(SOCRATES, GLAUCON.)
AND so, Glaucon, we have arrived at the conclusion that in the perfect State wives and children are to be in common; and that all education and the pursuits of war and peace are also to be common, and the best philosophers and the bravest warriors2 are to be their kings?
That, replied Glaucon, has been acknowledged.
Yes, I said; and we have further acknowledged that the governors, when appointed themselves, will take their soldiers and place them in houses such as we were describing, which are common to all, and contain nothing private, or individual; and about their property, you remember what we agreed?
Yes, I remember that no one was to have any of the ordinary possessions of mankind; they were to be warrior1 athletes and guardians4, receiving from the other citizens, in lieu of annual payment, only their maintenance, and they were to take care of themselves and of the whole State.
True, I said; and now that this division of our task is concluded, let us find the point at which we digressed, that we may return into the old path.
There is no difficulty in returning; you implied, then as now, that you had finished the description of the State: you said that such a State was good, and that the man was good who answered to it, although, as now appears, you had more excellent things to relate both of State and man. And you said further, that if this was the true form, then the others were false; and of the false forms, you said, as I remember, that there were four principal ones, and that their defects, and the defects of the individuals corresponding to them, were worth examining. When we had seen all the individuals, and finally agreed as to who was the best and who was the worst of them, we were to consider whether the best was not also the happiest, and the worst the most miserable6. I asked you what were the four forms of government of which you spoke7, and then Polemarchus and Adeimantus put in their word; and you began again, and have found your way to the point at which we have now arrived.
Your recollection, I said, is most exact.
Then, like a wrestler8, he replied, you must put yourself again in the same position; and let me ask the same questions, and do you give me the same answer which you were about to give me then.
Yes, if I can, I will, I said.
I shall particularly wish to hear what were the four constitutions of which you were speaking.
That question, I said, is easily answered: the four governments of which I spoke, so far as they have distinct names, are first, those of Crete and Sparta, which are generally applauded; what is termed oligarchy10 comes next; this is not equally approved, and is a form of government which teems11 with evils: thirdly, democracy, which naturally follows oligarchy, although very different: and lastly comes tyranny, great and famous, which differs from them all, and is the fourth and worst disorder12 of a State. I do not know, do you? of any other constitution which can be said to have a distinct character. There are lordships and principalities which are bought and sold, and some other intermediate forms of government. But these are nondescripts and may be found equally among Hellenes and among barbarians13.
Yes, he replied, we certainly hear of many curious forms of government which exist among them.
Do you know, I said, that governments vary as the dispositions14 of men vary, and that there must be as many of the one as there are of the other? For we cannot suppose that States are made of "oak and rock," and not out of the human natures which are in them, and which in a figure turn the scale and draw other things after them?
Yes, he said, the States are as the men are; they grow out of human characters.
Then if the constitutions of States are five, the dispositions of individual minds will also be five?
Certainly.
Him who answers to aristocracy, and whom we rightly call just and good, we have already described.
We have.
Then let us now proceed to describe the inferior sort of natures, being the contentious15 and ambitious, who answer to the Spartan16 polity; also the oligarchical17, democratical, and tyrannical. Let us place the most just by the side of the most unjust, and when we see them we shall be able to compare the relative happiness or unhappiness of him who leads a life of pure justice or pure injustice18. The inquiry19 will then be completed. And we shall know whether we ought to pursue injustice, as Thrasymachus advises, or in accordance with the conclusions of the argument to prefer justice.
Certainly, he replied, we must do as you say.
Shall we follow our old plan, which we adopted with a view to clearness, of taking the State first and then proceeding20 to the individual, and begin with the government of honor? — I know of no name for such a government other than timocracy or perhaps timarchy. We will compare with this the like character in the individual; and, after that, consider oligarchy and the oligarchical man; and then again we will turn our attention to democracy and the democratical man; and lastly, we will go and view the city of tyranny, and once more take a look into the tyrant21's soul, and try to arrive at a satisfactory decision.
That way of viewing and judging of the matter will be very suitable.
First, then, I said, let us inquire how timocracy (the government of honor) arises out of aristocracy (the government of the best). Clearly, all political changes originate in divisions of the actual governing power; a government which is united, however small, cannot be moved.
Very true, he said.
In what way, then, will our city be moved, and in what manner will the two classes of auxiliaries23 and rulers disagree among themselves or with one another? Shall we, after the manner of Homer, pray the muses24 to tell us "how discord26 first arose"? Shall we imagine them in solemn mockery, to play and jest with us as if we were children, and to address us in a lofty tragic27 vein28, making believe to be in earnest?
How would they address us?
After this manner: A city which is thus constituted can hardly be shaken; but, seeing that everything which has a beginning has also an end, even a constitution such as yours will not last forever, but will in time be dissolved. And this is the dissolution: In plants that grow in the earth, as well as in animals that move on the earth's surface, fertility and sterility29 of soul and body occur when the circumferences30 of the circles of each are completed, which in short-lived existences pass over a short space, and in long-lived ones over a long space. But to the knowledge of human fecundity31 and sterility all the wisdom and education of your rulers will not attain32; the laws which regulate them will not be discovered by an intelligence which is alloyed with sense, but will escape them, and they will bring children into the world when they ought not. Now that which is of divine birth has a period which is contained in a perfect number, but the period of human birth is comprehended in a number in which first increments33 by involution and evolution (or squared and cubed) obtaining three intervals34 and four terms of like and unlike, waxing and waning35 numbers, make all the terms commensurable and agreeable to one another. The base of these (3) with a third added (4), when combined with five (20) and raised to the third power, furnishes two harmonies; the first a square which is 100 times as great (400 = 4 x 100), and the other a figure having one side equal to the former, but oblong, consisting of 100 numbers squared upon rational diameters of a square (i.e., omitting fractions), the side of which is five (7 x 7 = 49 x 100 = 4900), each of them being less by one (than the perfect square which includes the fractions, sc. 50) or less by two perfect squares of irrational36 diameters (of a square the side of which is five = 50 + 50 = 100); and 100 cubes of three (27 x 100 = 2700 + 4900 + 400 = 8000). Now this number represents a geometrical figure which has control over the good and evil of births. For when your guardians are ignorant of the law of births, and unite bride and bridegroom out of season, the children will not be goodly or fortunate. And though only the best of them will be appointed by their predecessor37, still they will be unworthy to hold their father's places, and when they come into power as guardians they will soon be found to fail in taking care of us, the muses, first by undervaluing music; which neglect will soon extend to gymnastics; and hence the young men of your State will be less cultivated. In the succeeding generation rulers will be appointed who have lost the guardian3 power of testing the metal of your different races, which, like Hesiod's, are of gold and silver and brass38 and iron. And so iron will be mingled39 with silver, and brass with gold, and hence there will arise dissimilarity and inequality and irregularity, which always and in all places are causes of hatred40 and war. This the muses affirm to be the stock from which discord has sprung, wherever arising; and this is their answer to us.
