Romola, who began to despair of ever speaking with Fra Girolamo, read this evidence again and again, desiring to judge it by some clearer light than the contradictory7 impressions that were taking the form of assertions in the mouths of both partisans8 and enemies.
In the more devout9 followers10 of Savonarola his want of constancy under torture, and his retractation of prophetic claims, had produced a consternation11 too profound to be at once displaced as it ultimately was by the suspicion, which soon grew into a positive datum12, that any reported words of his which were in inexplicable13 contradiction to their faith in him, had not come from the lips of the prophet, but from the falsifying pen of Ser Ceccone, that notary14 of evil repute, who had made the digest of the examination. But there were obvious facts that at once threw discredit15 on the printed document. Was not the list of sixteen examiners half made up of the prophet’s bitterest enemies? Was not the notorious Dolfo Spini one of the new Eight prematurely16 elected, in order to load the dice17 against a man whose ruin had been determined18 on by the party in power? It was but a murder with slow formalities that was being transacted19 in the Old Palace. The Signoria had resolved to drive a good bargain with the Pope and the Duke of Milan, by extinguishing the man who was as great a molestation20 to vicious citizens and greedy foreign tyrants21 as to a corrupt22 clergy23. The Frate had been doomed24 beforehand, and the only question that was pretended to exist now was, whether the Republic, in return for a permission to lay a tax on ecclesiastical property should deliver him alive into the hands of the Pope, or whether the Pope should further concede to the Republic what its dignity demanded — the privilege of hanging and burning its own prophet on its own piazza25.
Who, under such circumstances, would give full credit to this so-called confession2? If the Frate had denied his prophetic gift, the denial had only been wrenched26 from him by the agony of torture — agony that, in his sensitive frame, must quickly produce raving27. What if these wicked examiners declared that he had only had the torture of the rope and pulley thrice, and only on one day, and that his confessions had been made when he was under no bodily coercion28 — was that to be believed? He had been tortured much more; he had been tortured in proportion to the distress29 his confessions had created in the hearts of those who loved him.
Other friends of Savonarola, who were less ardent30 partisans, did not doubt the substantial genuineness of the confession, however it might have been coloured by the transpositions and additions of the notary; but they argued indignantly that there was nothing which could warrant a condemnation31 to death, or even to grave punishment. It must be clear to all impartial32 men that if this examination represented the only evidence against the Frate, he would die, not for any crime, but because he had made himself inconvenient33 to the Pope, to the rapacious34 Italian States that wanted to dismember their Tuscan neighbour, and to those unworthy citizens who sought to gratify their private ambition in opposition36 to the common weal.
Not a shadow of political crime had been proved against him. Not one stain had been detected on his private conduct: his fellow-monks, including one who had formerly37 been his secretary for several years, and who, with more than the average culture of his companions, had a disposition38 to criticise39 Fra Girolamo’s Rule as Prior, bore testimony40, even after the shock of his retractation, to an unimpeachable41 purity and consistency42 in his life, which had commanded their unsuspecting veneration43. The Pope himself had not been able to raise a charge of heresy44 against the Frate, except on the ground of disobedience to a mandate45, and disregard of the sentence of excommunication. It was difficult to justify46 that breach47 of discipline by argument, but there was a moral insurgence48 in the minds of grave men against the Court of Rome, which tended to confound the theoretic distinction between the Church and churchmen, and to lighten the scandal of disobedience.
Men of ordinary morality and public spirit felt that the triumph of the Frate’s enemies was really the triumph of gross licence. And keen Florentines like Soderini and Piero Guicciardini may well have had an angry smile on their lips at a severity which dispensed49 with all law in order to hang and burn a man in whom the seductions of a public career had warped50 the strictness of his veracity51; may well have remarked that if the Frate had mixed a much deeper fraud with a zeal52 and ability less inconvenient to high personages, the fraud would have been regarded as an excellent oil for ecclesiastical and political wheels.
Nevertheless such shrewd men were forced to admit that, however poor a figure the Florentine government made in its clumsy pretence53 of a judicial54 warrant for what had in fact been predetermined as an act of policy, the measures of the Pope against Savonarola were necessary measures of self-defence. Not to try and rid himself of a man who wanted to stir up the Powers of Europe to summon a General Council and depose55 him, would have been adding ineptitude56 to iniquity57. There was no denying that towards Alexander the Sixth Savonarola was a rebel, and, what was much more, a dangerous rebel. Florence had heard him say, and had well understood what he meant, that he would not obey the devil. It was inevitably58 a life and death struggle between the Frate and the Pope; but it was less inevitable59 that Florence should make itself the Pope’s executioner.
