Unlick’d to forms, in groans2 his hate express’d —
Next him the buffoon3 ape, as atheists use,
Mimick’d all sects5, and had his own to choose.
HIND6 AND PANTHER.
The strong light in the parlour which we have described, served to enable Everard easily to recognise his acquaintances, Desborough, Harrison, and Bletson, who had assembled round an oak table of large dimensions, placed near the blazing chimney, on which were arranged wine, and ale, and materials for smoking, then the general indulgence of the time. There was a species of movable cupboard set betwixt the table and the door, calculated originally for a display of plate upon grand occasions, but at present only used as a screen; which purpose it served so effectually, that, ere he had coasted around it, Everard heard the following fragment of what Desborough was saying, in his strong coarse voice:—“Sent him to share with us, I’se warrant ye — It was always his Excellency my brother-inlaw’s way — if he made a treat for five friends, he would invite more than the table could hold — I have known him ask three men to eat two eggs.”
“Hush, hush,” said Bletson; and the servants, making their appearance from behind the tall cupboard, announced Colonel Everard. It may not be uninteresting to the reader to have a description, of the party into which he now entered.
Desborough was a stout7, bull-necked man, of middle-size, with heavy vulgar features, grizzled bushy eyebrows8, and walleyes. The flourish of his powerful relative’s fortunes had burst forth9 in the finery of his dress, which was much more ornamented10 than was usual among the roundheads. There was embroidery11 on his cloak, and lace upon his band; his hat displayed a feather with a golden clasp, and all his habiliments were those of a cavalier, or follower12 of the court, rather than the plain dress of a parliamentarian officer. But, Heaven knows, there was little of courtlike grace or dignity in the person or demeanour of the individual, who became his fine suit as the hog13 on the sign-post does his gilded14 armour15. It was not that he was positively16 deformed17, or misshaped, for, taken in detail, the figure was well enough. But his limbs seemed to act upon different and contradictory18 principles. They were not, as the play says, in a concatenation accordingly; — the right hand moved as if it were upon bad terms with the left, and the legs showed an inclination19 to foot it in different and opposite directions. In short, to use an extravagant20 comparison, the members of Colonel Desborough seemed rather to resemble the disputatious representatives of a federative congress, than the well-ordered union of the orders of the state, in a firm and well-compacted monarchy21, where each holds his own place, and all obey the dictates22 of a common head.
General Harrison, the second of the Commissioners23, was a tall, thin, middle-aged25 man, who had risen into his high situation in the army, and his intimacy26 with Cromwell, by his dauntless courage in the field, and the popularity he had acquired by his exalted27 enthusiasm amongst the military saints, sectaries, and Independents, who composed the strength of the existing army. Harrison was of mean extraction, and bred up to his father’s employment of a butcher. Nevertheless, his appearance, though coarse, was not vulgar, like that of Desborough, who had so much the advantage of him in birth and education. He had a masculine height and strength of figure, was well made and in his manner announced a rough military character, which might be feared, but could not easily become the object of contempt or ridicule28. His aquiline29 nose and dark black eyes set off to some advantage a countenance30 otherwise irregular, and the wild enthusiasm that sometimes sparkled in them as he dilated31 on his opinions to others, and often seemed to slumber32 under his long dark eyelashes as he mused33 upon them himself, gave something strikingly wild, and even noble to his aspect. He was one of the chief leaders of those who were called Fifth-Monarchy men, who, going even beyond the general fanaticism34 of the age, presumptuously36 interpreted the Book of the Revelations after their own fancies, considered that the second Advent37 of the Messiah, and the Millenium, or reign38 of the Saints upon earth, was close at hand, and that they themselves, illuminated39, as they believed, with the power of foreseeing these approaching events, were the chosen instruments for the establishment of the New Reign, or Fifth Monarchy, as it was called, and were fated also to win its honours, whether celestial40 or terrestrial.