Yes, and we may assume that they answer truly.
Why, yes, I said, of course they answer truly; how can the muses speak falsely?
And what do the muses say next?
When discord arose, then the two races were drawn41 different ways: the iron and brass fell to acquiring money, and land, and houses, and gold, and silver; but the gold and silver races, not wanting money, but having the true riches in their own nature, inclined toward virtue42 and the ancient order of things. There was a battle between them, and at last they agreed to distribute their land and houses among individual owners; and they enslaved their friends and maintainers, whom they had formerly43 protected in the condition of freemen, and made of them subjects and servants; and they themselves were engaged in war and in keeping a watch against them.
I believe that you have rightly conceived the origin of the change.
And the new government which thus arises will be of a form intermediate between oligarchy and aristocracy?
Very true.
Such will be the change, and after the change has been made, how will they proceed? Clearly, the new State, being in a mean between oligarchy and the perfect State, will partly follow one and partly the other, and will also have some peculiarities45.
True, he said.
In the honor given to rulers, in the abstinence of the warriorclass from agriculture, handicrafts, and trade in general, in the institution of common meals, and in the attention paid to gymnastics and military training — in all these respects this State will resemble the former.
True.
But in the fear of admitting philosophers to power, because they are no longer to be had simple and earnest, but are made up of mixed elements; and in turning from them to passionate47 and less complex characters, who are by nature fitted for war rather than peace; and in the value set by them upon military stratagems48 and contrivances, and in the waging of everlasting49 wars — this State will be for the most part peculiar46.
Yes.
Yes, I said; and men of this stamp will be covetous50 of money, like those who live in oligarchies51; they will have a fierce secret longing52 after gold and silver, which they will hoard53 in dark places, having magazines and treasuries54 of their own for the deposit and concealment55 of them; also castles which are just nests for their eggs, and in which they will spend large sums on their wives, or on any others whom they please.
That is most true, he said.
And they are miserly because they have no means of openly acquiring the money which they prize; they will spend that which is another man's on the gratification of their desires, stealing their pleasures and running away like children from the law, their father: they have been schooled not by gentle influences but by force, for they have neglected her who is the true muse25, the companion of reason and philosophy, and have honored gymnastics more than music.
Undoubtedly56, he said, the form of government which you describe is a mixture of good and evil.
Why, there is a mixture, I said; but one thing, and one thing only, is predominantly seen — the spirit of contention57 and ambition; and these are due to the prevalence of the passionate or spirited element.
Assuredly, he said.
Such is the origin and such the character of this State, which has been described in outline only; the more perfect execution was not required, for a sketch58 is enough to show the type of the most perfectly59 just and most perfectly unjust; and to go through all the States and all the characters of men, omitting none of them, would be an interminable labor60.
Very true, he replied.
Now what man answers to this form of government — how did he come into being, and what is he like?
I think, said Adeimantus, that in the spirit of contention which characterizes him, he is not unlike our friend Glaucon.
Perhaps, I said, he may be like him in that one point; but there are other respects in which he is very different.
In what respects?
He should have more of self-assertion and be less cultivated and yet a friend of culture; and he should be a good listener but no speaker. Such a person is apt to be rough with slaves, unlike the educated man, who is too proud for that; and he will also be courteous61 to freemen, and remarkably62 obedient to authority; he is a lover of power and a lover of honor; claiming to be a ruler, not because he is eloquent63, or on any ground of that sort, but because he is a soldier and has performed feats64 of arms; he is also a lover of gymnastic exercises and of the chase.
Yes, that is the type of character that answers to timocracy.
Such a one will despise riches only when he is young; but as he gets older he will be more and more attracted to them, because he has a piece of the avaricious65 nature in him, and is not single-minded toward virtue, having lost his best guardian.
Who was that? said Adeimantus.
Philosophy, I said, tempered with music, who comes and takes up her abode66 in a man, and is the only saviour67 of his virtue throughout life.
Good, he said.
Such, I said, is the timocratical youth, and he is like the timocratical State.
Exactly.
His origin is as follows: He is often the young son of a brave father, who dwells in an ill-governed city, of which he declines the honors and offices, and will not go to law, or exert himself in any way, but is ready to waive68 his rights in order that he may escape trouble.
And how does the son come into being?
The character of the son begins to develop when he hears his mother complaining that her husband has no place in the government, of which the consequence is that she has no precedence among other women. Further, when she sees her husband not very eager about money, and instead of battling and railing in the law courts or assembly, taking whatever happens to him quietly; and when she observes that his thoughts always centre in himself, while he treats her with very considerable indifference69, she is annoyed, and says to her son that his father is only half a man and far too easy-going: adding all the other complaints about her own ill-treatment which women are so fond of rehearsing.
Yes, said Adeimantus, they give us plenty of them, and their complaints are so like themselves.
And you know, I said, that the old servants also, who are supposed to be attached to the family, from time to time talk privately70 in the same strain to the son; and if they see anyone who owes money to his father, or is wronging him in any way, and he fails to prosecute71 them, they tell the youth that when he grows up he must retaliate72 upon people of this sort, and be more of a man than his father. He has only to walk abroad and he hears and sees the same sort of thing: those who do their own business in the city are called simpletons, and held in no esteem73, while the busy-bodies are honored and applauded. The result is that the young man, hearing and seeing all these things — hearing, too, the words of his father, and having a nearer view of his way of life, and making comparisons of him and others — is drawn opposite ways: while his father is watering and nourishing the rational principle in his soul, the others are encouraging the passionate and appetitive; and he being not originally of a bad nature, but having kept bad company, is at last brought by their joint74 influence to a middle point, and gives up the kingdom which is within him to the middle principle of contentiousness75 and passion, and becomes arrogant76 and ambitious.
You seem to me to have described his origin perfectly.
Then we have now, I said, the second form of government and the second type of character?
We have.
Next, let us look at another man who, as AEschylus says,
"Is set over against another State;"
or rather, as our plan requires, begin with the State.
By all means.
I believe that oligarchy follows next in order.
And what manner of government do you term oligarchy?
A government resting on a valuation of property, in which the rich have power and the poor man is deprived of it.
I understand, he replied.
