The Political Life of Edward Albert Tewler
Chapter the First and Last
Political Animals?
THE PRECEDING BOOK in the life of Edward Albert Tewler has been a long one. Now by way of relief the reader shall have a very short one. And the air of it will be free from that flavour of indelicacy which is unhappily so inseparable from a truthful1 rendering2 of sexual life.
It is necessary, if this monograph3 is to be complete, that a statement of Aristotle’s should be considered, and this again involves a certain qualified4 tribute to the contribution of that outstanding figure to the entanglement6 of human thought. He looms7 large in the history of the mind, so that millions who have never heard more of him than his name, treat it with an almost superstitious8 respect. He devised a logical process that ignored the universal uniqueness of events, fixed9 species, which nevertheless fluctuate eternally, and substitute^ dogmatic generalisation for protean10 truth. Later, he drifted away from this towards the systematic11 collection and record of fact, but the syllogism12 of the young Aristotle remained to hamper13 the human mind, and bookish scholars in monastic cells, unable and unwilling14 to go out and observe and experiment further, made the hasty accumulations of the old Aristotle their test of reality instead of carrying on with his marshalling of knowledge.
As Christian15 teaching developed its Creeds16 after the conversion17 of Constantine, it appropriated the intellectual prestige of Aristotle, and, until Roger Bacon made his shrill18 and passionate19 protests, the church kept the mind aloof20 from the ever-changing realities about him. So through the Early Dark Ages, the genus Homo blundered along dismally21 and dirtily, learning next to nothing by experience and suffering. All of which will be expanded further in the Sixth Book of this complete and veracious22 study of a sample contemporary man. For in his generation, Edward Albert was the heir to it all. It had gone to his making and limitation even though he knew nothing about it. And so it is with all of us. None of us would have been what we are if Aristotle had never lived, to mark and fix a cardinal23 error in the bewilderment of human thought.
This passing tribute to the outstanding classic is paid prematurely24 here, because it is the necessary setting for one of his uncorrected inaccuracies, in all its unmitigated and unjustifiable assurance. “Man,” said he, without qualification, “is a political animal.”
Now this is neither wholly false nor wholly true. It is false in so far as Homo Tewler does not behave as a political animal should do, participating with the utmost fullness in the collective life of the polis, but it is true in the sense that his life is inseparable from that collective life and that he cannot escape from it, whatever he does to detach himself. Even your misanthropical25 recluse26 still contributes an implicit27 or outspoken28 criticism to the general life. So that if we qualify Aristotle and say that man is an inadequately29 Political Animal, we can accept his statement.
The polls of Aristotle was a city state, but now the human community has expanded, function by function, irregularly and confusedly, to a Cosmopolis — the whole human species. A man belongs now to a hundred different systems of relationship overlapping30 one another; a hundred different loyalties31 claim him; but comprehending all of them now and growing continually more insistent32 is our common humanity. No one can escape the common fate that awaits our species as a whole, but so far few of us apprehend33 as much, and still fewer have roused themselves to do anything about it. We are in the ship of human destiny but we have very little control of it, We still treat our cabins as separate ships. (My metaphor34 is faulty but my intention is manifest.) The polls has us but we fail to take hold of the polis.
Aristotle’s conception of political possibility never ranged beyond the city state or a league of city states, because in his time the progressive abolition35 of distance was inconceivable. But the Greek idea embodied36 in his expression “Political Animal”, the treatment of the words “city” and “citizens” as reciprocal terms, the distinction between civilised and barbaric expansion as the difference between the extended city on the one hand, and, on the other, conquest and the exaction37 of tribute, “cooperation” and homage38, has been a working opposition39 throughout the ages down to our own time. Rome did not begin as an Imperium. The initial idea of the Roman Republic was not an idea of conquest but assimilation; from Scotland to Samarkand men could become citizens of the city of Rome. Invention and discovery have now expanded the polis of Aristotle to Cosmopolis, the Barbarian40 is a mere41 gangster42, a savage43 brought within the compass of the city, all war is crime and civil war, and it is by, through and in a world-order that we live or fail to live today. Manifestly, then, our Edward Albert Tewler and his neighbours in Morningside Prospect44 at the heart of a cosmic time bomb, must, like everybody else in the world now, display man as a Political Animal, however unawakened he may be to the real extent of the Cosmopolis.