Romola’s ears were filled in this way with the suggestions of a faith still ardent under its wounds, and the suggestions of worldly discernment, judging things according to a very moderate standard of what is possible to human nature. She could be satisfied with neither. She brought to her long meditations60 over that printed document many painful observations, registered more or less consciously through the years of her discipleship61, which whispered a presentiment62 that Savonarola’s retractation of his prophetic claims was not merely a spasmodic effort to escape from torture. But, on the other hand, her soul cried out for some explanation of his lapses63 which would make it still possible for her to believe that the main striving of his life had been pure and grand. The recent memory of the selfish discontent which had come over her like a blighting64 wind along with the loss of her trust in the man who had been for her an incarnation of the highest motives65, had produced a reaction which is known to many as a sort of faith that has sprung up to them out of the very depths of their despair. It was impossible, she said now, that the negative disbelieving thoughts which had made her soul arid66 of all good, could be founded in the truth of things: impossible that it had not been a living spirit, and no hollow pretence, which had once breathed in the Frate’s words, and kindled67 a new life in her. Whatever falsehood there had been in him, had been a fall and not a purpose; a gradual entanglement68 in which he struggled, not a contrivance encouraged by success.
Looking at the printed confessions, she saw many sentences which bore the stamp of bungling69 fabrication: they had that emphasis and repetition in self-accusation which none but very low hypocrites use to their fellow-men. But the fact that these sentences were in striking opposition, not only to the character of Savonarola, but also to the general tone of the confessions, strengthened the impression that the rest of the text represented in the main what had really fallen from his lips. Hardly a word was dishonourable to him except what turned on his prophetic annunciations. He was unvarying in his statement of the ends he had pursued for Florence, the Church, and the world; and, apart from the mixture of falsity in that claim to special inspiration by which he sought to gain hold of men’s minds, there was no admission of having used unworthy means. Even in this confession, and without expurgation of the notary’s malign70 phrases, Fra Girolamo shone forth as a man who had sought his own glory indeed, but sought it by labouring for the very highest end — the moral welfare of men — not by vague exhortations71, but by striving to turn beliefs into energies that would work in all the details of life.
‘Everything that I have done,’ said one memorable72 passage, which may perhaps have had its erasures and interpolations, ‘I have done with the design of being for ever famous in the present and in future ages; and that I might win credit in Florence; and that nothing of great import should be done without my sanction. And when I had thus established my position in Florence, I had it in my mind to do great things in Italy and beyond Italy, by means of those chief personages with whom I had contracted friendship and consulted on high matters, such as this of the General Council. And in proportion as my first efforts succeeded, I should have adopted further measures. Above all, when the General Council had once been brought about, I intended to rouse the princes of Christendom, and especially those beyond the borders of Italy, to subdue73 the infidels. It was not much in my thoughts to get myself made a Cardinal74 or Pope, for when I should have achieved the work I had in view, I should, without being Pope, have been the first man in the world in the authority I should have possessed75, and the reverence76 that would have been paid me. If I had been made Pope, I would not have refused the office: but it seemed to me that to be the head of that work was a greater thing than to be Pope, because a man without virtue77 may be Pope; but such a work as I contemplated78 demanded a man of excellent virtues79.’
That blending of ambition with belief in the supremacy80 of goodness made no new tone to Romola, who had been used to hear it in the voice that rang through the Duomo. It was the habit of Savonarola’s mind to conceive great things, and to feel that he was the man to do them. Iniquity should be brought low; the cause of justice, purity, and love should triumph; and it should triumph by his voice, by his work, by his blood. In moments of ecstatic contemplation doubtless, the sense of self melted in the sense of the Unspeakable, and in that part of his experience lay the elements of genuine self-abasement; but in the presence of his fellow-men for whom he was to act, pre-eminence seemed a necessary condition of his life.
And perhaps this confession, even when it described a doubleness that was conscious and deliberate, really implied no more than that wavering of belief concerning his own impressions and motives which most human beings who have not a stupid inflexibility81 of self-confidence must be liable to under a marked change of external conditions. In a life where the experience was so tumultuously mixed as it must have been in the Frate’s, what a possibility was opened for a change of self-judgment, when, instead of eyes that venerated82 and knees that knelt, instead of a great work on its way to accomplishment83, and in its prosperity stamping the agent as a chosen instrument, there came the hooting84 and the spitting and the curses of the crowd; and then the hard faces of enemies made judges; and then the horrible torture, and with the torture the irrepressible cry, ‘It is true what you would have me say: let me go: do not torture me again: yes, yes, I am guilty. O God! Thy stroke has reached me!’
As Romola thought of the anguish85 that must have followed the confession — whether, in the subsequent solitude86 of the prison, conscience retracted87 or confirmed the self-taxing words — that anguish seemed to be pressing on her own heart and urging the slow bitter tears. Every vulgar self-ignorant person in Florence was glibly88 pronouncing on this man’s demerits, while he was knowing a depth of sorrow which can only be known to the soul that has loved and sought the most perfect thing, and beholds89 itself fallen.
