But production has other requisites, and of these, the one which we shall next consider is Capital. There cannot be more people in any country, or in the world, than can be supported from the produce of past labour until that of present labour comes in. There will be no greater number of productive labourers in any country, or in the world, than can be supported from that portion of the produce of past labour, which is spared from the enjoyments4 of its possessor for purposes of reproduction, and is termed Capital. We have next, therefore, to inquire into the conditions of the increase of capital: the causes by which the rapidity of its increase is determined5, and the necessary limitations of that increase.
Since all capital is the product of saving, that is, of abstinence from present consumption for the sake of a future good, the increase of capital must depend upon two things — the amount of the fund from which saving can be made, and the strength of the dispositions7 which prompt to it.
The fund from which saving can be made, is the surplus of the produce of labour, after supplying the necessaries of life to all concerned in the production: (including those employee in replacing the materials, and keeping the fixed8 capital in repair.) More than this surplus cannot be saved under any circumstances. As much as this, though it never is saved, always might be. This surplus is the fund from which the enjoyments, as distinguished9 from the necessaries, of the producers are provided; it is the fund from which all are subsisted10, who are not themselves engaged in production; and from which all additions are made to capital. It is the real net produce of the country. The phrase, net produce, is often taken in a more limited sense, to denote only the profits of the capitalist and the rent of the landlord, under the idea that nothing can be included in the net produce of capital, but what is returned to the owner of the capital after replacing his expenses. But this is too narrow an acceptation of the term. The capital of the employer forms the revenue of the labourers, and if this exceeds the necessaries of life, it gives them a surplus which they may either expend11 in enjoyments, or save. For every purpose for which there can be occasion to speak of the net produce of industry, this surplus ought to be included in it. When this is included, and not otherwise, the net produce of the country is the measure of its effective power; of what it can spare for any purposes of public utility, or private indulgence; the portion of its produce of which it can dispose at pleasure; which can be drawn12 upon to attain13 any ends, or gratify any wishes, either of the government or of individuals; which it can either spend for its satisfaction, or save for future advantage.
The amount of this fund, this net produce, this excess of production above the physical necessaries of the producers, is one of the elements that determine the amount of saving. The greater the produce of labour after supporting the labourers, the more there is which can be saved. The same thing also partly contributes to determine how much will be saved. A part of the motive14 to saving consists in the prospect15 of deriving16 an income from savings17; in the fact that capital, employed in production, is capable of not only reproducing itself but yielding an increase. The greater the profit that can be made from capital, the stronger is the to its accumulation. That indeed which forms the inducement to save, is not the whole of the fund which supplies the means of saving, not the whole net produce of the land, capital, and labour of the country, but only a part of it, the part which forms the remuneration of the capitalist, and is called profit of stock. It will however be readily enough understood, even previously18 to the explanations which will be given hereafter, that when the general productiveness of labour and capital is great, the returns to the capitalist are likely to be large, and that some proportion, though not an uniform one, will commonly obtain between the two.
§2. But the disposition6 to save does not wholly depend on the external inducement to it; on the amount of profit to be made from savings. With the same pecuniary19 inducement, the inclination20 is very different, in different persons, and in different communities. The effective desire of accumulation is of unequal strength, not only according to the. varieties of individual character, but to the general state of society and civilization. Like all other moral attributes, it is one in which the human race exhibits great differences, conformably to the diversity of its circumstances and the stage of its progress.
On topics which if they were to be fully21 investigated would exceed the bounds that can be allotted22 to them in this treatise23, it is satisfactory to be able to refer to other works in which the necessary developments have been presented more at length. On the subject of Population this valuable service has been rendered by the celebrated24 Essay of Mr. Malthus; and on the point which now occupies us I can refer with equal confidence to another, though a less known work, “New Principles of Political Economy,” by Dr. Rae.1 In no other book known to me is so much light thrown, both from principle and history, on the causes which determine the accumulation of capital.
All accumulation involves the sacrifice of a present, for the sake of a future good. But the expediency25 of such a sacrifice varies very much in different states of circumstances; and the willingness to make it, varies still more.
