Since that Easter a great change had come over the prospects2 of Florence; and as in the tree that bears a myriad3 of blossoms, each single bud with its fruit is dependent on the primary circulation of the sap, so the fortunes of Tito and Romola were dependent on certain grand political and social conditions which made an epoch4 in the history of Italy.
In this very November, little more than a week ago, the spirit of old centuries seemed to have re-entered the breasts of Florentines. The great bell in the palace tower had rung out the hammer-sound of alarm, and the people had mustered5 with their rusty6 arms, their tools and impromptu7 cudgels, to drive out the Medici. The gate of San Gallo had been fairly shut on the arrogant8, exasperating9 Piero, galloping10 away towards Bologna with his hired horsemen frightened behind him, and shut on his keener young brother, the cardinal11, escaping in the disguise of a Franciscan monk12: a price had been set on both their heads. After that, there had been some sacking of houses, according to old precedent13; the ignominious14 images, painted on the public buildings, of the men who had conspired15 against the Medici in days gone by, were effaced16; the exiled enemies of the Medici were invited home. The half-fledged tyrants17 were fairly out of their splendid nest in the Via Larga, and the Republic had recovered the use of its will again.
But now, a week later, the great palace in the Via Larga had been prepared for the reception of another tenant18; and if drapery roofing the streets with unwonted colour, if banners and hangings pouring out of the windows, if carpets and tapestry19 stretched over all steps and pavement on which exceptional feet might tread, were an unquestionable proof of joy, Florence was very joyful20 in the expectation of its new guest. The stream of colour flowed from the palace in the Via Larga round by the Cathedral, then by the great Piazza21 della Signoria, and across the Ponte Vecchio to the Porta San Frediano — the gate that looks towards Pisa. There, near the gate, a platform and canopy22 had been erected23 for the Signoria; and Messer Luca Corsini, doctor of law, felt his heart palpitating a little with the sense that he had a Latin oration24 to read; and every chief elder in Florence had to make himself ready, with smooth chin and well-lined silk lucco, to walk in procession; and the well-born youths were looking at their rich new tunics25 after the French mode which was to impress the stranger as having a peculiar26 grace when worn by Florentines; and a large body of the clergy27, from the archbishop in his effulgence28 to the train of monks29, black, white, and grey, were consulting betimes in the morning how they should marshal themselves, with their burden of relics30 and sacred banners and consecrated31 jewels, that their movements might be adjusted to the expected arrival of the illustrious visitor, at three o’clock in the afternoon.
An unexampled visitor! For he had come through the passes of the Alps with such an army as Italy had not seen before: with thousands of terrible Swiss, well used to fight for love and hatred33 as well as for hire; with a host of gallant34 cavaliers proud of a name; with an unprecedented35 infantry36, in which every man in a hundred carried an arquebus; nay37, with a cannon38 of bronze, shooting not stones but iron balls, drawn39 not by bullocks but by horses, and capable of firing a second time before a city could mend the breach40 made by the first ball. Some compared the new-comer to Charlemagne, reputed rebuilder of Florence, welcome conqueror41 of degenerate42 kings, regulator and benefactor43 of the Church; some preferred the comparison to Cyrus, liberator44 of the chosen people, restorer of the Temple. For he had come across the Alps with the most glorious projects: he was to march through Italy amidst the jubilees45 of a grateful and admiring people; he was to satisfy all conflicting complaints at Rome; he was to take possession, by virtue46 of hereditary47 right and a little fighting, of the kingdom of Naples; and from that convenient starting-point he was set out on the conquest of the Turks, who were partly to be cut to pieces and partly converted to the faith of Christ. It was a scheme that seemed to befit the Most Christian48 King, head of a nation which, thanks to the devices of a subtle Louis the Eleventh who had died in much fright as to his personal prospects ten years before, had become the strongest of Christian monarchies49; and this antitype of Cyrus and Charlemagne was no other than the son of that subtle Louis — the young Charles the Eighth of France.