Ought I not to begin by describing how the change from timocracy to oligarchy arises?
Yes.
Well, I said, no eyes are required in order to see how the one passes into the other.
How?
The accumulation of gold in the treasury77 of private individuals is the ruin of timocracy; they invent illegal modes of expenditure78; for what do they or their wives care about the law?
Yes, indeed.
And then one, seeing another grow rich, seeks to rival him, and thus the great mass of the citizens become lovers of money.
Likely enough.
And so they grow richer and richer, and the more they think of making a fortune the less they think of virtue; for when riches and virtue are placed together in the scales of the balance the one always rises as the other falls.
True.
And in proportion as riches and rich men are honored in the State, virtue and the virtuous79 are dishonored.
Clearly.
And what is honored is cultivated, and that which has no honor is neglected.
That is obvious.
And so at last, instead of loving contention and glory, men become lovers of trade and money; they honor and look up to the rich man, and make a ruler of him, and dishonor the poor man.
They do so.
They next proceed to make a law which fixes a sum of money as the qualification of citizenship80; the sum is higher in one place and lower in another, as the oligarchy is more or less exclusive; and they allow no one whose property falls below the amount fixed81 to have any share in the government. These changes in the constitution they effect by force of arms, if intimidation82 has not already done their work.
Very true.
And this, speaking generally, is the way in which oligarchy is established.
Yes, he said; but what are the characteristics of this form of government, and what are the defects of which we were speaking?
First of all, I said, consider the nature of the qualification Just think what would happen if pilots were to be chosen according to their property, and a poor man were refused permission to steer83, even though he were a better pilot?
You mean that they would shipwreck84?
Yes; and is not this true of the government of anything?
I should imagine so.
Except a city? — or would you include a city?
Nay85, he said, the case of a city is the strongest of all, inasmuch as the rule of a city is the greatest and most difficult of all.
This, then, will be the first great defect of oligarchy?
Clearly.
And here is another defect which is quite as bad.
What defect?
The inevitable86 division: such a State is not one, but two States, the one of poor, the other of rich men; and they are living on the same spot and always conspiring87 against one another.
That, surely, is at least as bad.
Another discreditable feature is, that, for a like reason, they are incapable88 of carrying on any war. Either they arm the multitude, and then they are more afraid of them than of the enemy; or, if they do not call them out in the hour of battle, they are oligarchs indeed, few to fight as they are few to rule. And at the same time their fondness for money makes them unwilling89 to pay taxes.
How discreditable!
And, as we said before, under such a constitution the same persons have too many callings — they are husbandmen, tradesmen, warriors, all in one. Does that look well?
Anything but well.
There is another evil which is, perhaps, the greatest of all, and to which this State first begins to be liable.
What evil?
A man may sell all that he has, and another may acquire his property; yet after the sale he may dwell in the city of which he is no longer a part, being neither trader, nor artisan, nor horseman, nor hoplite, but only a poor, helpless creature.
Yes, that is an evil which also first begins in this State.
The evil is certainly not prevented there; for oligarchies have both the extremes of great wealth and utter poverty.
True.
But think again: In his wealthy days, while he was spending his money, was a man of this sort a whit90 more good to the State for the purposes of citizenship? Or did he only seem to be a member of the ruling body, although in truth he was neither ruler nor subject, but just a spendthrift?
As you say, he seemed to be a ruler, but was only a spendthrift.
May we not say that this is the drone in the house who is like the drone in the honeycomb, and that the one is the plague of the city as the other is of the hive?
Just so, Socrates.
And God has made the flying drones, Adeimantus, all without stings, whereas of the walking drones he has made some without stings, but others have dreadful stings; of the stingless class are those who in their old age end as paupers92; of the stingers come all the criminal class, as they are termed.
Most true, he said.
Clearly then, whenever you see paupers in a State, somewhere in that neighborhood there are hidden away thieves and cut-purses and robbers of temples, and all sorts of malefactors.
Clearly.
Well, I said, and in oligarchical States do you not find paupers?
Yes, he said; nearly everybody is a pauper91 who is not a ruler.
And may we be so bold as to affirm that there are also many criminals to be found in them, rogues93 who have stings, and whom the authorities are careful to restrain by force?
Certainly, we may be so bold.
The existence of such persons is to be attributed to want of education, ill-training, and an evil constitution of the State?
True.
Such, then, is the form and such are the evils of oligarchy; and there may be many other evils.
Very likely.
Then oligarchy, or the form of government in which the rulers are elected for their wealth, may now be dismissed. Let us next proceed to consider the nature and origin of the individual who answers to this State.
By all means.
Does not the timocratical man change into the oligarchical on this wise?
How?
A time arrives when the representative of timocracy has a son: at first he begins by emulating95 his father and walking in his footsteps, but presently he sees him of a sudden foundering96 against the State as upon a sunken reef, and he and all that he has are lost; he may have been a general or some other high officer who is brought to trial under a prejudice raised by informers, and either put to death or exiled or deprived of the privileges of a citizen, and all his property taken from him.
Nothing more likely.
And the son has seen and known all this — he is a ruined man, and his fear has taught him to knock ambition and passion headforemost from his bosom97's throne; humbled98 by poverty he takes to money-making, and by mean and miserly savings99 and hard work gets a fortune together. Is not such a one likely to seat the concupiscent and covetous element on the vacant throne and to suffer it to play the great king within him, girt with tiara and chain and scimitar?
Most true, he replied.
And when he has made reason and spirit sit down on the ground obediently on either side of their sovereign, and taught them to know their place, he compels the one to think only of how lesser100 sums may be turned into larger ones, and will not allow the other to worship and admire anything but riches and rich men, or to be ambitious of anything so much as the acquisition of wealth and the means of acquiring it.
Of all changes, he said, there is none so speedy or so sure as the conversion102 of the ambitious youth into the avaricious one.
And the avaricious, I said, is the oligarchical youth?
Yes, he said; at any rate the individual out of whom he came is like the State out of which oligarchy came.
Let us then consider whether there is any likeness103 between them.
Very good.
First, then, they resemble one another in the value which they set upon wealth?
Certainly.
Also in their penurious104, laborious105 character; the individual only satisfies his necessary appetites, and confines his expenditure to them; his other desires he subdues106, under the idea that they are unprofitable.
True.
He is a shabby fellow, who saves something out of everything and makes a purse for himself; and this is the sort of man whom the vulgar applaud. Is he not a true image of the State which he represents?
He appears to me to be so; at any rate money is highly valued by him as well as by the State.
You see that he is not a man of cultivation107, I said.
