When, however, Thursday afternoon came, Mr Daubeny “threw up the sponge’. Up to the last moment the course which he intended to pursue was not known to the country at large. He entered the House very slowly — almost with a languid air, as though indifferent to its performances, and took his seat at about half-past four. Every man there felt that there was insolence19 in his demeanour — and yet there was nothing on which it was possible to fasten in the way of expressed complaint. There was a faint attempt at a cheer — for good soldiers acknowledge the importance of supporting even an unpopular general. But Mr Daubeny’s soldiers on this occasion were not very good. When he had been seated about five minutes he rose, still very languidly, and began his statement. He and his colleagues, he said, in their attempt to legislate20 for the good of their country, had been beaten in regard to a very great measure by a large majority, and in compliance21 with what he acknowledged to be the expressed opinion of the House, he had considered it to be his duty — as his colleagues had considered it to be theirs — to place their joint22 resignations in the hands of Her Majesty23. This statement was received with considerable surprise, as it was not generally known that Mr Daubeny had as yet even seen the Queen. But the feeling most predominant in the House was one almost of dismay at the man’s quiescence24. He and his colleagues had resigned, and he had recommended Her Majesty to send for Mr Gresham. He spoke25 in so low a voice as to be hardly audible to the House at large, and then paused — ceasing to speak, as though his work were done. He even made some gesture, as though stepping back to his seat — deceived by which Mr Gresham, at the other side of the table, rose to his legs. “Perhaps,” said Mr Daubeny — “Perhaps the right honourable26 gentleman would pardon him, and the House would pardon him, if still, for a moment, he interposed between the House and the right honourable gentleman. He could well understand the impatience27 of the right honourable gentleman — who no doubt was anxious to reassume that authority among them, the temporary loss of which he had not perhaps borne with all the equanimity28 which might have been expected from him. He would promise the House and the right honourable gentleman that he would not detain them long.” Mr Gresham threw himself back into his seat, evidently not without annoyance29, and his enemy stood for a moment looking at him. Unless they were angels these two men must at that moment have hated each other — and it is supposed that they were no more than human. It was afterwards said that the little ruse30 of pretending to resume his seat had been deliberately31 planned by Mr Daubeny with the view of seducing32 Mr Gresham into an act of seeming impatience, and that these words about his opponent’s failing equanimity had been carefully prepared.
Mr Daubeny stood for a minute silent, and then began to pour forth33 that which was really his speech on the occasion. Those flaccid half-pronounced syllables34 in which he had declared that he had resigned — had been studiously careless, purposely flaccid. It was his duty to let the House know the fact, and he did his duty. But now he had a word to say in which he himself could take some little interest. Mr Daubeny could be fiery35 or flaccid as it suited himself — and now it suited him to be fiery. He had a prophecy to make, and prophets have ever been energetic men. Mr Daubeny conceived it to be his duty to inform the House, and through the House the country, that now, at last, had the day of ruin come upon the British Empire, because it had bowed itself to the dominion36 of an unscrupulous and greedy faction. It cannot be said that the language which he used was unmeasured, because no word that he uttered would have warranted the Speaker in calling him to order; but, within the very wide bounds of parliamentary etiquette38, there was no limit to the reproach and reprobation39 which he heaped on the House of Commons for its late vote. And his audacity40 equalled his insolence. In announcing his resignation, he had condescended41 to speak of himself and his colleagues; but now he dropped his colleagues as though they were unworthy of his notice, and spoke only of his own doings — of his own efforts to save the country, which was indeed willing to be saved, but unable to select fitting instruments of salvation42. “He had been twitted”, he said, “with inconsistency to his principles by men who were simply unable to understand the meaning of the word Conservatism. These gentlemen seemed to think that any man who did not set himself up as an apostle of constant change must therefore be bound always to stand still and see his country perish from stagnation43. It might be that there were gentlemen in that House whose timid natures could not face the dangers of any movement; but for himself he would say that no word had ever fallen from his lips which justified44 either his friends or his adversaries45 in classing him