"Owing to a variety of causes, the Abolitionists have received an immense amount of hysterical1 praise which they do not deserve, and have been credited with deeds done by other men whom, in reality, they hampered2 and opposed rather than aided. After 1840, the professed3 Abolitionists formed a small and comparatively unimportant portion of the forces that were working towards the restriction4 and ultimate destruction of slavery; and much of what they did was positively5 harmful to the cause for which they were fighting. Those of their number who considered the Constitution as a league with death and hell, and who, therefore, advocated a dissolution of the union, acted as rationally as would anti-polygamists nowadays if, to show their disapproval6 of Mormonism, they should advocate that Utah should be allowed to form a separate nation. The only hope of ultimately suppressing slavery lay in the preservation7 of the union, and every Abolitionist who argued or signed a petition for the dissolution was doing as much to perpetuate8 the evil he complained of, as if he had been a slaveholder. The Liberty party, in running Birney, simply committed a political crime, evil in almost all its consequences. They in no sense paved the way for the Republican party, or helped forward the Anti-Slavery cause, or hurt the existing organizations. Their effect on the Democracy was nil9; and all they were able to accomplish with the Whigs was to make them put forward for the ensuing election a slaveholder from Louisiana, with whom they were successful. Such were the remote results of their conduct; the immediate10 evils they produced have already been alluded11 to. They bore considerable resemblance—except that after all they really did have a principle to contend for—to the political Prohibitionists of the present day, who go into the third party organization, and are, not even excepting the saloon-keepers themselves, the most efficient allies on whom intemperance13 and the liquor traffic can count.
"Anti-Slavery men like Giddings, who supported Clay, were doing a thousandfold more effective work for the cause they had at heart than all the voters who supported Birney; or, to speak more accurately14, they were doing all they could to advance the cause, while the others were doing all they could to hold it back. Lincoln in 1860 occupied more nearly the ground held by Clay than that held by Birney; and the men who supported the latter in 1844 were the prototypes of those who worked to oppose Lincoln in 1860, and only worked less hard because they had less chance. The ultra Abolitionists discarded expediency15, and claimed to act for abstract right on principle, no matter what the results might be; in consequence they accomplished16 very little, and that as much for harm as for good, until they ate their words, and went counter to their previous course, thereby17 acknowledging it to be bad, and supported in the Republican party the men and principles they had so fiercely condemned18. The Liberty party was not in any sense the precursor19 of the Republican party, which was based as much on expediency as on abstract right, and was, therefore, able to accomplish good instead of harm. To say that extreme Abolitionists triumphed in Republican success and were causes of it, is as absurd as to call Prohibitionists successful if, after countless20 efforts totally to prohibit the liquor traffic, and after savage21 denunciations of those who try to regulate it, they should then turn round and form a comparatively insignificant22 portion of a victorious23 high-license party. The men who took a great and effective part in the fight against slavery were the men who remained with their respective parties."
No word of praise or approval has Mr. Roosevelt for the men and women—for representatives of both sexes were active sharers in the work performed—who inaugurated, and for a long period carried forward, the movement that led up to the overthrow24 of African slavery in this country. He has no encomiums to bestow25 on those same men and women for the protracted26 and exhausting labors27 they performed, the dangers they encountered, the insults they endured, the sacrifices they submitted to, the discouragements they confronted in many ways and forms in prosecuting28 their arduous29 undertaking30. On the contrary, he has only bitter words of condemnation31. In his estimation, and according to his dogmatic utterance32, they were criminals—political criminals. His words make it very manifest that, if Mr. Roosevelt had been a voter in 1840, he would not have been an Abolitionist. He would not have been one of that devoted33 little band of political philanthropists who went out, like David of old, to do battle with one of the giant abuses of the time, and who found in the voter's ballot34 a missile that they used with deadly effect. On the contrary, he would have enrolled35 himself among their adversaries36 and assailants, becoming a member—because it is impossible to think of Theodore Roosevelt as a non-partisan37—of one of the leading political parties of the day. There were but two of them—the Whigs and the Democrats38. In failing to support one or the other of these parties, and giving their votes and influence to a new one that was founded and constructed on Anti-Slavery lines, the Abolitionists, in Mr. Roosevelt's opinion, "committed a political crime."