Considered as an assembly of Political Animals, the tenants45 of Morningside Prospect displayed the same quality of discreet46 reluctance47 towards harsh realities that was also manifest in their religious and philosophical48 attitudes. Then citizenship49 was a sleeping partnership50. They were not pressing or attacking in these matters, so that they do not complicate51 our study by advancing ideas of their own“and attempting to change the world in any way whatever. This simplifies them very conveniently for our purpose. A single declared Fascist52 or Communist or Jehovah’s Witness or Single Taxer or Douglasite, for example, would have put us askew53 by orienting the entire Prospect to his complex of ideas and setting them organising and resisting for or against it. He would have concentrated attention like a hornet come into a roomful of quiet people. But suchlike disturbers of the peace were far away, a distant buzzing, and the word “Bawls” protected this place of rest as effectively as an angel with a flaming fiery54 sword.
The whole of Morningside Prospect had made its peace with God, and it felt that if you didn’t annoy God, He could be trusted not to annoy you. The faint flavour of Rome that hung about that biretta and soutane excused any persistent55 church going. Which would not have occurred anyhow. There would always have been some faint flavour or other in extenuation56. One or two of the ladies “communicated” at Easter and assisted with the decorations at Harvest Thanksgiving. If some Buzzer57 had got through with whispers of unbelief, Morningside Prospect would not have argued, it would have “stood up” for God simply and firmly. If on the other hand the Redeemer of Mankind, whose authentic58 portraits adorned59 quite a number of the Prospect bedrooms, had appeared, true to those pictures, white-robed and radiant) Morningside Prospect would have quietly gone indoors, fastened the door, and watched this intrusive60 anachronism discreetly61 from behind a blind, apprehensive62 of any little miracles that might occur. A few with memories of their early Sunday school lessons might have felt anxious about Mrs Rooter’s fig5 tree at the end of the row, because He was notoriously hasty with fig trees, and hers was notoriously barren.
So much for the religion of Morningside. Its attitude towards Nature was equally passive. The Prospect had dismissed any curiosity it had ever possessed63 about Nature, It had decided64 that Nature also was quite trustworthy if you didn’t mess about with her. There were the Secrets of Nature, but no decent person ever dreamt of raising her skirts. There were the Wonders of Nature, but there was no need to pry66 into them. You just said they were wonderful. You went out and looked up at the stars on a starry67 night. You remained still for a time. “It makes you think,” you said profoundly, and thought no more about it.
But Politics wasn’t so easily dismissed. There were rates to pay and they had a tendency to go up; there were taxes which rose steadily68. There were municipal and parliamentary elections. People put handbills into the letter-boxes and canvassers came round and asked Morningside Prospect questions at which the Prospect shook its head in an enigmatical manner. It had no taste for doorstep arguments. When a general election loomed69 up, the public disturbance70 was considerable, and Morningside Prospect was forced to share it. It broke into speech. Views were exchanged, at golf and over garden fences; newspapers with marked passages were handed about. The characters of prominent political leaders were weighed. It got as far as that. Personal experiences hitherto held in reserve were brought to light.