In weighing the future against the present, the uncertainty26 of all things future is a leading element; and that uncertainty is of very different degrees. “All circumstances” therefore, “increasing the probability of the provision we make for futurity being enjoyed by ourselves or others, tend” justly and reasonably “to give strength to the effective desire of accumulation. Thus a healthy climate or occupation, by increasing the probability of life, has a tendency to add to this desire. When engaged in safe occupations, and living in healthy countries, men are much more apt to be frugal27, than in unhealthy or hazardous28 occupations, and in climates pernicious to human life. Sailors and soldiers are prodigals29. In the West Indies, New Orleans, the East Indies, the expenditure30 of the inhabitants is profuse31. The same people, coming to reside in the healthy parts of Europe, and not getting into the vortex of extravagant32 fashion, live economically. War and pestilence33 have always waste and luxury among the other evils that follow in their train. For similar reasons, whatever gives security to the affairs of the community is favourable34 to the strength of this principle. In this respect the general prevalence of law and order, and the prospect of the continuance of peace and tranquillity35, have considerable influence.” * The more perfect the security, the greater will be the effective strength of the desire of accumulation. Where property is less safe, or the vicissitudes36 ruinous to fortunes are more frequent and severe, fewer persons will save at all, and of those who do, many will require the inducement of a higher rate of profit on capital, to make them prefer a doubtful future to the temptation of present enjoyment3.
These are considerations which affect the expediency, in the eye of reason, of consulting future interests at the expense of present. But the inclination to make the sacrifice does not solely37 depend upon its expediency. The disposition to save is often far short of what reason would dictate38: and at other times is liable to be in excess of it.
Deficient39 strength of the desire of accumulation may arise from improvidence40, or from want of interest in other. Improvidence may be connected with intellectual as well as moral causes. individuals and communities of a very low state of intelligence are always improvident42. A certain measure of intellectual development seems necessary to enable absent things, and especially things future, to act with any force on the imagination and will. The effect of want of interest in others in diminishing accumulation will be admitted, if we considered how much saving at present takes place, which has for its object the interest of others rather than of ourselves; the education of children, their advancement44 in life, the future interests of other personal connexions, the power of promoting, by the bestowal45 of money or time, objects of public or private usefulness. If mankind were generally in the state of mind to which some approach was seen in the declining period of the Roman Empire — caring nothing for their heirs, as well as nothing for friends, the public, or any object which survived them — they would seldom deny themselves any indulgence for the sake of saving, beyond what was necessary for their own future years; which they would place in life annuities46, or in some other form which would make its existence and their lives terminate together.
§3. From these various causes, intellectual and moral, there is, in different portions of the human race, a greater diversity than is usually adverted47 to, in the strength of the effective desire of accumulation. A backward state of general civilization is often more the effect of deficiency in this particular, than in many others which attract more attention. In the circumstances, for example, of a hunting tribe, “man may be said to be necessarily improvident, and regardless of futurity, because, in this state, the future presents nothing which can be with certainty either foreseen or governed. . . . .. Besides a want of the motives48 exciting to provide for the needs of futurity through means of the abilities of the present, there is a want of the habits of perception and action, leading to a constant connexion in the mind of those distant points, and of the series of events serving to unite them. Even, therefore, if motives be awakened49 capable of producing the exertion50 necessary to effect this connexion, there remains51 the task of training the mind to think and act so as to establish it.”