I imagine not, he said; had he been educated he would never have made a blind god director of his chorus, or given him chief honor.
Excellent! I said. Yet consider: Must we not further admit that owing to this want of cultivation there will be found in him drone-like desires as of pauper and rogue94, which are forcibly kept down by his general habit of life?
True.
Do you know where you will have to look if you want to discover his rogueries?
Where must I look?
You should see him where he has some great opportunity of acting108 dishonestly, as in the guardianship109 of an orphan110.
Aye.
It will be clear enough then that in his ordinary dealings which give him a reputation for honesty, he coerces111 his bad passions by an enforced virtue; not making them see that they are wrong, or taming them by reason, but by necessity and fear constraining112 them, and because he trembles for his possessions.
To be sure.
Yes, indeed, my dear friend, but you will find that the natural desires of the drone commonly exist in him all the same whenever he has to spend what is not his own.
Yes, and they will be strong in him, too.
The man, then, will be at war with himself; he will be two men, and not one; but, in general, his better desires will be found to prevail over his inferior ones.
True.
For these reasons such a one will be more respectable than most people; yet the true virtue of a unanimous and harmonious113 soul will flee far away and never come near him.
I should expect so.
And surely the miser5 individually will be an ignoble114 competitor in a State for any prize of victory, or other object of honorable ambition; he will not spend his money in the contest for glory; so afraid is he of awakening115 his expensive appetites and inviting116 them to help and join in the struggle; in true oligarchical fashion he fights with a small part only of his resources, and the result commonly is that he loses the prize and saves his money.
Very true.
Can we any longer doubt, then, that the miser and moneymaker answers to the oligarchical State?
There can be no doubt.
Next comes democracy; of this the origin and nature have still to be considered by us; and then we will inquire into the ways of the democratic man, and bring him up for judgment117.
That, he said, is our method.
Well, I said, and how does the change from oligarchy into democracy arise? Is it not on this wise: the good at which such a State aims is to become as rich as possible, a desire which is insatiable?
What then?
The rulers being aware that their power rests upon their wealth, refuse to curtail118 by law the extravagance of the spendthrift youth because they gain by their ruin; they take interest from them and buy up their estates and thus increase their own wealth and importance?
To be sure.
There can be no doubt that the love of wealth and the spirit of moderation cannot exist together in citizens of the same State to any considerable extent; one or the other will be disregarded.
That is tolerably clear.
And in oligarchical States, from the general spread of carelessness and extravagance, men of good family have often been reduced to beggary?
Yes, often.
And still they remain in the city; there they are, ready to sting and fully119 armed, and some of them owe money, some have forfeited120 their citizenship; a third class are in both predicaments; and they hate and conspire121 against those who have got their property, and against everybody else, and are eager for revolution.
That is true.
On the other hand, the men of business, stooping as they walk, and pretending not even to see those whom they have already ruined, insert their sting — that is, their money — into someone else who is not on his guard against them, and recover the parent sum many times over multiplied into a family of children: and so they make drone and pauper to abound122 in the State.
Yes, he said, there are plenty of them — that is certain.
The evil blazes up like a fire; and they will not extinguish it either by restricting a man's use of his own property, or by another remedy.
What other?
One which is the next best, and has the advantage of compelling the citizens to look to their characters: Let there be a general rule that everyone shall enter into voluntary contracts at his own risk, and there will be less of this scandalous moneymaking, and the evils of which we were speaking will be greatly lessened123 in the State.
Yes, they will be greatly lessened.
At present the governors, induced by the motives124 which I have named, treat their subjects badly; while they and their adherents125, especially the young men of the governing class, are habituated to lead a life of luxury and idleness both of body and mind; they do nothing, and are incapable of resisting either pleasure or pain.
Very true.
They themselves care only for making money, and are as indifferent as the pauper to the cultivation of virtue.
Yes, quite as indifferent.
Such is the state of affairs which prevails among them. And often rulers and their subjects may come in one another's way, whether on a journey or on some other occasion of meeting, on a pilgrimage or a march, as fellow-soldiers or fellowsailors; aye, and they may observe the behavior of each other in the very moment of danger — for where danger is, there is no fear that the poor will be despised by the rich — and very likely the wiry, sunburnt poor man may be placed in battle at the side of a wealthy one who has never spoilt his complexion126 and has plenty of superfluous127 flesh — when he sees such a one puffing128 and at his wits'-end, how can he avoid drawing the conclusion that men like him are only rich because no one has the courage to despoil129 them? And when they meet in private will not people be saying to one another, "Our warriors are not good for much"?
Yes, he said, I am quite aware that this is their way of talking.
And, as in a body which is diseased the addition of a touch from without may bring on illness, and sometimes even when there is no external provocation130, a commotion131 may arise within — in the same way wherever there is weakness in the State there is also likely to be illness, of which the occasion may be very slight, the one party introducing from without their oligarchical, the other their democratical allies, and then the State falls sick, and is at war with herself; and may be at times distracted, even when there is no external cause.
Yes, surely.
And then democracy comes into being after the poor have conquered their opponents, slaughtering132 some and banishing133 some, while to the remainder they give an equal share of freedom and power; and this is the form of government in which the magistrates134 are commonly elected by lot.
Yes, he said, that is the nature of democracy, whether the revolution has been effected by arms, or whether fear has caused the opposite party to withdraw.
And now what is their manner of life, and what sort of a government have they? for as the government is, such will be the man.
Clearly, he said.
In the first place, are they not free; and is not the city full of freedom and frankness — a man may say and do what he likes?
'Tis said so, he replied.
And where freedom is, the individual is clearly able to order for himself his own life as he pleases?
Clearly.
Then in this kind of State there will be the greatest variety of human natures?
There will.
This, then, seems likely to be the fairest of States, being like an embroidered135 robe which is spangled with every sort of flower. And just as women and children think a variety of colors to be of all things most charming, so there are many men to whom this State, which is spangled with the manners and characters of mankind, will appear to be the fairest of States.
Yes.
Yes, my good sir, and there will be no better in which to look for a government.
Why?
Because of the liberty which reigns136 there — they have a complete assortment137 of constitutions; and he who has a mind to establish a State, as we have been doing, must go to a democracy as he would to a bazaar138 at which they sell them, and pick out the one that suits him; then, when he has made his choice, he may found his State.
He will be sure to have patterns enough.
And there being no necessity, I said, for you to govern in this State, even if you have the capacity, or to be governed, unless you like, or to go to war when the rest go to war, or to be at peace when others are at peace, unless you are so disposed — there being no necessity also, because some law forbids you to hold office or be a dicast, that you should not hold office or be a dicast, if you have a fancy — is not this a way of life which for the moment is supremely139 delightful140?