When this spirit of enthusiasm, which operated like a partial insanity41, was not immediately affecting Harrison’s mind, he was a shrewd worldly man, and a good soldier; one who missed no opportunity of mending his fortune, and who, in expecting the exaltation of the Fifth Monarchy, was, in the meanwhile, a ready instrument for the establishment of the Lord-General’s supremacy42. Whether it was owing to his early occupation, and habits of indifference43 to pain or bloodshed acquired in the shambles44, to natural disposition45 and want of feeling, or, finally, to the awakened46 character of his enthusiasm, which made him look upon those who opposed him, as opposing the Divine will, and therefore meriting no favour or mercy, is not easy to say; but all agreed, that after a victory, or the successful storm of a town, Harrison was one of the most cruel and pitiless men in Cromwell’s army; always urging some misapplied text to authorize47 the continued execution of the fugitives48, and sometimes even putting to death those who had surrendered themselves prisoners. It was said, that at times the recollection of some of those cruelties troubled his conscience, and disturbed the dreams of beatification in which his imagination indulged.
When Everard entered the apartment, this true representative of the fanatic35 soldiers of the day, who filled those ranks and regiments49 which Cromwell had politically kept on foot, while he procured50 the reduction of those in which the Presbyterian interest predominated, was seated a little apart from the others, his legs crossed, and stretched out at length towards the fire, his head resting on his elbow, and turned upwards51, as if studying, with the most profound gravity, the half-seen carving52 of the Gothic roof.
Bletson remains53 to be mentioned, who, in person and figure, was diametrically different from the other two. There was neither foppery nor slovenliness54 in his exterior55, nor had he any marks of military service or rank about his person. A small walking rapier seemed merely worn as a badge of his rank as a gentleman, without his hand having the least purpose of becoming acquainted with the hilt, or his eye with the blade. His countenance was thin and acute, marked with lines which thought rather than age had traced upon it; and a habitual56 sneer57 on his countenance, even, when he least wished to express contempt on his features, seemed to assure the individual addressed, that in Bletson he conversed58 with a person of intellect far superior to his own. This was a triumph of intellect only, however; for on all occasions of difference respecting speculative59 opinions, and indeed on all controversies60 whatsoever61, Bletson avoided the ultimate ratio of blows and knocks.
Yet this peaceful gentleman had found himself obliged to serve personally in the Parliamentary army at the commencement of the Civil War, till happening unluckily to come in contact with the fiery62 Prince Rupert, his retreat was judged so precipitate63, that it required all the shelter that his friends could afford, to keep him free of an impeachment64 or a court-martial. But as Bletson spoke65 well, and with great effect in the House of Commons, which was his natural sphere, and was on that account high in the estimation of his party, his behaviour at Edgehill was passed over, and he continued to take an active share in all the political events of that bustling66 period, though he faced not again the actual front of war.
Bletson’s theoretical politics had long inclined him to espouse67 the opinions of Harrington and others, who adopted the visionary idea of establishing a pure democratical republic in so extensive a country as Britain. This was a rash theory, where there is such an infinite difference betwixt ranks, habits, education, and morals — where there is such an immense disproportion betwixt the wealth of individuals — and where a large portion of the inhabitants consist of the inferior classes of the large towns and manufacturing districts — men unfitted to bear that share in the direction of a state, which must be exercised by the members of a republic in the proper sense of the word. Accordingly, as soon as the experiment was made, it became obvious that no such form of government could be adopted with the smallest chance of stability; and the question came only to be, whether the remnant, or, as it was vulgarly called, the Rump of the Long Parliament, now reduced by the seclusion68 of so many of the members to a few scores of persons, should continue, in spite of their unpopularity, to rule the affairs of Britain? Whether they should cast all loose by dissolving themselves, and issuing writs69 to convoke70 a new Parliament, the composition of which no one could answer for, any more than for the measures they might take when assembled? Or lastly, whether Cromwell, as actually happened, was not to throw the sword into the balance, and boldly possess himself of that power which the remnant of the Parliament were unable to hold, and yet afraid to resign?
Such being the state of parties, the Council of State, in distributing the good things in their gift, endeavoured to soothe71 and gratify the army, as a beggar flings crusts to a growling72 mastiff. In this view Desborough had been created a Commissioner24 in the Woodstock matter to gratify Cromwell, Harrison to soothe the fierce Fifth-Monarchy men, and Bletson as a sincere republican, and one of their own leaven73.
But if they supposed Bletson had the least intention of becoming a martyr74 to his republicanism, or submitting to any serious loss on account of it, they much mistook the man. He entertained their principles sincerely and not the less that they were found impracticable; for the miscarriage75 of his experiment no more converts the political speculator, than the explosion of a retort undeceives an alchymist. But Bletson was quite prepared to submit to Cromwell, or any one else who might be possessed76 of the actual authority. He was a ready subject in practice to the powers existing, and made little difference betwixt various kinds of government, holding in theory all to be nearly equal in imperfection, so soon as they diverged77 from the model of Harrington’s Oceana. Cromwell had already been tampering78 with him, like wax between his finger and thumb, and which he was ready shortly to seal with, smiling at the same time to himself when he beheld79 the Council of State giving rewards to Bletson, as their faithful adherent80, while he himself was secure of his allegiance, how soon soever the expected change of government should take place.