For instance: “Upon the banks of the St. Lawrence there are several little Indian villages. They are surrounded, in general, by a good deal of land, from which the wood seems to have been long extirpated52, and have, besides, attached to them, extensive tracts53 of forest. The cleared land is rarely, I may almost say never, cultivated, nor are any inroads made in the forest for such a purpose. The soil is, nevertheless, fertile, and were it not, manure54 lies in heaps by their houses. Were every family to inclose half an acre of ground, till it, and plant it in potatoes and maize55, it would yield a sufficiency to support them one half the year. They suffer, too, every now and then, extreme want, insomuch that, joined to occasional intemperance56, it is rapidly reducing their numbers. This, to us, so strange apathy57 proceeds not, in any great degree, from repugnance58 to labour; on the contrary, they apply very diligently59 to it when its reward is immediate60. Thus, besides their peculiar61 occupations of hunting and fishing, in which they are ever ready to engage, they are much employed in the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and may be seen labouring at the oar62, or setting with the pole, in the large boats used for the purpose, and always furnish the greater part of the additional hands necessary to conduct rafts through some of the rapids. Nor is the obstacle aversion to agricultural labour. This is no doubt a prejudice of theirs; but mere63 prejudices always yield, principles of action cannot be created. When the returns from agricultural labour are speedy and great, they are also agriculturists. Thus, some of the little islands on Lake St. Francis, near the Indian village of St. Regis, are favourable to the growth of maize, a plant yielding a return of a hundredfold, and forming, even when half ripe, a pleasant and substantial repast. Patches of the best land on these islands are therefore every year cultivated by them for this purpose. As their situation renders them inaccessible64 to cattle, no fence is required; were this additional outlay65 necessary, I suspect they would be neglected, like the commons adjoining their village. These had apparently66, at one time, been under crop. The cattle of the neighbouring settlers would now, however, destroy any crop not securely fenced, and this additional necessary outlay consequently bars their culture. It removes them to an order of instruments of slower return than that which corresponds to the strength of the effective desire of accumulation in this little society.
“It is here deserving of notice, that what instruments of this kind they do form, are completely formed. The small spots of corn they cultivate are thoroughly67 weeded and hoed. A little neglect in this part would indeed reduce the crop very much; of this experience has made them perfectly68 aware, and they act accordingly. It is evidently not the necessary labour that is the obstacle to more extended culture, but the distant return from that labour. I am assured, indeed, that among some of the more remote tribes, the labour thus expended69 much exceeds that given by the whites. The same portions of ground being cropped without remission, and manure not being used, they would scarcely yield any return, were not the soil most carefully broken and pulverized70, both with the hoe and the hand. In such a situation a white man would clear a fresh piece of ground. It would perhaps scarce repay his labour the first year, and he would have to look for his reward in succeeding years. On the Indian, succeeding years are too distant to make sufficient impression; though, to obtain what labour may bring about in the course of a few months, he toils71 even more assiduously than the white man.”*
This view of things is confirmed by the experience of the Jesuits, in their interesting efforts to civilize73 the Indians of Paraguay. They gained the confidence of these savages74 in a most extraordinary degree. They acquired influence over them sufficient to make them change their whole manner of life. They obtained their absolute submission75 and obedience76. They established peace. They taught them all the operations of European agriculture, and many of the more difficult arts. There were everywhere to be seen, according to Charlevoix, “workshops of gilders, painters, sculptors77, goldsmiths, watchmakers, carpenters, joiners, dyers,” * &c. These occupations were not practised for the personal gain of the artificers: the produce was at the absolute disposal of the missionaries78, who ruled the people by a voluntary despotism. The obstacles arising from aversion to labour were therefore very completely overcome. The real difficulty was the improvidence of the people; their inability to think for the future: and the necessity accordingly of the most unremitting and minute superintendence on the part of their instructors79. “Thus at first, if these gave up to them the care of the oxen with which they ploughed, their indolent thoughtlessness would probably leave them at evening still yoked80 to the implement81. Worse than this, instances occurred where they cut them up for supper, thinking, when reprehended82, that they sufficiently83 excused themselves by saying they were hungry. . . . These fathers, says Ulloa, have to visit the houses, to examine what is really wanted: for without this care, the Indians would never look after anything. They must be present, too, when animals are slaughtered84, not only that the meat may be equally divided, but that nothing may be lost.” “But notwithstanding all this care and superintendence,” says Charlevoix, “and all the precautions which are taken to prevent any want of the necessaries of life, the missionaries are sometimes much embarrassed. It often happens that they” (the Indians,) “do not reserve to themselves a sufficiency of grain, even for seed. As for their other provisions, were they not well looked after, they would soon be without wherewithal to support life.”*
As an example intermediate, in the strength of the effective desire of accumulation, between the state of things thus depicted85 and that of modern Europe, the case of the Chinese deserves attention. From various circumstances in their personal habits and social condition, it might be anticipated that they would possess a degree of prudence86 and self-control greater than other Asiatics, but inferior to most European nations. and the following evidence is adduced of the fact.