For the moment, yes.
And is not their humanity to the condemned141 in some cases quite charming? Have you not observed how, in a democracy, many persons, although they have been sentenced to death or exile, just stay where they are and walk about the world — the gentleman parades like a hero, and nobody sees or cares?
Yes, he replied, many and many a one. See, too, I said, the forgiving spirit of democracy, and the "don't care" about trifles, and the disregard which she shows of all the fine principles which we solemnly laid down at the foundation of the city — as when we said that, except in the case of some rarely gifted nature, there never will be a good man who has not from his childhood been used to play amid things of beauty and make of them a joy and a study — how grandly does she trample142 all these fine notions of ours under her feet, never giving a thought to the pursuits which make a statesman, and promoting to honor anyone who professes143 to be the people's friend.
Yes, she is of a noble spirit.
These and other kindred characteristics are proper to democracy, which is a charming form of government, full of variety and disorder, and dispensing144 a sort of equality to equals and unequals alike.
We know her well.
Consider now, I said, what manner of man the individual is, or rather consider, as in the case of the State, how he comes into being.
Very good, he said.
Is not this the way — he is the son of the miserly and oligarchical father who has trained him in his own habits?
Exactly.
And, like his father, he keeps under by force the pleasures which are of the spending and not of the getting sort, being those which are called unnecessary?
Obviously.
Would you like, for the sake of clearness, to distinguish which are the necessary and which are the unnecessary pleasures?
I should.
Are not necessary pleasures those of which we cannot get rid, and of which the satisfaction is a benefit to us? And they are rightly called so, because we are framed by nature to desire both what is beneficial and what is necessary, and cannot help it.
True.
We are not wrong therefore in calling them necessary?
We are not.
And the desires of which a man may get rid, if he takes pains from his youth upward — of which the presence, moreover, does no good, and in some cases the reverse of good — shall we not be right in saying that all these are unnecessary?
Yes, certainly.
Suppose we select an example of either kind, in order that we may have a general notion of them?
Very good.
Will not the desire of eating, that is, of simple food and condiments146, in so far as they are required for health and strength, be of the necessary class?
That is what I should suppose.
The pleasure of eating is necessary in two ways; it does us good and it is essential to the continuance of life?
Yes.
But the condiments are only necessary in so far as they are good for health?
Certainly.
And the desire which goes beyond this, of more delicate food, or other luxuries, which might generally be got rid of, if controlled and trained in youth, and is hurtful to the body, and hurtful to the soul in the pursuit of wisdom and virtue, may be rightly called unnecessary?
Very true.
May we not say that these desires spend, and that the others make money because they conduce to production?
Certainly.
And of the pleasures of love, and all other pleasures, the same holds good?
True.
And the drone of whom we spoke was he who was surfeited147 in pleasures and desires of this sort, and was the slave of the unnecessary desires, whereas he who was subject to the necessary only was miserly and oligarchical?
Very true.
Again, let us see how the democratical man goes out of the oligarchical: the following, as I suspect, is commonly the process.
What is the process?
When a young man who has been brought up as we were just now describing, in a vulgar and miserly way, has tasted drones' honey and has come to associate with fierce and crafty148 natures who are able to provide for him all sorts of refinements149 and varieties of pleasure — then, as you may imagine, the change will begin of the oligarchical principle within him into the democratical?
Inevitably150.
And as in the city like was helping151 like, and the change was effected by an alliance from without assisting one division of the citizens, so too the young man is changed by a class of desires coming from without to assist the desires within him, that which is akin9 and alike again helping that which is akin and alike?
Certainly.
And if there be any ally which aids the oligarchical principle within him, whether the influence of a father or of kindred, advising or rebuking152 him, then there arise in his soul a faction145 and an opposite faction, and he goes to war with himself.
It must be so.
And there are times when the democratical principle gives way to the oligarchical, and some of his desires die, and others are banished153; a spirit of reverence154 enters into the young man's soul, and order is restored.
Yes, he said, that sometimes happens.
And then, again, after the old desires have been driven out, fresh ones spring up, which are akin to them, and because he their father does not know how to educate them, wax fierce and numerous.
Yes, he said, that is apt to be the way.
They draw him to his old associates, and holding secret intercourse155 with them, breed and multiply in him.
Very true.
At length they seize upon the citadel156 of the young man's soul, which they perceive to be void of all accomplishments157 and fair pursuits and true words, which make their abode in the minds of men who are dear to the gods, and are their best guardians and sentinels.
None better.
False and boastful conceits158 and phrases mount upward and take their place.
They are certain to do so.
And so the young man returns into the country of the lotuseaters, and takes up his dwelling159 there, in the face of all men; and if any help be sent by his friends to the oligarchical part of him, the aforesaid vain conceits shut the gate of the King's fastness; and they will neither allow the embassy itself to enter, nor if private advisers160 offer the fatherly counsel of the aged44 will they listen to them or receive them. There is a battle and they gain the day, and then modesty161, which they call silliness, is ignominiously162 thrust into exile by them, and temperance, which they nick-name unmanliness, is trampled163 in the mire101 and cast forth164; they persuade men that moderation and orderly expenditure are vulgarity and meanness, and so, by the help of a rabble165 of evil appetites, they drive them beyond the border.
Yes, with a will.
And when they have emptied and swept clean the soul of him who is now in their power and who is being initiated166 by them in great mysteries, the next thing is to bring back to their house insolence167 and anarchy168 and waste and impudence169 in bright array, having garlands on their heads, and a great company with them, hymning their praises and calling them by sweet names; insolence they term "breeding," and anarchy "liberty," and waste "magnificence," and impudence " courage." And so the young man passes out of his original nature, which was trained in the school of necessity, into the freedom and libertinism170 of useless and unnecessary pleasures.
Yes, he said, the change in him is visible enough.
After this he lives on, spending his money and labor and time on unnecessary pleasures quite as much as on necessary ones; but if he be fortunate, and is not too much disordered in his wits, when years have elapsed, and the heyday171 of passion is over — supposing that he then readmits into the city some part of the exiled virtues172, and does not wholly give himself up to their successors — in that case he balances his pleasures and lives in a sort of equilibrium173, putting the government of himself into the hands of the one which comes first and wins the turn; and when he has had enough of that, then into the hands of another; he despises none of them, but encourages them all equally.
Very true, he said.
