the weeds of the place, which are annually hoed off and burned. A wall of stone and mud surrounds the village, and the native population live in huts outside. The fort and the church, near the river, are the strongholds; the natives having a salutary dread93 of the guns of the one, and a superstitious fear of the unknown power of the other. The number of white inhabitants is small, and rather select, many of them having been considerately sent out of Portugal “for their country’s good.” The military element preponderates214 in society; the convict and “incorrigible” class of soldiers, receiving very little pay, depend in great measure on the produce of the gardens of their black wives; the moral condition of the resulting population may be imagined.
Droughts are of frequent occurrence at Tette, and the crops suffer severely215. This may arise partly from the position of the town between the ranges of hills north and south, which appear to have a strong attraction for the rain-clouds. It is often seen to rain on these hills when not a drop falls at Tette. Our first season was one of drought. Thrice had the women planted their gardens in vain, the seed, after just vegetating216, was killed by the intense dry heat. A fourth planting shared the same hard fate, and then some of the knowing ones discovered the cause of the clouds being frightened away: our unlucky rain-gauge in the garden. We got a bad name through that same rain-gauge, and were regarded by many as a species of evil omen31. The Makololo in turn blamed the people of Tette for drought: “A number of witches live here, who won’t let it rain.” Africans in general are sufficiently217 superstitious, but those of Tette are in this particular pre-eminent above their fellows. Coming from many different tribes, all the rays of the separate superstitions218 converge220 into a focus at Tette, and burn out common sense from the minds of the mixed breed. They believe that many evil spirits live in the air, the earth, and the water. These invisible malicious221 beings are thought to inflict222 much suffering on the human race; but, as they have a weakness for beer and a craving223 for food, they may be propitiated224 from time to time by offerings of meat and drink. The serpent is an object of worship, and hideous225 little images are hung in the huts of the sick and dying. The uncontaminated Africans believe that Morungo, the Great Spirit who formed all things, lives above the stars; but they never pray to him, and know nothing of their relation to him, or of his interest in them. The spirits of their departed ancestors are all good, according to their ideas, and on special occasions aid them in their enterprises. When a man has his hair cut, he is careful to burn it, or bury it secretly, lest, falling into the hands of one who has an evil eye, or is a witch, it should be used as a charm to afflict226 him with headache. They believe, too, that they will live after the death of the body, but do not know anything of the state of the Barimo (gods, or departed spirits).
The mango-tree grows luxuriantly above Lupata, and furnishes a grateful shade. Its delicious fruit is superior to that on the coast. For weeks the natives who have charge of the mangoes live entirely on the fruit, and, as some trees bear in November and some in March, while the main crop comes between, fruit in abundance may easily be obtained during four months of the year; but no native can be induced to plant a mango. A wide-spread superstition219 has become riveted227 in the native mind, that if any one plants this tree he will soon die. The Makololo, like other natives, were very fond of the fruit; but when told to take up some mango-stones, on their return, and plant them in their own country — they too having become deeply imbued228 with the belief that it was a suicidal act to do so — replied “they did not wish to die too soon.” There is also a superstition even among the native Portuguese of Tette, that if a man plants coffee he will never afterwards be happy: they drink it, however, and seem the happier for it.
The Portuguese of Tette have many slaves, with all the usual vices144 of their class, as theft, lying, and impurity229. As a general rule the real Portuguese are tolerably humane230 masters and rarely treat a slave cruelly; this may be due as much to natural kindness of heart as to a fear of losing the slaves by their running away. When they purchase an adult slave they buy at the same time, if possible, all his relations along with him. They thus contrive231 to secure him to his new home by domestic ties. Running away then would be to forsake232 all who hold a place in his heart, for the mere95 chance of acquiring a freedom, which would probably be forfeited233 on his entrance into the first native village, for the chief might, without compunction, again sell him into slavery.