Surely, on a general statement, hardly anything could seem more grandiose50, or fitter to revive in the breasts of men the memory of great dispensations by which new strata51 had been laid in the history of mankind. And there was a very widely spread conviction that the advent52 of the French king and his army into Italy was one of those events at which marble statues might well be believed to perspire53, phantasmal fiery54 warriors55 to fight in the air, and quadrupeds to bring forth56 monstrous57 births — that it did not belong to the usual order of Providence58, but was in a peculiar sense the work of God. It was a conviction that rested less on the necessarily momentous59 character of a powerful foreign invasion than on certain moral emotions to which the aspect of the times gave the form of presentiments60: emotions which had found a very remarkable61 utterance62 in the voice of a single man.
That man was Fra Girolamo Savonarola, Prior of the Dominican convent of San Marco in Florence. On a September moming, when men’s ears were ringing with the news that the French army had entered Italy, he had preached in the Cathedral of Florence from the text, ‘Behold I, even I, do bring a flood of waters upon the earth.’ He believed it was by supreme63 guidance that he had reached just so far in his exposition of Genesis the previous Lent — and he believed the ‘flood of water’ — emblem64 at once of avenging65 wrath66 and purifying mercy — to be the divinely-indicated symbol of the French army. His audience, some of whom were held to be among the choicest spirits of the age — the most cultivated men in the most cultivated of Italian cities — believed it too, and listened with shuddering67 awe68. For this man had a power rarely paralleled, of impressing his beliefs on others, and of swaying very various minds. And as long as four years ago he had proclaimed from the chief pulpit of Florence that a scourge69 was about to descend70 on Italy, and that by this scourge the Church was to be purified. Savonarola appeared to believe, and his hearers more or less waveringly believed, that he had a mission like that of the Hebrew prophets, and that the Florentines amongst whom his message was delivered were in some sense a second chosen people. The idea of prophetic gifts was not a remote one in that age: seers of visions, circumstantial heralds71 of things to be, were far from uncommon72 either outside or inside the cloister73; but this very fact made Savonarola stand out the more conspicuously74 as a grand exception. While in others the gift of prophecy was very much like a farthing candle illuminating75 small comers of human destiny with prophetic gossip, in Savonarola it was like a mighty76 beacon77 shining far out for the warning and guidance of men. And to some of the soberest minds the supernatural character of his insight into the future gathered a strong attestation78 from the peculiar conditions of the age.
At the close of 1492, the year in which Lorenzo de’ Medici died and Tito Melema came as a wanderer to Florence, Italy was enjoying a peace and prosperity unthreatened by any near and definite danger. There was no fear of famine, for the seasons had been plenteous in corn, and wine, and oil; new palaces had been rising in all fair cities, new villas79 on pleasant slopes and summits; and the men who had more than their share of these good things were in no fear of the larger number who had less. For the citizens’ armour80 was getting rusty, and populations seemed to have become tame, licking the hands of masters who paid for a ready-made army when they wanted it, as they paid for goods of Smyrna. Even the fear of the Turk had ceased to be active, and the Pope found it more immediately profitable to accept bribes81 from him for a little prospective82 poisoning than to form plans either for conquering or for converting him.
Altogether this world, with its partitioned empire and its roomy universal Church, seemed to be a handsome establishment for the few who were lucky or wise enough to reap the advantages of human folly83: a world in which lust32 and obscenity, lying and treachery, oppression and murder, were pleasant, useful, and when properly managed, not dangerous. And as a sort of fringe or adornment84 to the substantial delights of tyranny, avarice85, and lasciviousness86, there was the patronage87 of polite learning and the fine arts, so that flattery could always be had in the choicest Latin to be commanded at that time, and sublime88 artists were at hand to paint the holy and the unclean with impartial89 skill. The Church, it was said, had never been so disgraced in its head, had never shown so few signs of renovating90, vital belief in its lower members; nevertheless it was much more prosperous than in some past days. The heavens were fair and smiling above; and below there were no signs of earthquake.