Neither does he receive or let pass into the fortress174 any true word of advice; if anyone says to him that some pleasures are the satisfactions of good and noble desires, and others of evil desires, and that he ought to use and honor some, and chastise175 and master the others — whenever this is repeated to him he shakes his head and says that they are all alike, and that one is as good as another.
Yes, he said; that is the way with him.
Yes, I said, he lives from day to day indulging the appetite of the hour; and sometimes he is lapped in drink and strains of the flute176; then he becomes a water-drinker, and tries to get thin; then he takes a turn at gymnastics; sometimes idling and neglecting everything, then once more living the life of a philosopher; often he is busy with politics, and starts to his feet and says and does whatever comes into his head; and, if he is emulous of anyone who is a warrior, off he is in that direction, or of men of business, once more in that. His life has neither law nor order; and this distracted existence he terms joy and bliss177 and freedom; and so he goes on.
Yes, he replied, he is all liberty and equality.
Yes, I said; his life is motley and manifold and an epitome178 of the lives of many; he answers to the State which we described as fair and spangled. And many a man and many a woman will take him for their pattern, and many a constitution and many an example of manners are contained in him.
Just so.
Let him then be set over against democracy; he may truly be called the democratic man.
Let that be his place, he said.
Last of all comes the most beautiful of all, man and State alike, tyranny and the tyrant; these we have now to consider.
Quite true, he said.
Say then, my friend, in what manner does tyranny arise? — that it has a democratic origin is evident.
Clearly.
And does not tyranny spring from democracy in the same manner as democracy from oligarchy — I mean, after a sort?
How?
The good which oligarchy proposed to itself and the means by which it was maintained was excess of wealth — am I not right?
Yes.
And the insatiable desire of wealth and the neglect of all other things for the sake of money-getting were also the ruin of oligarchy?
True.
And democracy has her own good, of which the insatiable desire brings her to dissolution?
What good?
Freedom, I replied; which, as they tell you in a democracy, is the glory of the State — and that therefore in a democracy alone will the freeman of nature deign179 to dwell.
Yes; the saying is in everybody's mouth.
I was going to observe, that the insatiable desire of this and the neglect of other things introduce the change in democracy, which occasions a demand for tyranny.
How so?
When a democracy which is thirsting for freedom has evil cup-bearers presiding over the feast, and has drunk too deeply of the strong wine of freedom, then, unless her rulers are very amenable180 and give a plentiful181 draught182, she calls them to account and punishes them, and says that they are cursed oligarchs.
Yes, he replied, a very common occurrence.
Yes, I said; and loyal citizens are insultingly termed by her "slaves" who hug their chains, and men of naught183; she would have subjects who are like rulers, and rulers who are like subjects: these are men after her own heart, whom she praises and honors both in private and public. Now, in such a State, can liberty have any limit?
Certainly not.
By degrees the anarchy finds a way into private houses, and ends by getting among the animals and infecting them.
How do you mean?
I mean that the father grows accustomed to descend184 to the level of his sons and to fear them, and the son is on a level with his father, he having no respect or reverence for either of his parents; and this is his freedom; and the metic is equal with the citizen, and the citizen with the metic, and the stranger is quite as good as either.
Yes, he said, that is the way.
And these are not the only evils, I said — there are several lesser ones: In such a state of society the master fears and flatters his scholars, and the scholars despise their masters and tutors; young and old are all alike; and the young man is on a level with the old, and is ready to compete with him in word or deed; and old men condescend185 to the young and are full of pleasantry and gayety; they are loth to be thought morose186 and authoritative187, and therefore they adopt the manners of the young.
Quite true, he said.
The last extreme of popular liberty is when the slave bought with money, whether male or female, is just as free as his or her purchaser; nor must I forget to tell of the liberty and equality of the two sexes in relation to each other.
Why not, as AEschylus says, utter the word which rises to our lips?
That is what I am doing, I replied; and I must add that no one who does not know would believe how much greater is the liberty which the animals who are under the dominion188 of man have in a democracy than in any other State: for, truly, the she-dogs, as the proverb says, are as good as their she-mistresses, and the horses and asses22 have a way of marching along with all the rights and dignities of freemen; and they will run at anybody who comes in their way if he does not leave the road clear for them: and all things are just ready to burst with liberty.
When I take a country walk, he said, I often experience what you describe. You and I have dreamed the same thing.
And above all, I said, and as the result of all, see how sensitive the citizens become; they chafe189 impatiently at the least touch of authority, and at length, as you know, they cease to care even for the laws, written or unwritten; they will have no one over them.
Yes, he said, I know it too well.
Such, my friend, I said, is the fair and glorious beginning out of which springs tyranny.
Glorious indeed, he said. But what is the next step?
The ruin of oligarchy is the ruin of democracy; the same disease magnified and intensified190 by liberty overmasters democracy — the truth being that the excessive increase of anything often causes a reaction in the opposite direction; and this is the case not only in the seasons and in vegetable and animal life, but above all in forms of government.
True.
The excess of liberty, whether in States or individuals, seems only to pass into excess of slavery.
Yes, the natural order.
And so tyranny naturally arises out of democracy, and the most aggravated192 form of tyranny and slavery out of the most extreme form of liberty?
As we might expect.
That, however, was not, as I believe, your question — you rather desired to know what is that disorder which is generated alike in oligarchy and democracy, and is the ruin of both?
Just so, he replied.
Well, I said, I meant to refer to the class of idle spendthrifts, of whom the more courageous193 are the leaders and the more timid the followers194, the same whom we were comparing to drones, some stingless, and others having stings.
A very just comparison.
These two classes are the plagues of every city in which they are generated, being what phlegm and bile are to the body. And the good physician and lawgiver of the State ought, like the wise bee-master, to keep them at a distance and prevent, if possible, their ever coming in; and if they have anyhow found a way in, then he should have them and their cells cut out as speedily as possible.
Yes, by all means, he said.
Then, in order that we may see clearly what we are doing, let us imagine democracy to be divided, as indeed it is, into three classes; for in the first place freedom creates rather more drones in the democratic than there were in the oligarchical State.
That is true.
And in the democracy they are certainly more intensified.
How so?
Because in the oligarchical State they are disqualified and driven from office, and therefore they cannot train or gather strength; whereas in a democracy they are almost the entire ruling power, and while the keener sort speak and act, the rest keep buzzing about the bema and do not suffer a word to be said on the other side; hence in democracies almost everything is managed by the drones.
Very true, he said.
Then there is another class which is always being severed195 from the mass.
What is that?
They are the orderly class, which in a nation of traders is sure to be the richest.
Naturally so.