among the number. If a man be anxious to keep his fire alight, does he refuse to touch the sacred coals as in the course of nature they are consumed? Or does he move them with the salutary poker46 and add fresh fuel from the basket? They all knew that enemy to the comfort of the domestic hearth47, who could not keep his hands for a moment from the fire-irons. Perhaps he might be justified if he said that they had been very much troubled of late in that House by gentlemen who could not keep their fingers from poker and tongs48. But there had now fallen upon them a trouble of a nature much more serious in its effects than any that had come or could come from would-be reformers. A spirit of personal ambition, a wretched thirst for office, a hankering after the power and privileges of ruling, had not only actuated men — as, alas49, had been the case since first the need for men to govern others had arisen in the world — but had been openly avowed50 and put forward as an adequate and sufficient reason for opposing a measure in disapprobation of which no single argument had been used! The right honourable gentleman’s proposition to the House had been simply this — ““I shall oppose this measure, be it good or bad, because I desire, myself, to be Prime Minister, and I call upon those whom I lead in politics to assist me in doing so, in order that they may share the good things on which we may thus be enabled to lay our hands!’’{”
Then there arose a great row in the House, and there seemed to be a doubt whether the still existing Minister of the day would be allowed to continue his statement. Mr Gresham rose to his feet, but sat down again instantly, without having spoken a word that was audible. Two or three voices were heard calling upon the Speaker for protection. It was, however, asserted afterwards that nothing had been said which demanded the Speaker’s interference. But all moderate voices were soon lost in the enraged51 clamour of members on each side. The insolence showered upon those who generally supported Mr Daubeny had equalled that with which he had exasperated52 those opposed to him; and as the words had fallen from his lips, there had been no purpose of cheering him from the conservative benches. But noise creates noise, and shouting is a ready and easy mode of contest. For a while it seemed as though the right side of the Speaker’s chair was only beaten by the majority of lungs on the left side — and in the midst of it all Mr Daubeny still stood, firm on his feet, till gentlemen had shouted themselves silent — and then he resumed his speech.
The remainder of what he said was profound, prophetic, and unintelligible53. The gist54 of it, so far as it could be understood when the bran was bolted from it, consisted in an assurance that the country had now reached that period of its life in which rapid decay was inevitable55, and that, as the mortal disease had already shown itself in its worst form, national decrepitude56 was imminent57, and natural death could not long be postponed59. They who attempted to read the prophecy with accuracy were of opinion that the prophet had intimated that had the nation, even in this its crisis, consented to take him, the prophet, as its sole physician and to obey his prescription60 with childlike docility61, health might not only have been reestablished, but a new juvenescence absolutely created. The nature of the medicine that should have been taken was even supposed to have been indicated in some very vague terms. Had he been allowed to operate he would have cut the tar37 roots of the national cancer, have introduced fresh blood into the national veins62, and resuscitated63 the national digestion64, and he seemed to think that the nation, as a nation, was willing enough to undergo the operation, and be treated as he should choose to treat it — but that the incubus65 of Mr Gresham, backed by an unworthy House of Commons, had prevented, and was preventing, the nation from having its own way. Wherefore the nation must be destroyed. Mr Daubeny as soon as he had completed his speech took up his hat and stalked out of the House.
It was supposed at the time that the retiring Prime Minister had intended, when he rose to his legs, not only to denounce his opponents, but also to separate himself from his own unworthy associates. Men said that he had become disgusted with politics, disappointed, and altogether demoralized by defeat, and great curiosity existed as to the steps which might be taken at the time by the party of which he had hitherto been the leader. On that evening, at any rate, nothing was done. When Mr Daubeny was gone, Mr Gresham rose and said that in the present temper of the House he thought it best to postpone58 any statement from himself. He had received Her Majesty’s commands only as he had entered that House, and in obedience66 to those commands, he should wait upon Her Majesty early tomorrow. He hoped to be able to inform the House at the afternoon sitting, what was the nature of the commands with which Her Majesty might honour him.