But Bletson was still more attached to his metaphysical than his political creed81, and carried his doctrines82 of the perfectibility of mankind as far as he did those respecting the conceivable perfection of a model of government; and as in the one case he declared against all power which did not emanate83 from the people themselves, so, in his moral speculations84, he was unwilling85 to refer any of the phenomena86 of nature to a final cause. When pushed, indeed, very hard, Bletson was compelled to mutter some inarticulate and unintelligible87 doctrines concerning an Animus88 Mundi, or Creative Power in the works of Nature, by which she originally called into existence, and still continues to preserve, her works. To this power, he said, some of the purest metaphysicians rendered a certain degree of homage89; nor was he himself inclined absolutely to censure90 those, who, by the institution of holydays, choral dances, songs, and harmless feasts and libations, might be disposed to celebrate the great goddess Nature; at least dancing, singing, feasting, and sporting, being conformable things to both young and old, they might as well sport, dance, and feast, in honour of such appointed holydays, as under any other pretext91. But then this moderate show of religion was to be practised under such exceptions as are admitted by the Highgate oath; and no one was to be compelled to dance, drink, sing, or feast, whose taste did not happen to incline them to such divertisements; nor was any one to be obliged to worship the creative power, whether under the name of the Animus Mundi, or any other whatsoever. The interference of the Deity92 in the affairs of mankind he entirely93 disowned, having proved to his own satisfaction that the idea originated entirely in priestcraft. In short, with the shadowy metaphysical exception aforesaid, Mr. Joshua Bletson of Darlington, member for Littlefaith, came as near the predicament of an atheist4, as it is perhaps possible for a man to do. But we say this with the necessary salvo; for we have known many like Bletson, whose curtains have been shrewdly shaken by superstition94, though their fears were unsanctioned by any religious faith. The devils, we are assured, believe and tremble; but on earth there are many, who, in worse plight95 than even the natural children of perdition, tremble without believing, and fear even while they blaspheme.
It follows, of course, that nothing could be treated with more scorn by Mr. Bletson, than the debates about Prelacy and Presbytery, about Presbytery and Independency, about Quakers and Anabaptists, Muggletonians and Brownists, and all the various sects with which the Civil War had commenced, and by which its dissensions were still continued. “It was,” he said, “as if beasts of burden should quarrel amongst themselves about the fashion of their halters and pack-saddles, instead of embracing a favourable96 opportunity of throwing them aside.” Other witty97 and pithy98 remarks he used to make when time and place suited; for instance, at the club called the Rota, frequented by St. John, and established by Harrington, for the free discussion of political and religious subjects.
But when Bletson was out of this academy, or stronghold of philosophy, he was very cautious how he carried his contempt of the general prejudice in favour of religion and Christianity further than an implied objection or a sneer. If he had an opportunity of talking in private with an ingenuous99 and intelligent youth, he sometimes attempted to make a proselyte, and showed much address in bribing100 the vanity of inexperience, by suggesting that a mind like his ought to spurn101 the prejudices impressed upon it in childhood; and when assuming the latus clavus of reason, assuring him that such as he, laying aside the bulla of juvenile102 incapacity, as Bletson called it, should proceed to examine and decide for himself. It frequently happened, that the youth was induced to adopt the doctrines in whole, or in part, of the sage103 who had seen his natural genius, and who had urged him to exert it in examining, detecting, and declaring for himself, and thus flattery gave proselytes to infidelity, which could not have been gained by all the powerful eloquence104 or artful sophistry105 of the infidel.
