Among world-wide objects of speculation1, objects rising to the dignity of a mundane2 or cosmopolitish value, which challenge at this time more than ever a growing intellectual interest, is the English language. Why particularly at this time? Simply, because the interest in that language rests upon two separate foundations: there are two separate principles concerned in its pretensions3; and by accident in part, but in part also through the silent and inevitable4 march of human progress, there has been steadily5 gathering6 for many years an interest of something like sceptical and hostile curiosity about each of these principles, considered as problems open to variable solutions, as problems already viewed from different national centres, and as problems also that press forward to some solution or other with more and more of a clamorous7 emphasis, in proportion as they tend to consequences no longer merely speculative9 and scholastic10, but which more and more reveal features largely practical and political. The two principles upon which the English language rests the burden of its paramount11 interest, are these:—first, its powers, the range of its endowments; secondly12, its apparent destiny. Some subtle judges in this field of criticism are of opinion, and ever had that opinion, that amongst the modern languages which originally had compass enough of strength and opulence13 in their structure, or had received culture sufficient to qualify them plausibly14 for entering the arena15 of such a competition, the English had certain peculiar16 and inappreciable aptitudes17 for the highest offices of interpretation18. Twenty-five centuries ago, this beautiful little planet on which we live might be said to have assembled and opened her first parliament for representing the grandeur19 of the human intellect. That particular assembly, I mean, for celebrating the Olympic Games about four centuries and a half before the era of Christ, when Herodotus opened the gates of morning for the undying career of history, by reading to the congregated20 children of Hellas, to the whole representative family of civilisation21, that loveliest of earthly narratives22, which, in nine musical cantos, unfolded the whole luxury of human romance as at the bar of some austere23 historic Areopagus, and, inversely24 again, which crowded the total abstract of human records, sealed2 as with the seal of Delphi in the luxurious25 pavilions of human romance.
That most memorable26 of Panhellenic festivals it was, which first made known to each other the two houses of Grecian blood that typified its ultimate and polar capacities, the most and the least of exorbitations, the utmost that were possible from its equatorial centre; viz., on the one side, the Asiatic Ionian, who spoke27 the sweet musical dialect of Homer, and, on the other side, the austere Dorian, whom ten centuries could not teach that human life brought with it any pleasure, or any business, or any holiness of duty, other or loftier than that of war. If it were possible that, under the amenities28 of a Grecian sky, too fierce a memento29 could whisper itself of torrid zones, under the stern discipline of the Doric Spartan30 it was that you looked for it; or, on the other hand, if the lute31 might, at intervals32, be heard or fancied warbling too effeminately for the martial33 European key of the Grecian muses34, amidst the sweet blandishments it was of Ionian groves35 that you arrested the initial elements of such a relaxing modulation36. Twenty-five centuries ago, when Europe and Asia met for brotherly participation37 in the noblest, perhaps,3 of all recorded solemnities, viz., the inauguration38 of History in its very earliest and prelusive page, the coronation (as with propriety39 we may call it) of the earliest (perhaps even yet the greatest?) historic artist, what was the language employed as the instrument of so great a federal act? It was that divine Grecian language to which, on the model of the old differential compromise in favour of Themistocles, all rival languages would cordially have conceded the second honour. If now, which is not impossible, any occasion should arise for a modern congress of the leading nations that represent civilisation, not probably in the Isthmus40 of Corinth, but on that of Darien, it would be a matter of mere8 necessity, and so far hardly implying any expression of homage41, that the English language should take the station formerly42 accorded to the Grecian. But I come back to the thesis which I announced, viz., to the twofold onus43 which the English language is called upon to sustain:—first, to the responsibility attached to its powers; secondly, to the responsibility and weight of expectation attached to its destiny. To the questions growing out of the first, I will presently return. But for the moment, I will address myself to the nature of that Destiny, which is often assigned to the English language: what is it? and how far is it in a fair way of fulfilling this destiny?