Now, for what did those parties stand in 1840? Who were their presidential candidates in that year? Martin Van Buren was the candidate of the Democrats. He had been for eight years in the offices of Vice-President and President, and in that time, in the opinion of the Anti-Slavery people of the country, had shown himself to be a facile instrument in the hands of the slaveholders. He was what the Abolitionists described as a "doughface"—a Northern man with Southern principles. As presiding officer he gave the casting vote in the Senate for the bill that excluded Anti-Slavery matter from the United States mails, a bill justly regarded as one of the greatest outrages39 ever perpetrated in a free country, and as holding a place by the side of the Fugitive40 Slave Law. True, he afterwards—this was in 1848,—like Saul of Tarsus, saw a new light and announced himself as a Free Soiler. Then the Abolitionists, with what must always be regarded as an extraordinary concession41 to partisan policy, cast aside their prejudices and gave him their support. Yet Mr. Roosevelt charges them with being indifferent to the demands of political expediency.
General William Henry Harrison, candidate of the Whigs, was a Virginian by birth and training, and an inveterate42 pro-slavery man. When Governor of the Territory of Indiana, he presided over a convention that met for the purpose of favoring, notwithstanding the prohibition12 in the Ordinance44 of '87, the introduction of slavery in that Territory.
These were the men between whom the old parties gave the Abolitionists the privilege of pick and choice. Declining to support either of them, they gave their votes to James G. Birney, candidate of the newly formed Liberty party. He was a Southern man by birth and a slave-owner by inheritance, but, becoming convinced that slavery was wrong, he freed his negroes, giving them homes of their own, and so frankly45 avowed46 his Anti-Slavery convictions that he was driven from his native State. His supporters did not expect to elect him, but they hoped to begin a movement that would lead up to victory. They were planting seed in what they believed to be receptive soil.
After 1840, the old parties became more and more submissive to the Slave Power. Conjointly, they enacted47 those measures that became known as the compromises of 1850, the principal ones being the Fugitive Slave Law and the act repealing48 the Missouri Compromise. Both of them pronounced these acts to be "a finality," and both of them in national convention declared there should be no further agitation49 of the subject. They set out to muzzle50 all the Anti-Slavery voices of the country.
By this time it was perfectly51 manifest that there was not only nothing the slaveholders might demand which the old parties would not concede, but that there was, so far as the slavery issue was involved, absolutely no difference between them. It is a notable fact that in the eight years following 1840, of the four presidential candidates put in nomination52 by the two parties, three were slaveholders, the fourth being a Northern "doughface," and both of the two who were elected held slaves.
For the nomination and election of one of these men, whom he describes as "a slaveholder from Louisiana" (General Taylor), Mr. Roosevelt is disposed to hold the Abolitionists accountable. They forced the poor Whigs into those proceedings53, he intimates, probably by telling them they ought to do nothing of the kind, that being what they actually did tell them. But as the Abolitionists, four years earlier, in the same way defeated the Whigs when they were supporting a slaveholder from Kentucky (Clay), and a man who, in his time, did more for the upbuilding of slavery than any other person in America, it would appear that the score of responsibility on their part was fairly evened up.
In citing the action of Joshua R. Giddings as an anti-third-party man, Mr. Roosevelt is not altogether fortunate. Subsequent to the presidential campaign of 1844, the third-party Abolitionists held a convention in Pittsburg, in which Giddings was a leading actor. As chairman of the committee on platform, he submitted a resolution declaring that both of the old parties were "hopelessly corrupt54 and unworthy of confidence."
The Abolitionists could not see that they were under obligation to either of the old parties, believing they could do far better service for the cause they championed by standing43 up and being counted as candidates honestly representing their principles. They fought both of the old parties, and finally beat them. They killed the Whig party out and out, and so far crippled the Democrats that they have been limping ever since. Their action, in the long run, as attested55 by the verdict of results, proved itself to be not only the course of abstract right, but of political expediency.