There was Mr Pildington who lived for many years of trusted service in a general depot71 at Johore. Upon any issue affecting India or the East generally, his brief utterances72 were felt to be final. There was Mr Stannish again, of Tintern, who had experienced the evils of Trade unionism and the improvidence73 of the working class, on the clerical staff of a mining corporation in South Wales. You could tell him nothing he did not know against the Labour Party, Mr Copper74 of Caxton had worked with a big printing firm which produced a constellation75 of trade weeklies, and he came out very strongly in favour of extending the law of libel so as to restrain die publication of any criticism that was not entirely76 favourable77 and signed by the writer. His firm had made a bad debt by publishing a periodical called Scientific Truth, which had fallen foul78 of a gentleman who claimed to have discovered a cure for cancer, had denounced him as a mischievous79 impostor and had had to pay heavy damages and go into bankruptcy80. The Plaintiff had not discovered a cure for cancer and his nostrum81 was deadly, but that was held by the court to be irrelevant82.
Mr Copper had been partly responsible for the issue of this periodical, and the experience, he said, had taught him a lesson.
“These critics,” said Mr Copper, whose intelligence was sufficiently83 narrow to be acute, “these critics, you see, they disregard the capital a man lays out in building up a reputation. It’s nothing to them. They just think they have the right to run him down exactly as they please. There’s hardly a business that could stand it. This case was touch-and-go, but our chap went too far in his abuse. It’s plain sense you got to put it down. There isn’t a thing in heaven or earth that’s safe while this criticism runs loose. So now at every election I ask the candidates whether they agree to back my Control of Criticism Bill. Had it drafted and printed all right and proper. You didn’t know of that? I get pledges from both sides, always, but somehow they never seem to push it through up there. Hammer away, I say, hammer away. No need to talk about it. It’s just my hobby, so to speak. You wouldn’t care to have a copy of my Bill? You needn’t read it. . . . ”
All Morningside Prospect was agreed that rates and taxes had increased, were increasing and ought to be diminished. The vote was something given to the free-born citizen primarily to defend him against these assaults upon his peace of mind. So that as the election drew near, Morningside Prospect really made an effort to distinguish between the competing candidates who were seeking their suffrages84, in this particular respect. Would they keep rates down and taxes down? All candidates promised gladly and there the matter ended. Brighthampton was a complex constituency with a slum district harbouring a swarm85 of skilled and semi-skilled workers. Morningside Prospect believed that these people of the back streets were mainly engaged in almost incredibly rapid multiplication86, and shared the outspoken indignation of Dean Inge at decent people being asked to provide health and education for this unbridled pullullation of the “Unfit.” Like Oliver Twist, these creatures were always asking for more, stimulated87 in their extravagant88 demands by agitators89, whom Morningside Prospect believed to be invariably of foreign origin and incredible malignity90. So that there was a third party in the Brighthampton constituency, known to Morningside Prospect as the “Squandermaniacs”, a Labour Party dominated by some Russian agent, Bill Smith or McAndrew, apprehensions91 by a vigorous advocacy of peace and to induce his fellow Tewlers (var. Anglicanus) to confirm his hope for a world in which there would be no more war, but everything else going on as usual. With all their facilities some of his subsidiaries did a bit of arms smuggling92, but Sir Humbert did his very utmost not to know anything about that. He did not hesitate, as the passions of electioneering rose, to call Sir Adrian a war-monger. But this was a gross libel. Sir Adrian was not a war-monger; he was a wholesale93 iron-monger.
If he had really wanted to sell war to the world, he would not have confined himself to the big battleship business. He would have gone in for financially less important equipment, for air and undersea attacks, warfare94 in narrow seas and with amphibious craft. But at the time of the Abyssinian crisis, when Mussolini threatened the British fleet with dive bombing, the British government had to give in ignominiously95 because their ships had no anti-aircraft ammunition96. Little matters of that sort were chicken-food to Sir Adrian. Nothing could prove more convincingly that at heart Sir Adrian and Sir Humbert were equally pacificist and equally prepared to carry on with business during business hours and retire to their own magnificent versions of Morningside, to peerages, great mansions97, ranches98, yachts, mistresses, as convinced as Edward Albert that all that was going on for ever. We do these worthy65 men injustice99 to impute100 either wickedness or intelligence to them. They were just outsize Tewlers.