Yet at that time, as we have seen, there was a man in Florence who for two years and more had been preaching that a scourge was at hand; that the world was certainly not framed for the lasting91 convenience of hypocrites, libertines92, and oppressors. From the midst of those smiling heavens he had seen a sword hanging — the sword of God’s justice — which was speedily to descend with purifying punishment on the Church and the world. In brilliant Ferrara, seventeen years before, the contradiction between men’s lives and their professed93 beliefs had pressed upon him with a force that had been enough to destroy his appetite for the world, and at the age of twenty-three had driven him into the cloister. He believed that God had committed to the Church the sacred lamp of truth for the guidance and salvation94 of men, and he saw that the Church, in its corruption95, had become a sepulchre to hide the lamp. As the years went on scandals increased and multiplied, and hypocrisy96 seemed to have given place to impudence97. Had the world, then, ceased to have a righteous Ruler? Was the Church finally forsaken98? No, assuredly: in the Sacred Book there was a record of the past in which might be seen as in a glass what would be in the days to come, and the book showed that when the wickedness of the chosen people, type of the Christian Church, had become crying, the judgments99 of God had descended100 on them. Nay, reason itself declared that vengeance101 was imminent102, for what else would suffice to turn men from their obstinacy103 in evil? And unless the Church were reclaimed104, how could the promises be fulfilled, that the heathens should be converted and the whole world become subject to the one true law? He had seen his belief reflected in visions — a mode of seeing which had been frequent with him from his youth up.
But the real force of demonstration106 for Girolamo Savonarola lay in his own burning indignation at the sight of wrong — in his fervent107 belief in an Unseen Justice that would put an end to the wrong, and in an Unseen Purity to which lying and uncleanness were an abomunation. To his ardent108, power-loving soul, believing in great ends, and longing109 to achieve those ends by the exertion110 of its own strong will, the faith in a supreme and righteous Ruler became one with the faith in a speedy divine interposition that would punish and reclaim105.
Meanwhile, under that splendid masquerade of dignities sacred and secular111 which seemed to make the life of lucky Churchmen and princely families so luxurious112 and amusing, there were certain conditions at work which slowly tended to disturb the general festivity. Ludovico Sforza — copious113 in gallantry, splendid patron of an incomparable Leonardo da Vinci — holding the ducal crown of Milan in his grasp, and wanting to put it on his own head rather than let it rest on that of a feeble nephew who would take very little to poison him, was much afraid of the Spanish-born old King Ferdinand and the Crown Prince Alfonso of Naples, who, not liking114 cruelty and treachery which were useless to themselves, objected to the poisoning of a near relative for the advantage of a Lombard usurper115; the royalties116 of Naples again were afraid of their suzerain, Pope Alexander Borgia; all three were anxiously watching Florence, lest with its midway territory it should determine the game by underhand backing; and all four, with every small state in Italy, were afraid of Venice — Venice the cautious, the stable, and the strong, that wanted to stretch its arms not only along both sides of the Adriatic but across to the ports of the western coast.
Lorenzo de’ Medici, it was thought, did much to prevent the fatal outbreak of such jealousies117, keeping up the old Florentine alliance with Naples and the Pope, and yet persuading Milan that the alliance was for the general advantage. But young Piero de’ Medici’s rash vanity had quickly nullified the effect of his father’s wary118 policy, and Ludovico Sforza, roused to suspicion of a league against him, thought of a move which would checkmate his adversaries119: he determined120 to invite the French king to march into Italy and, as heir of the house of Anjou, take possession of Naples. Ambassadors — ‘orators,’ as they were called in those haranguing121 times — went and came; a recusant cardinal, determined not to acknowledge a Pope elected by bribery122 (and his own particular enemy), went and came also, and seconded the invitation with hot rhetoric123; and the young king seemed to lend a willing ear. So that in 1493 the rumour124 spread and became louder and louder that Charles the Eighth of France was about to cross the Alps with a mighty army; and the Italian populations, accustomed, since Italy had ceased to be the heart of the Roman empire, to look for an arbitrator from afar, began vaguely125 to regard his coming as a means of avenging their wrongs and redressing126 their grievances127.
And in that rumour Savonarola had heard the assurance that his prophecy was being verified. What was it that filled the ears of the prophets of old but the distant tread of foreign armies, coming to do the work of justice? He no longer looked vaguely to the horizon for the coming storm: he pointed128 to the rising cloud. The French army was that new deluge129 which was to purify the earth from iniquity130; the French king, Charles VIII., was the instrument elected by God, as Cyrus had been of old, and all men who desired good rather than evil were to rejoice in his coming. For the scourge would fall destructively on the impenitent131 alone. Let any city of Italy, let Florence above all — Florence beloved of God, since to its ear the warning voice had been specially132 sent — repent133 and turn from its ways, like Nineveh of old, and the storm-cloud would roll over it and leave only refreshing134 rain-drops.