They are the most squeezable persons and yield the largest amount of honey to the drones.
Why, he said, there is little to be squeezed out of people who have little.
And this is called the wealthy class, and the drones feed upon them.
That is pretty much the case, he said.
The people are a third class, consisting of those who work with their own hands; they are not politicians, and have not much to live upon. This, when assembled, is the largest and most powerful class in a democracy.
True, he said; but then the multitude is seldom willing to congregate196 unless they get a little honey.
And do they not share? I said. Do not their leaders deprive the rich of their estates and distribute them among the people; at the same time taking care to reserve the larger part for themselves?
Why, yes, he said, to that extent the people do share.
And the persons whose property is taken from them are compelled to defend themselves before the people as they best can?
What else can they do?
And then, although they may have no desire of change, the others charge them with plotting against the people and being friends of oligarchy? True.
And the end is that when they see the people, not of their own accord, but through ignorance, and because they are deceived by informers, seeking to do them wrong, then at last they are forced to become oligarchs in reality; they do not wish to be, but the sting of the drones torments197 them and breeds revolution in them.
That is exactly the truth.
Then come impeachments198 and judgments199 and trials of one another.
True.
The people have always some champion whom they set over them and nurse into greatness.
Yes, that is their way. This, and no other, is the root from which a tyrant springs; when he first appears above ground he is a protector.
Yes, that is quite clear. How, then, does a protector begin to change into a tyrant? Clearly when he does what the man is said to do in the tale of the Arcadian temple of Lycaean Zeus.
What tale?
The tale is that he who has tasted the entrails of a single human victim minced200 up with the entrails of other victims is destined201 to become a wolf. Did you never hear it?
Oh, yes.
And the protector of the people is like him; having a mob entirely202 at his disposal, he is not restrained from shedding the blood of kinsmen203; by the favorite method of false accusation204 he brings them into court and murders them, making the life of man to disappear, and with unholy tongue and lips tasting the blood of his fellow-citizens; some he kills and others he banishes205, at the same time hinting at the abolition206 of debts and partition of lands: and after this, what will be his destiny? Must he not either perish at the hands of his enemies, or from being a man become a wolf — that is, a tyrant?
Inevitably.
This, I said, is he who begins to make a party against the rich?
The same.
After a while he is driven out, but comes back, in spite of his enemies, a tyrant full grown.
That is clear.
And if they are unable to expel him, or to get him condemned to death by a public accusation, they conspire to assassinate207 him.
Yes, he said, that is their usual way.
Then comes the famous request for a body-guard, which is the device of all those who have got thus far in their tyrannical career —"Let not the people's friend," as they say, "be lost to them."
Exactly.
The people readily assent208; all their fears are for him — they have none for themselves.
Very true.
And when a man who is wealthy and is also accused of being an enemy of the people sees this, then, my friend, as the oracle209 said to Croesus,
"By pebbly210 Hermus's shore he flees and rests not, and is not ashamed to be a coward."
And quite right too, said he, for if he were, he would never be ashamed again.
But if he is caught he dies.
Of course.
And he, the protector of whom we spoke, is to be seen, not "larding the plain" with his bulk, but himself the overthrower of many, standing211 up in the chariot of State with the reins212 in his hand, no longer protector, but tyrant absolute.
No doubt, he said.
And now let us consider the happiness of the man, and also of the State in which a creature like him is generated.
Yes, he said, let us consider that.
At first, in the early days of his power, he is full of smiles, and he salutes213 everyone whom he meets; he to be called a tyrant, who is making promises in public and also in private! liberating214 debtors215, and distributing land to the people and his followers, and wanting to be so kind and good to everyone!
Of course, he said.
But when he has disposed of foreign enemies by conquest or treaty, and there is nothing to fear from them, then he is always stirring up some war or other, in order that the people may require a leader.
To be sure.
Has he not also another object, which is that they may be impoverished216 by payment of taxes, and thus compelled to devote themselves to their daily wants and therefore less likely to conspire against him? Clearly.
And if any of them are suspected by him of having notions of freedom, and of resistance to his authority, he will have a good pretext217 for destroying them by placing them at the mercy of the enemy; and for all these reasons the tyrant must be always getting up a war.
He must.
Now he begins to grow unpopular.
A necessary result.
Then some of those who joined in setting him up, and who are in power, speak their minds to him and to one another, and the more courageous of them cast in his teeth what is being done.
Yes, that may be expected.
And the tyrant, if he means to rule, must get rid of them; he cannot stop while he has a friend or an enemy who is good for anything.
He cannot.
And therefore he must look about him and see who is valiant218, who is high-minded, who is wise, who is wealthy; happy man, he is the enemy of them all, and must seek occasion against them whether he will or no, until he has made a purgation of the State.
Yes, he said, and a rare purgation.
Yes, I said, not the sort of purgation which the physicians make of the body; for they take away the worse and leave the better part, but he does the reverse.
If he is to rule, I suppose that he cannot help himself.
What a blessed alternative, I said: to be compelled to dwell only with the many bad, and to be by them hated, or not to live at all!
Yes, that is the alternative.
And the more detestable his actions are to the citizens the more satellites and the greater devotion in them will he require?
Certainly.
And who are the devoted219 band, and where will he procure220 them?
They will flock to him, he said, of their own accord, if he pays them.
By the dog! I said, here are more drones, of every sort and from every land.
Yes, he said, there are.
But will he not desire to get them on the spot?
How do you mean?
He will rob the citizens of their slaves; he will then set them free and enrol221 them in his body-guard.
To be sure, he said; and he will be able to trust them best of all.
What a blessed creature, I said, must this tyrant be; he has put to death the others and has these for his trusted friends.
Yes, he said; they are quite of his sort.
Yes, I said, and these are the new citizens whom he has called into existence, who admire him and are his companions, while the good hate and avoid him.
Of course.
Verily, then, tragedy is a wise thing and Euripides a great tragedian.
Why so?
Why, because he is the author of the pregnant saying,
"Tyrants222 are wise by living with the wise;"
and he clearly meant to say that they are the wise whom the tyrant makes his companions.
Yes, he said, and he also praises tyranny as godlike; and many other things of the same kind are said by him and by the other poets.
And therefore, I said, the tragic poets being wise men will forgive us and any others who live after our manner, if we do not receive them into our State, because they are the eulogists of tyranny.
Yes, he said, those who have the wit will doubtless forgive us.
But they will continue to go to other cities and attract mobs, and hire voices fair and loud and persuasive223, and draw the cities over to tyrannies and democracies.
Very true.