“Durability87 is one of the chief qualities, marking a high degree of the effective desire of accumulation. The testimony88 of travellers ascribes to the instruments formed by the Chinese, a very inferior durability to similar instruments constructed by Europeans. The houses, we are told, unless of the higher ranks, are in general of unburnt bricks, of clay, or of hurdles89 plastered with earth; the roofs, of reeds fastened to laths. We can scarcely conceive more unsubstantial or temporary fabrics90. Their partitions are of paper, requiring to be renewed every year. A similar observation may be made concerning their implements91 of husbandry, and other utensils92. They are almost entirely93 of wood, the metals entering but very sparingly into their construction; consequently they soon wear out, and require frequent renewals94. A greater degree of strength in the effective desire of accumulation, would cause them to be constructed of materials requiring a greater present expenditure but being far more durable95. From the same cause, much land, that in other countries would be cultivated, lies waste. All travellers take notice of large tracts of lands, chiefly swamps, which continue in a state of nature. To bring a swamp into tillage is generally a process, to complete which, requires several years. It must be previously drained, the surface long exposed to the sun, and many operations performed, before it can be made capable of bearing a crop. Though yielding, probably, a very considerable return for the labour bestowed96 on it, that return is not made until a long time has elapsed. The cultivation97 of such land implies a greater strength of the effective desire of accumulation than exists in the empire.
“The produce of the harvest is, as we have remarked, always an instrument of some order or another; it is a provision for future want, and regulated by the same laws as those to which other means of attaining98 a similar end conform. It is there chiefly rice, of which there are two harvests, the one in June, the other in October. The period then of eight months between October and June, is that for which provision is made each year, and the different estimate they make of today and this day eight months will appear in the self-denial they practise now, in order to guard against want then. The amount of this self-denial would seem to be small. The father Parennin, indeed, (who seems to have been one of the most intelligent of the Jesuits, and spent a long life among the Chinese of all classes,) asserts, that it is their great deficiency in forethought and frugality99 in this respect, which is the cause of the scarcities100 and famines that frequently occur.”
That it is defect of providence41, not defect of industry, that limits production among the Chinese, is still more obvious than in the case of the semi-agriculturized Indians. “Where the returns are quick, where the instruments formed require but little time to bring the events for which they were formed to an issue,” it is well known that “the great progress which has been made in the knowledge of the arts suited to the nature of the country and the wants of its inhabitants” makes industry energetic and effective. “The warmth of the climate, the natural fertility of the country, the knowledge which the inhabitants have acquired of the arts of agriculture, and the discovery and gradual adaptation to every soil of the most useful vegetable productions, enable them very speedily to draw from almost any part of the surface, what is there esteemed101 an equivalent to much more than the labour bestowed in tilling and cropping it. They have commonly double, sometimes treble harvests. These, when they consist of a Cain so productive as rice, the usual crop, can scarce fail to yield to their skill, from almost any portion of soil that can be at once brought into culture, very ample returns. Accordingly there is no spot that labour can immediately bring under cultivation that is not made to yield to it. Hills, even mountains, are ascended102 and formed into terraces; and water, in that country the great productive agent, is led to every part by drains, or carried up to it by the ingenious and simple hydraulic103 machines which have been in use from time immemorial among this singular people. They effect this the more easily, from the soil, even in these situations, being very deep and covered with much vegetable mould. But what yet more this marks the readiness with which labour is forced to form the most difficult materials into instruments, where these instruments soon bring to an issue the events for which they are formed, is the frequent occurrence on many of their lakes and rivers, of structures resembling the floating gardens of the Peruvians, rafts covered with vegetable soil and cultivated. Labour in this way draws from the materials on which it acts very speedy returns. Nothing can exceed the luxuriance of vegetation when the quickening powers of a genial104 sun are ministered to by a rich soil and abundant moisture. It is otherwise, as we have seen, in cases where the return, though copious105, is distant. European travellers are surprised at meeting these little floating farms by the side of swamps which only require draining to render them tillable. It seems to them strange that labour should not rather be bestowed on the solid earth, where its fruits might endure, than on structures that must decay and perish in a few years. The people they are among think not so much of future years as of the present time. The effective desire of accumulation is of very different strength in the one, from what it is in the other. The views of the European extend to a distant futurity, and he is surprised at the Chinese, condemned106 through improvidence, and want of sufficient prospective107 care, to incessant108 toil72, and as he thinks, insufferable wretchedness. The views of the Chinese are confined to narrower bounds; he is content to live from day to day, and has learnt to conceive even a life of toil a blessing109.”*
When a country has carried production as far as in the existing state of knowledge it can be carried with an amount of return corresponding to the average strength of the effective desire of accumulation in that country, it has reached what is called the stationary110 state; the state in which no further addition will be made to capital, unless there takes place either some improvement in the arts of production, or an increase in the strength of the desire to accumulate. In the stationary state, though capital does not on the whole increase, some persons grow richer and others poorer. Those whose degree of providence is below the usual standard, become impoverished111, their capital perishes, and makes room for the savings of those whose effective desire of accumulation exceeds the average. These become the of the lands, manufactories, and other instruments of production owned by their less provident43 countrymen.