A rather singular case of voluntary slavery came to our knowledge: a free black, an intelligent active young fellow, called Chibanti, who had been our pilot on the river, told us that he had sold himself into slavery. On asking why he had done this, he replied that he was all alone in the world, had neither father nor mother, nor any one else to give him water when sick, or food when hungry; so he sold himself to Major Sicard, a notoriously kind master, whose slaves had little to do, and plenty to eat. “And how much did you get for yourself?” we asked. “Three thirty-yard pieces of cotton cloth,” he replied; “and I forthwith bought a man, a woman, and child, who cost me two of the pieces, and I had one piece left.” This, at all events, showed a cool and calculating spirit; he afterwards bought more slaves, and in two years owned a sufficient number to man one of the large canoes. His master subsequently employed him in carrying ivory to Quillimane, and gave him cloth to hire mariners234 for the voyage; he took his own slaves, of course, and thus drove a thriving business; and was fully61 convinced that he had made a good speculation235 by the sale of himself, for had he been sick his master must have supported him. Occasionally some of the free blacks become slaves voluntarily by going through the simple but significant ceremony of breaking a spear in the presence of their future master. A Portuguese officer, since dead, persuaded one of the Makololo to remain in Tette, instead of returning to his own country, and tried also to induce him to break a spear before him, and thus acknowledge himself his slave, but the man was too shrewd for this; he was a great elephant doctor, who accompanied the hunters, told them when to attack the huge beast, and gave them medicine to ensure success. Unlike the real Portuguese, many of the half-castes are merciless slave-holders; their brutal236 treatment of the wretched slaves is notorious. What a humane native of Portugal once said of them is appropriate if not true: “God made white men, and God made black men, but the devil made half-castes.”
The officers and merchants send parties of slaves under faithful headmen to hunt elephants and to trade in ivory, providing them with a certain quantity of cloth, beads, etc., and requiring so much ivory in return. These slaves think that they have made a good thing of it, when they kill an elephant near a village, as the natives give them beer and meal in exchange for some of the elephant’s meat, and over every tusk179 that is brought there is expended a vast amount of time, talk, and beer. Most of the Africans are natural-born traders, they love trade more for the sake of trading than for what they make by it. An intelligent gentleman of Tette told us that native traders often come to him with a tusk for sale, consider the price he offers, demand more, talk over it, retire to consult about it, and at length go away without selling it; next day they try another merchant, talk, consider, get puzzled and go off as on the previous day, and continue this course daily until they have perhaps seen every merchant in the village, and then at last end by selling the precious tusk to some one for even less than the first merchant had offered. Their love of dawdling237 in the transaction arises from the self-importance conferred on them by their being the object of the wheedling238 and coaxing of eager merchants, a feeling to which even the love of gain is subordinate.
The native medical profession is reasonably well represented. In addition to the regular practitioners239, who are a really useful class, and know something of their profession, and the nature and power of certain medicines, there are others who devote their talents to some speciality. The elephant doctor prepares a medicine which is considered indispensable to the hunters when attacking that noble and sagacious beast; no hunter is willing to venture out before investing in this precious nostrum240. The crocodile doctor sells a charm which is believed to possess the singular virtue241 of protecting its owner from crocodiles. Unwittingly we offended the crocodile school of medicine while at Tette, by shooting one of these huge reptiles242 as it lay basking243 in the sun on a sandbank; the doctors came to the Makololo in wrath244, clamouring to know why the white man had shot their crocodile.
A shark’s hook was baited one evening with a dog, of which the crocodile is said to be particularly fond; but the doctors removed the bait, on the principle that the more crocodiles the more demand for medicine, or perhaps because they preferred to eat the dog themselves. Many of the natives of this quarter are known, as in the South Seas, to eat the dog without paying any attention to its feeding. The dice245 doctor or diviner is an important member of the community, being consulted by Portuguese and natives alike. Part of his business is that of a detective, it being his duty to discover thieves. When goods are stolen, he goes and looks at the place, casts his dice, and waits a few days, and then, for a consideration, tells who is the thief: he is generally correct, for he trusts not to his dice alone; he has confidential246 agents all over the village, by whose inquiries247 and information he is enabled to detect the culprit. Since the introduction of muskets, gun doctors have sprung up, and they sell the medicine which professes248 to make good marksmen; others are rain doctors, etc., etc. The various schools deal in little charms, which are hung round the purchaser’s neck to avert249 evil: some of them contain the medicine, others increase its power.