These attempts to extend the influence of what was called freethinking and philosophy, were carried on, as we have hinted, with a caution dictated106 by the timidity of the philosopher’s disposition. He was conscious his doctrines were suspected, and his proceedings107 watched, by the two principal sects of Prelatists and Presbyterians, who, however inimical to each other, were still more hostile to one who was an opponent, not only to a church establishment of any kind, but to every denomination108 of Christianity. He found it more easy to shroud109 himself among the Independents, whose demands were for a general liberty of conscience, or an unlimited110 toleration, and whose faith, differing in all respects and particulars, was by some pushed into such wild errors, as to get totally beyond the bounds of every species of Christianity, and approach very near to infidelity itself, as extremes of each kind are said to approach each other. Bletson mixed a good deal among those sectaries; and such was his confidence in his own logic111 and address, that he is supposed to have entertained hopes of bringing to his opinions in time the enthusiastic Vane, as well as the no less enthusiastic Harrison, provided he could but get them to resign their visions of a Fifth Monarchy, and induce them to be contented112 with a reign of Philosophers in England for the natural period of their lives, instead of the reign of the Saints during the Millenium.
Such was the singular group into which Everard was now introduced; showing, in their various opinions, upon how many devious113 coasts human nature may make shipwreck114, when she has once let go her hold on the anchor which religion has given her to lean upon; the acute self-conceit and worldly learning of Bletson — the rash and ignorant conclusions of the fierce and under-bred Harrison, leading them into the opposite extremes of enthusiasm and infidelity, while Desborough, constitutionally stupid, thought nothing about religion at all; and while the others were active in making sail on different but equally erroneous courses, he might be said to perish like a vessel115, which springs a leak and founders116 in the roadstead. It was wonderful to behold117 what a strange variety of mistakes and errors, on the part of the King and his Ministers, on the part of the Parliament and their leaders, on the part of the allied118 kingdoms of Scotland and England towards each other, had combined to rear up men of such dangerous opinions and interested characters among the arbiters119 of the destiny of Britain.
Those who argue for party’s sake, will see all the faults on the one side, without deigning120 to look at those on the other; those who study history for instruction, will perceive that nothing but the want of concession121 on either side, and the deadly height to which the animosity of the King’s and Parliament’s parties had arisen, could have so totally overthrown122 the well-poised balance of the English constitution. But we hasten to quit political reflections, the rather that ours, we believe, will please neither Whig nor Tory.
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1
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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2
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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3
buffoon
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| n.演出时的丑角 | |
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atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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hind
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| adj.后面的，后部的 | |
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eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11
embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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12
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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13
hog
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| n.猪；馋嘴贪吃的人；vt.把…占为己有，独占 | |
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gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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15
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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19
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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20
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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23
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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25
middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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aquiline
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| adj.钩状的，鹰的 | |
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30
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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31
dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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mused
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| v.沉思，冥想( muse的过去式和过去分词 )；沉思自语说（某事） | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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presumptuously
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| adv.自以为是地，专横地，冒失地 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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42
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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43
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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44
shambles
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| n.混乱之处；废墟 | |
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45
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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46
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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47
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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48
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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49
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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50
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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51
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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52
carving
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| n.雕刻品，雕花 | |
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53
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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54
slovenliness
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55
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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56
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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57
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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58
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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59
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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60
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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61
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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62
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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63
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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64
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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65
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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66
bustling
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| adj.喧闹的 | |
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67
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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68
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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69
writs
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| n.书面命令，令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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70
convoke
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| v.召集会议 | |
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71
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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72
growling
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| n.吠声, 咆哮声 v.怒吠, 咆哮, 吼 | |
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73
leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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74
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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75
miscarriage
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| n.失败，未达到预期的结果；流产 | |
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76
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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77
diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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78
tampering
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| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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79
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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80
adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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81
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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82
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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83
emanate
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| v.发自，来自，出自 | |
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84
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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85
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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86
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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87
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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88
animus
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| n.恶意；意图 | |
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89
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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90
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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91
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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92
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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93
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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94
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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95
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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96
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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97
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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98
pithy
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| adj.(讲话或文章)简练的 | |
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99
ingenuous
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| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
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100
bribing
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| 贿赂 | |
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101
spurn
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| v.拒绝，摈弃；n.轻视的拒绝；踢开 | |
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102
juvenile
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| n.青少年，少年读物；adj.青少年的，幼稚的 | |
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103
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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104
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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105
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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106
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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107
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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108
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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109
shroud
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| n.裹尸布，寿衣；罩，幕；vt.覆盖，隐藏 | |
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110
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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111
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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112
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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113
devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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114
shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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115
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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116
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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117
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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118
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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119
arbiters
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| 仲裁人，裁决者( arbiter的名词复数 ) | |
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120
deigning
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的现在分词 ) | |
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121
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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122
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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