She had not then seen — what she saw afterwards — the evidence of the Frate’s mental state after he had had thus to lay his mouth in the dust. As the days went by, the reports of new unpublished examinations, eliciting90 no change of confessions, ceased; Savonarola was left alone in his prison and allowed pen and ink for a while, that, if he liked, he might use his poor bruised91 and strained right arm to write with. He wrote; but what he wrote was no vindication92 of his innocence93, no protest against the proceedings94 used towards him: it was a continued colloquy95 with that divine purity with which he sought complete reunion; it was the outpouring of self-abasement; it was one long cry for inward renovation96. No lingering echoes of the old vehement97 self-assertion, ‘Look at my work, for it is good, and those who set their faces against it are the children of the devil! ‘ The voice of Sadness tells him, ‘God placed thee in the midst of the people even as if thou hadst been one of the excellent. In this way thou hast taught others, and hast failed to learn thyself. Thou hast cured others and thou thyself hast been still diseased. Thy heart was lifted up at the beauty of thy own deeds, and through this thou hast lost thy wisdom and art become, and shalt be to all eternity98, nothing . . . After so many benefits with which God has honoured thee, thou art fallen into the depths of the sea; and after so many gifts bestowed99 on thee, thou, by thy pride and vainglory, hast scandalised all the world.’ And when Hope speaks and argues that the divine love has not forsaken100 him, it says nothing now of a great work to be done, but only says, ‘Thou art not forsaken, else why is thy heart bowed in penitence101? That too is a gift.’
There is no jot102 of worthy35 evidence that from the time of his imprisonment103 to the supreme104 moment, Savonarola thought or spoke105 of himself as a martyr106. The idea of martyrdom had been to him a passion dividing the dream of the future with the triumph of beholding107 his work achieved. And now, in place of both, had come a resignation which he called by no glorifying108 name.
But therefore he may the more fitly be called a martyr by his fellow-men to all time. For power rose against him not because of his sins, but because of his greatness — not because he sought to deceive the world, but because he sought to make it noble. And through that greatness of his he endured a double agony: not only the reviling109, and the torture, and the death-throe, but the agony of sinking from the vision of glorious achievement into that deep shadow where he could only say, ‘I count as nothing: darkness encompasses110 me: yet the light I saw was the true light.’
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1
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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2
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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3
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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4
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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interrogate
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| vt.讯问，审问，盘问 | |
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6
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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7
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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8
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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9
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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10
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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11
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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12
datum
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| n.资料；数据；已知数 | |
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13
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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14
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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15
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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16
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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18
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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19
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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20
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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24
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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26
wrenched
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| v.（猛力地）扭( wrench的过去式和过去分词 )；扭伤；使感到痛苦；使悲痛 | |
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raving
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| adj.说胡话的；疯狂的，怒吼的；非常漂亮的；令人醉心[痴心]的v.胡言乱语(rave的现在分词)n.胡话；疯话adv.胡言乱语地；疯狂地 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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40
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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41
unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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42
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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44
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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45
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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46
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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47
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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48
insurgence
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| n.起义；造反；暴动；叛乱 | |
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49
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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50
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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51
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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52
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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53
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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54
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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55
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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56
ineptitude
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| n.不适当；愚笨，愚昧的言行 | |
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57
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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58
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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59
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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60
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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61
discipleship
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| n.做弟子的身份（期间） | |
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62
presentiment
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| n.预感，预觉 | |
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63
lapses
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| n.失误，过失( lapse的名词复数 )；小毛病；行为失检；偏离正道v.退步( lapse的第三人称单数 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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64
blighting
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| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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65
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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66
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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67
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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68
entanglement
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| n.纠缠，牵累 | |
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69
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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70
malign
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| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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71
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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72
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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73
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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74
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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75
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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80
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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81
inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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84
hooting
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| （使）作汽笛声响，作汽车喇叭声( hoot的现在分词 )； 倒好儿； 倒彩 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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86
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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retracted
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| v.撤回或撤消( retract的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝执行或遵守；缩回；拉回 | |
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glibly
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| adv.流利地，流畅地；满口 | |
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beholds
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| v.看，注视( behold的第三人称单数 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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eliciting
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| n. 诱发, 引出 动词elicit的现在分词形式 | |
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bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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colloquy
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| n.谈话，自由讨论 | |
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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102
jot
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| n.少量；vi.草草记下；vt.匆匆写下 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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105
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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108
glorifying
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| 赞美( glorify的现在分词 )； 颂扬； 美化； 使光荣 | |
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reviling
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的现在分词 ) | |
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encompasses
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| v.围绕( encompass的第三人称单数 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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