Indigo, about three or four feet high, grows in great luxuriance in the streets of Tette, and so does the senna plant. The leaves are undistinguishable from those imported in England. A small amount of first-rate cotton is cultivated by the native population for the manufacture of a coarse cloth. A neighbouring tribe raises the sugar-cane, and makes a little sugar; but they use most primitive250 wooden rollers, and having no skill in mixing lime with the extracted juice, the product is of course of very inferior quality. Plenty of magnetic iron ore is found near Tette, and coal also to any amount; a single cliff-seam measuring twenty-five feet in thickness. It was found to burn well in the steamer on the first trial. Gold is washed for in the beds of rivers, within a couple of days of Tette. The natives are fully aware of its value, but seldom search for it, and never dig deeper than four or five feet. They dread lest the falling in of the sand of the river’s bed should bury them. In former times, when traders went with hundreds of slaves to the washings, the produce was considerable. It is now insignificant251. The gold-producing lands have always been in the hands of independent tribes. Deep cuttings near the sources of the gold-yielding streams seem never to have been tried here, as in California and Australia, nor has any machinery252 been used save common wooden basins for washing.
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1
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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hippopotamus
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| n.河马 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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wrack
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| v.折磨；n.海草 | |
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ply
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| v.(搬运工等)等候顾客，弯曲 | |
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cuttlefish
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| n.乌贼，墨鱼 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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mangrove
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| n.(植物)红树，红树林 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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aquatic
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| adj.水生的，水栖的 | |
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winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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21
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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lateral
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| adj.侧面的，旁边的 | |
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fathoms
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| 英寻( fathom的名词复数 ) | |
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buoyed
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| v.使浮起( buoy的过去式和过去分词 )；支持；为…设浮标；振奋…的精神 | |
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beacon
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| n.烽火，（警告用的）闪火灯，灯塔 | |
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ebbing
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| （指潮水）退( ebb的现在分词 )； 落； 减少； 衰落 | |
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longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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grassy
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| adj.盖满草的；长满草的 | |
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glades
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| n.林中空地( glade的名词复数 ) | |
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buffaloes
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| n.水牛（分非洲水牛和亚洲水牛两种）( buffalo的名词复数 )；（南非或北美的）野牛；威胁；恐吓 | |
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hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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antelope
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| n.羚羊；羚羊皮 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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42
tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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43
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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44
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
edible
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| n.食品，食物；adj.可食用的 | |
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46
prettily
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| adv.优美地；可爱地 | |
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47
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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48
umbrageous
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| adj.多荫的 | |
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49
harpoons
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| n.鱼镖，鱼叉( harpoon的名词复数 )v.鱼镖，鱼叉( harpoon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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50
harpoon
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| n.鱼叉；vt.用鱼叉叉，用鱼叉捕获 | |
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51
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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52
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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53
resound
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| v.回响 | |
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54
exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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55
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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56
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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57
imminence
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| n.急迫，危急 | |
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58
glossy
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| adj.平滑的；有光泽的 | |
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59
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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60
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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61
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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62
pumpkins
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| n.南瓜( pumpkin的名词复数 )；南瓜的果肉，南瓜囊 | |
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63
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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64
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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65
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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66
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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67
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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68
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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69
bask
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| vt.取暖，晒太阳，沐浴于 | |
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70
velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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71
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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72
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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73
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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74
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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75
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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76
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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77
abreast
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|
| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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78
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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79
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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80
temperate
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|
| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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81
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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82
alias
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| n.化名；别名；adv.又名 | |
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83
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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84
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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85
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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86
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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87
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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88
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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89
villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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90
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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91
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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92
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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93
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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94
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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95
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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96
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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97
exasperated
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|
| adj.恼怒的 | |
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98
runaway
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|
| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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99
chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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100
engender
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| v.产生，引起 | |
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101
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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102
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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103
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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104
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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105
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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106
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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107
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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108
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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109
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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110
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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111
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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112
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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113
comatose
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| adj.昏睡的，昏迷不醒的 | |
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114
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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115
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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116
myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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117
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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118
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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119
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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120
glide
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| n./v.溜，滑行；(时间)消逝 | |
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121
puff
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| n.一口(气)；一阵(风)；v.喷气，喘气 | |
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122
nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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123
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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124
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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125
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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126
adroitness
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127
transit
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| n.经过，运输；vt.穿越，旋转；vi.越过 | |
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128
prone
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|
| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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129
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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130
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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131