What the causes are which make the return to capital greater in one country than in another, and which, in certain circumstances, make it impossible for any additional capital to find investment unless at diminished returns, will appear clearly hereafter. In China, if that count has really attained112, as it is supposed to have done, the stationary state, accumulation has stopped when the returns to capital are still as high as is indicated by a rate of interest legally twelve per cent, and practically varying (it is said) between eighteen and thirty-six. It is to be presumed therefore that no greater amount of capital than the country already possesses, can find employment at this high rate of profit, and that any lower rate does not hold out to a Chinese sufficient temptation to induce him to abstain113 from present enjoyment. What a contrast with Holland, where, during the most flourishing period of its history, the government was able habitually114 to borrow at two per cent, and private individuals, on good security, at three. Since China is not a country like Burma or the native states of India, where an enormous interest is but an indispensable compensation for the risk incurred115 from the bad faith or poverty of the state, and of almost all private borrowers; the fact, if fact it be, that the increase of capital has come to a stand while the returns to it are still so large, denotes a much less degree of the effective desire of accumulation, in other words a much lower estimate of the future relatively116 to the present, than that of most European nations.
§4. We have hitherto spoken of countries in which the average strength of the desire to accumulate is short of that which, in circumstances of any tolerable security, reason and sober calculation would approve. We have now to speak of others in which it decidedly surpasses that standard. In the more prosperous countries of Europe, there are to be found abundance of prodigals; in some of them (and in none more than England) the ordinary degree of economy and providence among those who live by manual labour cannot be considered high: still, in a very numerous portion of the community, the professional, manufacturing, and trading classes, being those who, generally speaking, unite more of the means with more of the motives for saving than any other class, the spirit of accumulation is so strong, that the signs of rapidly increasing wealth meet every eye: and the great amount of capital seeking investment excites astonishment117, whenever peculiar circumstances turning much of it into some one channel, such as railway construction or foreign speculative118 adventure, bring the largeness of the total amount into evidence.