“What do you think of that?” Phineas asked Mr Monk67 as they left the House together.
“I think that our Chatham of today is but a very poor copy of him who misbehaved a century ago.”
“Does not the whole thing distress68 you?”
“Not particularly. I have always felt that there has been a mistake about Mr Daubeny. By many he has been accounted as a statesman, whereas to me he has always been a political Cagliostro. Now a conjuror69 is I think a very pleasant fellow to have among us, if we know that he is a conjuror — but a conjuror who is believed to do his tricks without sleight70 of hand is a dangerous man. It is essential that such a one should be found out and known to be a conjuror — and I hope that such knowledge may have been communicated to some men this afternoon.”
“He was very great,” said Ratler to Bonteen. “Did you not think so?”
“Yes, I did — very powerful indeed. But the party is broken up to atoms.”
“Atoms soon come together again in politics,” said Ratler. “They can’t do without him. They haven’t got anybody else. I wonder what he did when he got home.”
“Had some gruel71 and went to bed,” said Bonteen. “They say these scenes in the House never disturb him at home.” From which conversations it may be inferred that Mr Monk and Messrs Ratler and Bonteen did not agree in their ideas respecting political conjurors.
点击收听单词发音
1 divulge | |
v.泄漏(秘密等);宣布,公布 | |
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2 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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3 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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4 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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5 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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6 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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7 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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8 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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9 pall | |
v.覆盖,使平淡无味;n.柩衣,棺罩;棺材;帷幕 | |
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10 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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11 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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12 meddled | |
v.干涉,干预(他人事务)( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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14 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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15 epithet | |
n.(用于褒贬人物等的)表述形容词,修饰语 | |
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16 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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17 internecine | |
adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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18 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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19 insolence | |
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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20 legislate | |
vt.制定法律;n.法规,律例;立法 | |
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21 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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22 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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23 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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24 quiescence | |
n.静止 | |
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25 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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26 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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27 impatience | |
n.不耐烦,急躁 | |
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28 equanimity | |
n.沉着,镇定 | |
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29 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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30 ruse | |
n.诡计,计策;诡计 | |
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31 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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32 seducing | |
诱奸( seduce的现在分词 ); 勾引; 诱使堕落; 使入迷 | |
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33 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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34 syllables | |
n.音节( syllable的名词复数 ) | |
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35 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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36 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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37 tar | |
n.柏油,焦油;vt.涂或浇柏油/焦油于 | |
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38 etiquette | |
n.礼仪,礼节;规矩 | |
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39 reprobation | |
n.斥责 | |
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40 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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41 condescended | |
屈尊,俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 ); 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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42 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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43 stagnation | |
n. 停滞 | |
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44 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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45 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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46 poker | |
n.扑克;vt.烙制 | |
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47 hearth | |
n.壁炉炉床,壁炉地面 | |
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48 tongs | |
n.钳;夹子 | |
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49 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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50 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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51 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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52 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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53 unintelligible | |
adj.无法了解的,难解的,莫明其妙的 | |
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54 gist | |
n.要旨;梗概 | |
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55 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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56 decrepitude | |
n.衰老;破旧 | |
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57 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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58 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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59 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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60 prescription | |
n.处方,开药;指示,规定 | |
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61 docility | |
n.容易教,易驾驶,驯服 | |
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62 veins | |
n.纹理;矿脉( vein的名词复数 );静脉;叶脉;纹理 | |
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63 resuscitated | |
v.使(某人或某物)恢复知觉,苏醒( resuscitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64 digestion | |
n.消化,吸收 | |
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65 incubus | |
n.负担;恶梦 | |
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66 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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67 monk | |
n.和尚,僧侣,修道士 | |
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68 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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69 conjuror | |
n.魔术师,变戏法者 | |
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70 sleight | |
n.技巧,花招 | |
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71 gruel | |
n.稀饭,粥 | |
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