As early as the middle of the last century, and by people with as little enthusiasm as David Hume, it had become the subject of plain prudential speculations44, in forecasting the choice of a subject, or of the language in which it should reasonably be treated, that the area of expectation for an English writer was prodigiously45 expanding under the development of our national grandeur, by whatever names of ‘colonial’ or ‘national’ it might be varied46 or disguised. The issue of the American War, and the sudden expansion of the American union into a mighty47 nation on a scale corresponding to that of the four great European potentates—Russia, Austria, England, and France—was not in those days suspected. But the tendencies could not be mistaken. And the same issue was fully48 anticipated, though undoubtedly49 through the steps of a very much slower process. Whilst disputing about the items on the tess apettiele, the disputed facts were overtaking us, and flying past us, on the most gigantic scale. All things were changing: and the very terms of the problem were themselves changing, and putting on new aspects, in the process and at the moment of enunciation50. For instance, it had been sufficiently51 seen that another Christendom, far more colossal52 than the old Christendom of Europe, might, and undoubtedly would, form itself rapidly in America. Against the tens of millions in Europe would rise up, like the earth-born children of Deucalion and Pyrrha (or of the Theban Cadmus and Hermione) American millions counted by hundreds. But from what radix? Originally, it would have been regarded as madness to take Ireland, in her Celtic element, as counting for anything. But of late—whether rationally, however, I will inquire for a brief moment or so—the counters have all changed in these estimates. The late Mr O’Connell was the parent of these hyperbolical anticipations53. To count his ridiculous ‘monster-meetings’ by hundreds of thousands, and then at last by millions, cost nobody so much as a blush; and considering the open laughter and merriment with which all O’Connell estimates were accepted and looked at, I must think that the London Standard was more deeply to blame than any other political party, in giving currency and acceptation to the nursery exaggerations of Mr O’Connell. Meantime those follies54 came to an end. Mr O’Connell died; all was finished: and a new form of mendacity was transferred to America. There has always existed in the United States one remarkable55 phenomenon of Irish politics applied56 to the deception57 of both English, Americans, and Irish. All people who have given any attention to partisanship58 and American politics, are aware of a rancorous malice59 burning sullenly60 amongst a small knot of Irishmen, and applying itself chiefly to the feeding of an interminable feud61 against England and all things English. This, as it chiefly expresses itself in American journals, naturally passes for the product of American violence; which in reality it is not. And hence it happens, and for many years it has happened, that both Englishmen and Americans are perplexed62 at intervals by a malice and an acharnement of hatred63 to England, which reads very much like that atrocious and viperous64 malignity65 imputed66 to the father of Hannibal against the Romans. It is noticeable, both as keeping open a peculiar exasperation67 of Irish patriotism68 absurdly directed against England; as doing a very serious injustice69 to Americans, who are thus misrepresented as the organs of this violence, so exclusively Irish; and, finally, as the origin of the monstrous70 delusion71 which I now go on to mention. The pretence72 of late put forward is, that the preponderant element in the American population is indeed derived73 from the British Islands, but by a vast overbalance from Ireland, and from the Celtic part of the Irish population. This monstrous delusion has recently received an extravagant74 sanction from the London Quarterly Review. Half a dozen other concurrent75 papers, in journals political and literary, hold the same language. And the upshot of the whole is—that, whilst the whole English element (including the earliest colonisation of the New England states at the beginning of the seventeenth century, and including the whole stream of British emigration since the French Revolution) is accredited76 for no more than three and a half millions out of pretty nearly twenty millions of white American citizens, on the other hand, against this English element, is set up an Irish (meaning a purely77 Hiberno-Celtic) element, amounting—oh, genius of blushing, whither hast thou fled?—to a total of eight millions. Anglo-Saxon blood, it seems, is in a miserable78 minority in the United States; whilst the German blood composes, we are told, a respectable nation of five millions; and the Irish-Celtic young noblemen, though somewhat at a loss for shoes, already count as high as eight millions!
Now, if there were any semblance79 of truth in all this, we should have very good reason indeed to tremble for the future prospects80 of the English language throughout the union. Eight millions struggling with three and a half should already have produced some effect on the very composition of Congress. Meantime, against these audacious falsehoods I observe a reasonable paper in the Times (August 23, 1852), rating the Celtic contribution from Ireland—that is, exclusively of all the Ulster contribution—at about two millions; which, however, I view as already an exaggeration, considering the number that have always by preference resorted to the Canadas. Two millions, whom poverty, levity81, and utter want of all social or political consideration, have reduced to ciphers82 the most absolute—two millions, in the very lowest and most abject83 point of political depression, cannot do much to disturb the weight of the English language: which, accordingly, on another occasion, I will proceed to consider, with and without the aid of the learned Dr Gordon Latham, and sometimes (if he will excuse me) in defiance84 of that gentleman, though far enough from defiance in any hostile or unfriendly sense.