Whenever an opportunity to abolish war by any sort of vote arose, Morningside Prospect voted without hesitation101 and abolished it. War has been abolished again and again since 1918. The League of Nations put an end to war, the Kellogg Pact102 abolished it, a Peace Pledge taken by millions refused all further participation103 in warfare. What more could you have? People went on making weapons out of habit, and to terminate their employment too abruptly104 would have caused considerable financial inconvenience. There were, however, a number of international Conferences, inspired by the noblest sentiments, to limit and restrain armaments, for which now there could never be any positive use. You cannot be too careful, as Sir Adrian insisted. There is a negative use for armaments in these matters. Peace in a world of sovereign states is necessarily a neutralisation, an equalisation, a careful balance of gun against gun and ship against ship. You even let the belligerent105 Germans have a carefully-rationed army and fleet. How could they sustain public security and maintain their national self — respect without these things? What uniforms could they wear? What decorations? The adjustment of forces is no doubt a delicate one, but how else is Security possible? The Foreign Office and the Diplomatic Service saw to that with a peculiar106 wisdom and subtlety107 above the understanding of common men. . . .,
All round the world, and according to their scope and scale, the Morningsides, happy in this dangerously balanced Security, pursued the even tenor108 of their ways, oblivious109, deliberately110 oblivious, to the time bomb of Destiny, that ticked more and more audibly beneath their feet, Only belatedly did a certain rocking of the ground and queer outbreaks of stink111 and steam, assume a personal significance. Only with extreme reluctance would Edward Albert allow himself to think that this heaving danger might after all be addressed to him.
The ingredients and factors in this time bomb that is now blowing all the Morningside Prospects112, all the self-complacencies of the world of Homo Tewler sky high, are gradually being made plain by the distressful113 criticism of its scattered114 victims. Man’s own unregulated and surprising inventions and discoveries have made all the earth one simultaneous community, and released such a volume of available physical and undirected human energy as superannuates all the religious, traditional, historical methods that have hitherto kept the species going. Our circumstances demand a world — wide moral and intellectual revolution beyond all the precedents115 and possibilities of former times. To the very last the Tewlers in any position of advantage have been sitting upon the safety-valves of expression, of warning, information and any adaptation, until what might have been a deliberate readjustment has become a violent explosion, an explosion that will now either blow Homo Tewler far up the scale of conscious being or out of the universe altogether. In which latter case we, here and now, are the last men addressing ourselves to a posterity116 which will never exist.
This is a sweeping117 statement. But you cannot write about a germ or an atom nowadays without the universe coming in We can take nothing for granted because we have realised the reciprocity of part and Whole. Our next succeeding Book must focus down again upon Edward Albert, and tell how the explosion hit and lifted him and his at last out of the contentment of Morningside Prospect altogether.
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1 truthful | |
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2 rendering | |
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3 monograph | |
n.专题文章,专题著作 | |
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4 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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5 fig | |
n.无花果(树) | |
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6 entanglement | |
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7 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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8 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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9 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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10 protean | |
adj.反复无常的;变化自如的 | |
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11 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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12 syllogism | |
n.演绎法,三段论法 | |
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13 hamper | |
vt.妨碍,束缚,限制;n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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14 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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15 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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16 creeds | |
(尤指宗教)信条,教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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17 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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18 shrill | |
adj.尖声的;刺耳的;v尖叫 | |
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19 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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20 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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21 dismally | |
adv.阴暗地,沉闷地 | |
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22 veracious | |
adj.诚实可靠的 | |
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23 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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24 prematurely | |
adv.过早地,贸然地 | |
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25 misanthropical | |
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26 recluse | |
n.隐居者 | |
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27 implicit | |
a.暗示的,含蓄的,不明晰的,绝对的 | |
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28 outspoken | |
adj.直言无讳的,坦率的,坦白无隐的 | |
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29 inadequately | |
ad.不够地;不够好地 | |
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30 overlapping | |
adj./n.交迭(的) | |
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31 loyalties | |
n.忠诚( loyalty的名词复数 );忠心;忠于…感情;要忠于…的强烈感情 | |
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32 insistent | |
adj.迫切的,坚持的 | |
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33 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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34 metaphor | |
n.隐喻,暗喻 | |
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35 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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36 embodied | |
v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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37 exaction | |
n.强求,强征;杂税 | |
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38 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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39 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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40 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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41 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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42 gangster | |
n.匪徒,歹徒,暴徒 | |