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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132
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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133
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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134
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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135
abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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136
attains
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的第三人称单数 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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137
orchard
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| n.果园，果园里的全部果树，(美俚)棒球场 | |
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138
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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139
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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140
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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141
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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142
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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143
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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144
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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145
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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146
indigo
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| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
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147
mordant
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| adj.讽刺的；尖酸的 | |
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148
abashed
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| adj.窘迫的，尴尬的v.使羞愧，使局促，使窘迫( abash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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150
growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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151
cringing
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| adj.谄媚，奉承 | |
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152
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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153
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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154
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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155
quartz
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| n.石英 | |
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156
fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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157
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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158
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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159
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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160
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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161
mound
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| n.土墩，堤，小山；v.筑堤，用土堆防卫 | |
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162
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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163
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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164
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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165
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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166
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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167
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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168
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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169
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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170
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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171
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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172
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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173
shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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174
inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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175
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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176
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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177
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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178
tusks
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| n.（象等动物的）长牙( tusk的名词复数 )；獠牙；尖形物；尖头 | |
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179
tusk
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| n.獠牙，长牙，象牙 | |
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180
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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181
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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182
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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183
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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184
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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185
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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186
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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187
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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188
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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189
exuding
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| v.缓慢流出，渗出，分泌出( exude的现在分词 )；流露出对（某物）的神态或感情 | |
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190
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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191
clumps
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| n.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的名词复数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声v.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的第三人称单数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声 | |
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192
thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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193
navigate
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| v.航行，飞行；导航，领航 | |
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194
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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195
promontories
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| n.岬，隆起，海角( promontory的名词复数 ) | |
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196
eddies
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| （水、烟等的）漩涡，涡流( eddy的名词复数 ) | |
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197
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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198
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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199
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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200
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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201
smallpox
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| n.天花 | |
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202
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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203
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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204
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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205
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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206
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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207
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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208
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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209
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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210
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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211
coaxing
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| v.哄，用好话劝说( coax的现在分词 )；巧言骗取；哄劝，劝诱；“锻炼”效应 | |
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212
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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213
footpaths
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| 人行小径，人行道( footpath的名词复数 ) | |
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214
preponderates
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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215
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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216
vegetating
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| v.过单调呆板的生活( vegetate的现在分词 )；植物似地生长；（瘤、疣等）长大 | |
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217
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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218
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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219
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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220
converge
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| vi.会合；聚集，集中；(思想、观点等)趋近 | |
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221
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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222
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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223
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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224
propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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225
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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226
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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227
riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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228
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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229
impurity
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| n.不洁，不纯，杂质 | |
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230
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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231
contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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232
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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233
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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234
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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235
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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236
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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237
dawdling
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| adj.闲逛的，懒散的v.混（时间）( dawdle的现在分词 ) | |
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238
wheedling
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| v.骗取（某物），哄骗（某人干某事）( wheedle的现在分词 ) | |
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239
practitioners
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| n.习艺者，实习者( practitioner的名词复数 )；从业者（尤指医师） | |
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240
nostrum
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| n.秘方；妙策 | |
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241
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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242
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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243
basking
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| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的现在分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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244
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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245
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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246
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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247
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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248
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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249
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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250
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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251
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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252
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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