Fra Girolamo’s word was powerful; yet now that the new Cyrus had already been three months in Italy, and was not far from the gates of Florence, his presence was expected there with mixed feelings, in which fear and distrust certainly predominated. At present it was not understood that he had redressed135 any grievances; and the Florentines clearly had nothing to thank him for. He held their strong frontier fortresses136, which Piero de’ Medici had given up to him without securing any honourable137 terms in return; he had done nothing to quell138 the alarming revolt of Pisa, which had been encouraged by his presence to throw off the Florentine yoke139; and ‘orators,’ even with a prophet at their head, could win no assurance from him, except that he would settle everything when he was once within the walls of Florence. Still, there was the satisfaction of knowing that the exasperating Piero de’ Medici had been fairly pelted140 out for the ignominious surrender of the fortresses, and in that act of energy the spirit of the Republic had recovered some of its old fire.
The preparations for the equivocal guest were not entirely141 those of a city resigned to submission142. Behind the bright drapery and banners symbolical143 of joy, there were preparations of another sort made with common accord by government and people. Well hidden within walls there were hired soldiers of the Republic, hastily called in from the surrounding districts; there were old arms duly furbished, and sharp tools and heavy cudgels laid carefully at hand, to be snatched up on short notice; there were excellent boards and stakes to form barricades144 upon occasions, and a good supply of stones to make a surprising hail from the upper windows. Above all, there were people very strongly in the humour for fighting any personage who might be supposed to have designs of hectoring over them, they having lately tasted that new pleasure with much relish145. This humour was not diminished by the sight of occasional parties of Frenchmen, coming beforehand to choose their quarters, with a hawk146, perhaps on their left wrist, and, metaphorically147 speaking, a piece of chalk in their right hand to mark Italian doors withal; especially as creditable historians imply that many sons of France were at that time characterised by something approaching to a swagger, which must have whetted148 the Florentine appetite for a little stone-throwing.
And this was the temper of Florence on the morning of the 17th of November 1494.
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joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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rusty
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| adj.生锈的；锈色的；荒废了的 | |
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impromptu
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| adj.即席的，即兴的；adv.即兴的(地)，无准备的(地) | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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exasperating
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| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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tapestry
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| n.挂毯，丰富多采的画面 | |
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joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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oration
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tunics
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| n.（动植物的）膜皮( tunic的名词复数 )；束腰宽松外衣；一套制服的短上衣；（天主教主教等穿的）短祭袍 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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effulgence
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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lust
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hatred
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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jubilees
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| n.周年纪念( jubilee的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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grandiose
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| adj.宏伟的，宏大的，堂皇的，铺张的 | |
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strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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perspire
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| vi.出汗，流汗 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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presentiments
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| n.（对不祥事物的）预感( presentiment的名词复数 ) | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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66
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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67
shuddering
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| v.战栗( shudder的现在分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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68
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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69
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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70
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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71
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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72
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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73
cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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74
conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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75
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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76
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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77
beacon
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| n.烽火，（警告用的）闪火灯，灯塔 | |
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78
attestation
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| n.证词 | |
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79
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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80
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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81
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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82
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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83
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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84
adornment
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| n.装饰；装饰品 | |
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85
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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86
lasciviousness
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87
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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88
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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89
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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90
renovating
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| 翻新，修复，整修( renovate的现在分词 ) | |
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91
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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92
libertines
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| n.放荡不羁的人，淫荡的人( libertine的名词复数 ) | |
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93
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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94
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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95
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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96
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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97
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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98
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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99
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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100
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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101
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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102
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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103
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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104
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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105
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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106
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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107
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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108
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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109
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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110
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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111
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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112
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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113
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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114
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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115
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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116
royalties
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| 特许权使用费 | |
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117
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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118
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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119
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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120
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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121
haranguing
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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122
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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123
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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124
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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125
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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126
redressing
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| v.改正( redress的现在分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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127
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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128
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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129
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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130
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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131
impenitent
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| adj.不悔悟的，顽固的 | |
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132
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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133
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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134
refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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135
redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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136
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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137
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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138
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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139
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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140
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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141
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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142
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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143
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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144
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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145
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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146
hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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147
metaphorically
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| adv. 用比喻地 | |
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148
whetted
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| v.（在石头上）磨（刀、斧等）( whet的过去式和过去分词 )；引起，刺激（食欲、欲望、兴趣等） | |
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