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43 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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44 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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45 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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46 discreet | |
adj.(言行)谨慎的;慎重的;有判断力的 | |
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47 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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48 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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49 citizenship | |
n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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50 partnership | |
n.合作关系,伙伴关系 | |
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51 complicate | |
vt.使复杂化,使混乱,使难懂 | |
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52 fascist | |
adj.法西斯主义的;法西斯党的;n.法西斯主义者,法西斯分子 | |
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53 askew | |
adv.斜地;adj.歪斜的 | |
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54 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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55 persistent | |
adj.坚持不懈的,执意的;持续的 | |
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56 extenuation | |
n.减轻罪孽的借口;酌情减轻;细 | |
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57 buzzer | |
n.蜂鸣器;汽笛 | |
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58 authentic | |
a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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59 adorned | |
[计]被修饰的 | |
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60 intrusive | |
adj.打搅的;侵扰的 | |
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61 discreetly | |
ad.(言行)审慎地,慎重地 | |
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62 apprehensive | |
adj.担心的,恐惧的,善于领会的 | |
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63 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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64 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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65 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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66 pry | |
vi.窥(刺)探,打听;vt.撬动(开,起) | |
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67 starry | |
adj.星光照耀的, 闪亮的 | |
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68 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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69 loomed | |
v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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70 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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71 depot | |
n.仓库,储藏处;公共汽车站;火车站 | |
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72 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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73 improvidence | |
n.目光短浅 | |
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74 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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75 constellation | |
n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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76 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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77 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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78 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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79 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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80 bankruptcy | |
n.破产;无偿付能力 | |
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81 nostrum | |
n.秘方;妙策 | |
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82 irrelevant | |
adj.不恰当的,无关系的,不相干的 | |
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83 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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84 suffrages | |
(政治性选举的)选举权,投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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85 swarm | |
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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86 multiplication | |
n.增加,增多,倍增;增殖,繁殖;乘法 | |
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87 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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88 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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89 agitators | |
n.(尤指政治变革的)鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 );煽动者;搅拌器;搅拌机 | |
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90 malignity | |
n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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91 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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92 smuggling | |
n.走私 | |
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93 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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94 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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95 ignominiously | |
adv.耻辱地,屈辱地,丢脸地 | |
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96 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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97 mansions | |
n.宅第,公馆,大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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98 ranches | |
大农场, (兼种果树,养鸡等的)大牧场( ranch的名词复数 ) | |
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99 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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100 impute | |
v.归咎于 | |
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101 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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102 pact | |
n.合同,条约,公约,协定 | |
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103 participation | |
n.参与,参加,分享 | |
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104 abruptly | |
adv.突然地,出其不意地 | |
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105 belligerent | |
adj.好战的,挑起战争的;n.交战国,交战者 | |
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106 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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107 subtlety | |
n.微妙,敏锐,精巧;微妙之处,细微的区别 | |
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108 tenor | |
n.男高音(歌手),次中音(乐器),要旨,大意 | |
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109 oblivious | |
adj.易忘的,遗忘的,忘却的,健忘的 | |
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110 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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111 stink | |
vi.发出恶臭;糟透,招人厌恶;n.恶臭 | |
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112 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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113 distressful | |
adj.苦难重重的,不幸的,使苦恼的 | |
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114 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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115 precedents | |
引用单元; 范例( precedent的名词复数 ); 先前出现的事例; 前例; 先例 | |
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116 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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117 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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