There are many circumstances, which, in England, give a peculiar force to the accumulating propensity119. The long exemption120 of the country from the ravages121 of war, and the far earlier period than elsewhere at which property was secure from military violence or arbitrary spoliation, have produced a long-standing and hereditary122 confidence in the safety of funds when trusted out of the owner’s hands, which in most other countries is of much more recent origin, and less firmly established. The geographical123 causes which have made industry rather than war the natural source of power and importance to Great Britain, have turned an unusual proportion of the most enterprising and energetic characters into the direction of manufactures and commerce; into supplying their wants and gratifying their ambition by producing and saving, rather than by appropriating what has been produced and saved. Much also depended on the better political institutions of this country, which by the scope they have allowed to individual freedom of action, have encouraged personal activity and self-reliance, while by the liberty they confer of association and combination, they facilitate industrial enterprise on a large scale. The same institutions in another of their aspects, give a most direct and potent124 stimulus125 to the desire of acquiring wealth. The earlier decline of feudalism having removed or much weakened invidious distinctions between the originally trading classes and those who had been accustomed to despise them; and a polity having grown up which made wealth the real source of political influence; its acquisition was invested with a factitious value, independent of its intrinsic utility. It became synonymous with power; and since power with the common herd126 of mankind gives power, wealth became the chief source of personal consideration, and the measure and stamp of success in life. To get out of one rank in society into the next above it, is the great aim of English middle-class life, and the acquisition of wealth the means. And inasmuch as to be rich without industry, has always hitherto constituted a step in the social scale above those who are rich by means of industry, it becomes the object of ambition to save not merely as much as will afford a large income while in business, but enough to retire from business and live in affluence127 on realized gains. These causes have, in England, been greatly aided by that extreme incapacity of the people for personal enjoyment, which is a characteristic of countries over which puritanism has passed. But if accumulation is, on one hand, rendered easier by the absence of a taste for pleasure, it is, on the other, made more difficult by the presence of a very real taste for expense. So strong is the association between personal consequence and the signs of wealth, that the silly desire for the appearance of a large expenditure has the force of a passion, among large classes of a nation which derives128 less pleasure than perhaps any other in the world from what it spends. Owing to this circumstance, the effective desire of accumulation has never reached so high a pitch in England as it did in Holland, where, there being no rich idle class to set the example of a reckless expenditure, and the mercantile classes, who possessed129 the substantial power on which social influence always waits, being left to establish their own scale of living and standard of propriety130, their habits remained frugal and unostentatious.
In England and Holland, then, for a long time past, and now in most other countries in Europe (which are rapidly following England in the same race), the desire of accumulation does not require, to make it effective, the copious returns which it requires in Asia, but is sufficiently called into action by a rate of profit so low, that instead of slackening, accumulation seems now to proceed more rapidly than ever. and the second requisite1 of increased production, increase of capital, shows no tendency to become deficient. So far as that element is concerned, production is susceptible131 of an increase without any assignable bounds.
The progress of accumulation would no doubt be considerably132 checked, if the returns to capital were to be reduced still lower than at present. But why should any possible increase of capital have that effect? This question carries the mind forward to the remaining one of the three requisites of production. The limitation to production, not consisting in any necessary limit to the increase of the other two elements, labour and capital, must turn upon the properties of the only element which is inherently, and in itself, limited in quantity. It must depend on the properties of land.
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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requisites
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| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expend
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| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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savings
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previously
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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treatise
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celebrated
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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prodigals
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| n.浪费的( prodigal的名词复数 )；铺张的；挥霍的；慷慨的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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38
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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improvidence
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| n.目光短浅 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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bestowal
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| 赠与，给与； 贮存 | |
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46
annuities
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| n.养老金；年金( annuity的名词复数 )；（每年的）养老金；年金保险；年金保险投资 | |
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adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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51
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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54
manure
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| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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60
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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pulverized
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| adj.[医]雾化的，粉末状的v.将…弄碎( pulverize的过去式和过去分词 )；将…弄成粉末或尘埃；摧毁；粉碎 | |
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71
toils
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| 网 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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sculptors
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| 雕刻家，雕塑家( sculptor的名词复数 )； [天]玉夫座 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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80
yoked
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| 结合（yoke的过去式形式） | |
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implement
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| n.(pl.)工具，器具；vt.实行，实施，执行 | |
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82
reprehended
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| v.斥责，指摘，责备( reprehend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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84
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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86
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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87
durability
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| n.经久性，耐用性 | |
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88
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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89
hurdles
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| n.障碍( hurdle的名词复数 )；跳栏；（供人或马跳跃的）栏架；跨栏赛 | |
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fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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92
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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renewals
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| 重建( renewal的名词复数 )； 更新； 重生； 合同的续订 | |
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durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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99
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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100
scarcities
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| 不足，缺乏( scarcity的名词复数 ) | |
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101
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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102
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
hydraulic
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| adj.水力的；水压的，液压的；水力学的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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106
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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107
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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108
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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109
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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111
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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112
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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113
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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114
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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115
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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116
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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117
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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118
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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119
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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120
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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121
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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122
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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123
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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125
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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126
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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127
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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128
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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129
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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130
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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131
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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