Moreover, they are paid for this and receive honor — the greatest honor, as might be expected, from tyrants, and the next greatest from democracies; but the higher they ascend224 our constitution hill, the more their reputation fails, and seems unable from shortness of breath to proceed farther.
True.
But we are wandering from the subject: Let us therefore return and inquire how the tyrant will maintain that fair, and numerous, and various, and ever-changing army of his.
If, he said, there are sacred treasures in the city, he will confiscate225 and spend them; and in so far as the fortunes of attainted persons may suffice, he will be able to diminish the taxes which he would otherwise have to impose upon the people.
And when these fail?
Why, clearly, he said, then he and his boon226 companions, whether male or female, will be maintained out of his father's estate.
You mean to say that the people, from whom he has derived227 his being, will maintain him and his companions?
Yes, he said; they cannot help themselves.
But what if the people fly into a passion, and aver191 that a grown-up son ought not to be supported by his father, but that the father should be supported by the son? The father did not bring him into being, or settle him in life, in order that when his son became a man he should himself be the servant of his own servants and should support him and his rabble of slaves and companions; but that his son should protect him, and that by his help he might be emancipated228 from the government of the rich and aristocratic, as they are termed. And so he bids him and his companions depart, just as any other father might drive out of the house a riotous229 son and his undesirable230 associates.
By heaven, he said, then the parent will discover what a monster he has been fostering in his bosom; and, when he wants to drive him out, he will find that he is weak and his son strong.
Why, you do not mean to say that the tyrant will use violence? What! beat his father if he opposes him?
Yes, he will, having first disarmed231 him.
Then he is a parricide232, and a cruel guardian of an aged parent; and this is real tyranny, about which there can be no longer a mistake: as the saying is, the people who would escape the smoke which is the slavery of freemen, has fallen into the fire which is the tyranny of slaves. Thus liberty, getting out of all order and reason, passes into the harshest and bitterest form of slavery.
True, he said.
Very well; and may we not rightly say that we have sufficiently233 discussed the nature of tyranny, and the manner of the transition from democracy to tyranny?
Yes, quite enough, he said.
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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miser
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| n.守财奴，吝啬鬼 (adj.miserly) | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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wrestler
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| n.摔角选手，扭 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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teems
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| v.充满( teem的第三人称单数 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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contentious
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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oligarchical
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injustice
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inquiry
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proceeding
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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asses
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| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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23
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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24
muses
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| v.沉思，冥想( muse的第三人称单数 )；沉思自语说（某事） | |
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25
muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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26
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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28
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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29
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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30
circumferences
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| 周围，圆周( circumference的名词复数 ) | |
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31
fecundity
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| n.生产力；丰富 | |
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32
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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33
increments
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| n.增长( increment的名词复数 )；增量；增额；定期的加薪 | |
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34
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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35
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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36
irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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37
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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38
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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39
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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40
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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41
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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42
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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43
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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44
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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45
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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46
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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47
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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48
stratagems
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| n.诡计，计谋( stratagem的名词复数 )；花招 | |
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49
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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50
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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51
oligarchies
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| n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 )；寡头政治的执政集团；寡头统治的国家 | |
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52
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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53
hoard
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| n./v.窖藏，贮存，囤积 | |
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54
treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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55
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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56
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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57
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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58
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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59
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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60
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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61
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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62
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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63
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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64
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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65
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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66
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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67
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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68
waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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69
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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70
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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71
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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72
retaliate
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| v.报复，反击 | |
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73
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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74
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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75
contentiousness
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76
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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77
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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78
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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79
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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80
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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81
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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82
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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83
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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84
shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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85
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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86
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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87
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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88
incapable
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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89
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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90
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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91
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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92
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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93
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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94
rogue
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| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
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95
emulating
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的现在分词 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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96
foundering
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| v.创始人( founder的现在分词 ) | |
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97
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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98
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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99
savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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100
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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101
mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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102
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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103
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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104
penurious
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| adj.贫困的 | |
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105
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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106
subdues
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| 征服( subdue的第三人称单数 )； 克制； 制服 | |
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107
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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108
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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109
guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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110
orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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111
coerces
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| v.迫使做( coerce的第三人称单数 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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112
constraining
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| 强迫( constrain的现在分词 )； 强使； 限制； 约束 | |
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113
harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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114
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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115
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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116
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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117
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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118
curtail
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| vt.截短，缩短；削减 | |
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119
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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120
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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122
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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123
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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124
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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125
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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126
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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127
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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128
puffing
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| v.使喷出( puff的现在分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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129
despoil
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| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
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130
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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131
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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132
slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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133
banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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134
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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135
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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136
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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137
assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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138
bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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139
supremely
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| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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140
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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141
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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142
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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143
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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144
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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145
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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146
condiments
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| n.调味品 | |
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147
surfeited
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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148
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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149
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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150
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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151
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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152
rebuking
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的现在分词 ) | |
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153
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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155
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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156
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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157
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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158
conceits
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| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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159
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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160
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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161
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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162
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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163
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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164
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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165
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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166
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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167
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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168
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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169
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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170
libertinism
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| n.放荡，玩乐，（对宗教事物的）自由思想 | |
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171
heyday
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| n.全盛时期，青春期 | |
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172
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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173
equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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174
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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175
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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176
flute
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| n.长笛；v.吹笛 | |
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177
bliss
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| n.狂喜，福佑，天赐的福 | |
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178
epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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179
deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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180
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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181
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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182
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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183
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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184
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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185
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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186
morose
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| adj.脾气坏的，不高兴的 | |
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187
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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188
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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189
chafe
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| v.擦伤；冲洗；惹怒 | |
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190
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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192
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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193
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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194
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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195
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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196
congregate
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| v.(使)集合，聚集 | |
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197
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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198
impeachments
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| n.控告( impeachment的名词复数 )；检举；弹劾；怀疑 | |
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199
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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200
minced
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| v.切碎( mince的过去式和过去分词 )；剁碎；绞碎；用绞肉机绞（食物，尤指肉） | |
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201
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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202
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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203
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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204
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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205
banishes
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的第三人称单数 ) | |
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206
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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207
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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208
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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209
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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210
pebbly
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| 多卵石的，有卵石花纹的 | |
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211
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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212
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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213
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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214
liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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215
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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216
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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217
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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218
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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219
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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220
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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221
enrol
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| v.（使）注册入学，（使）入学，（使）入会 | |
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222
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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223
persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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224
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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225
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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226
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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227
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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228
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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229
riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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230
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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231
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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232
parricide
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| n.杀父母；杀亲罪 | |
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233
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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