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1
speculation
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n.思索,沉思;猜测;投机 | |
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2
mundane
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adj.平凡的;尘世的;宇宙的 | |
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3
pretensions
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自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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4
inevitable
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adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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5
steadily
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adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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6
gathering
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n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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7
clamorous
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adj.吵闹的,喧哗的 | |
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8
mere
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adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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speculative
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adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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10
scholastic
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adj.学校的,学院的,学术上的 | |
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11
paramount
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a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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12
secondly
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adv.第二,其次 | |
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13
opulence
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n.财富,富裕 | |
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plausibly
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似真地 | |
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15
arena
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n.竞技场,运动场所;竞争场所,舞台 | |
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16
peculiar
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adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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17
aptitudes
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(学习方面的)才能,资质,天资( aptitude的名词复数 ) | |
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interpretation
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n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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19
grandeur
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n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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20
congregated
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(使)集合,聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21
civilisation
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n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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22
narratives
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记叙文( narrative的名词复数 ); 故事; 叙述; 叙述部分 | |
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23
austere
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adj.艰苦的;朴素的,朴实无华的;严峻的 | |
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24
inversely
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adj.相反的 | |
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25
luxurious
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adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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26
memorable
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adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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27
spoke
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n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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28
amenities
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n.令人愉快的事物;礼仪;礼节;便利设施;礼仪( amenity的名词复数 );便利设施;(环境等的)舒适;(性情等的)愉快 | |
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memento
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n.纪念品,令人回忆的东西 | |
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30
spartan
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adj.简朴的,刻苦的;n.斯巴达;斯巴达式的人 | |
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lute
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n.琵琶,鲁特琴 | |
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32
intervals
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n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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33
martial
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adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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34
muses
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v.沉思,冥想( muse的第三人称单数 );沉思自语说(某事) | |
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groves
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树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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modulation
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n.调制 | |
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37
participation
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n.参与,参加,分享 | |
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inauguration
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n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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propriety
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n.正当行为;正当;适当 | |
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isthmus
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n.地峡 | |
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homage
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n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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formerly
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adv.从前,以前 | |
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onus
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n.负担;责任 | |
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speculations
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n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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45
prodigiously
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adv.异常地,惊人地,巨大地 | |
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46
varied
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adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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mighty
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adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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undoubtedly
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adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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50
enunciation
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n.清晰的发音;表明,宣言;口齿 | |
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51
sufficiently
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adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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52
colossal
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adj.异常的,庞大的 | |
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53
anticipations
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预期( anticipation的名词复数 ); 预测; (信托财产收益的)预支; 预期的事物 | |
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54
follies
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罪恶,时事讽刺剧; 愚蠢,蠢笨,愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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55
remarkable
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adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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56
applied
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adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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57
deception
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n.欺骗,欺诈;骗局,诡计 | |
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58
Partisanship
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n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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59
malice
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n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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60
sullenly
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不高兴地,绷着脸,忧郁地 | |
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61
feud
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n.长期不和;世仇;v.长期争斗;世代结仇 | |
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62
perplexed
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adj.不知所措的 | |
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63
hatred
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n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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64
viperous
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adj.有毒的,阴险的 | |
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65
malignity
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n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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66
imputed
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v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
exasperation
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n.愤慨 | |
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68
patriotism
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n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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injustice
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n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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monstrous
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adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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71
delusion
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n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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pretence
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n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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73
derived
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vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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74
extravagant
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adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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concurrent
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adj.同时发生的,一致的 | |
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accredited
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adj.可接受的;可信任的;公认的;质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 );委托;委任;把…归结于 | |
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purely
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adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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miserable
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adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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semblance
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n.外貌,外表 | |
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80
prospects
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n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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81
levity
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n.轻率,轻浮,不稳定,多变 | |
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ciphers
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n.密码( cipher的名词复数 );零;不重要的人;无价值的东西 | |
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abject
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adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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defiance
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n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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