In 1840, the vote of the third-party Abolitionists, then for the first time in the political field, was 7000; in 1844 it was 60,000, and in 1848 it was nearly 300,000. From that time, with occasional backsets, Mr. Roosevelt's "political criminals" went steadily56 forward until they mastered the situation. From the first, they were a power in the land, causing the older parties to quake, Belshazzar-like, at sight of their writing on the wall.
But according to Mr. Roosevelt, the men of the Liberty-Free-Soil party had no share in fathering and nurturing57 the Republican party, to which he assigns all the credit for crushing slavery. Says he, "The Liberty party was not in any sense the precursor of the Republican party, which was based as much on expediency as on abstract right." It is very true that many Republicans, especially in the earlier days, were neither Abolitionists nor Anti-Slavery people. A good many of them, like Abraham Lincoln, were sentimentally58 adverse59 to slavery, but under existing conditions did not want it disturbed. Many of them, having broken loose from the old parties, had no other place of shelter and cared nothing for slavery one way or the other, some being of the opinion of one of the new party leaders whom the writer hereof heard declare that "the niggers are just where they ought to be." All this, however, does not prove that the third-party people were not the real forerunners60 and founders61 of the Republican party. They certainly helped to break up the old organizations, crushing them in whole or part. They supplied a contingent62 of trained and desperately63 earnest workers, their hearts being enlisted64 as well as their hands. And what was of still greater consequence, they furnished an issue, and one that was very much alive, around which the detached fragments of the old parties could collect and unite. Their share in the composition and development of the new party can be illustrated65. Out in our great midland valley two rivers—the Missouri and the Mississippi—meet and mingle66 their waters. The Missouri, although the larger stream, after the junction67 is heard of no more; but being charged with a greater supply of sedimentary matter, gives its color to the combined flood of the assimilated waters. Abolitionism was merged68 in Republicanism. It was no longer spoken of as a separate element, but from the beginning it gave color and character to the combination. The whole compound was Abolitionized.
It was not, indeed, the voting strength, although this was considerable, that the Abolitionists brought to the Republican organization, that made them the real progenitors69 of that party. It is possible that the other constituents70 entering into it, which were drawn71 from the Anti-Slavery Whigs, the "Anti-Nebraska" Democrats, the "Barnburner" Democrats of New York, the "Know-Nothings," etc., numbered more in the aggregate72 than the Abolitionists it included; but it was not so much the number of votes the Abolitionists contributed that made them the chief creators of the Republican party, as it was their working and fighting ability. They had undergone a thorough training. For nearly twenty years they had been in the field in active service. For the whole of that time they had been exposed to pro-slavery mobbing and almost every kind of persecution73. They had to conquer every foot of ground they occupied. They had done an immense amount of invaluable74 preparatory work. To deny to such people a liberal share of the credit for results accomplished, would be as reasonable as to say that men who clear the land, plough the ground, and sow the seed, because others may help to gather the harvest, have nothing to do with raising the crop. But for the pioneer work of the Abolitionists there would have been no Republican party.
There had been Anti-Slavery people in this country before the Abolitionists—conscientious, zealous75, intelligent—but somehow they lacked the ability, in the language of the pugilists, to "put up a winning fight." They had been brushed aside or trampled76 under foot. Not so with the Abolitionists. They had learned all the tricks of the enemy. They were not afraid of opposition77. They knew how to give blows as well as to take them. The result was that from the time they organized for separate political action in 1840, they had made steady progress, although this seemed for a period to be discouragingly slow. It was only a question of time when, if there had been no Republican party, they would have succeeded in abolishing slavery without its assistance.
Although, as before remarked, the Republican party was made up of a good many elements besides the Abolitionists, there was among them but little homogeneousness. They were indifferent, if not hostile, to each other, and, if left to themselves, would never have so far coalesced78 as to make a working party. They had no settled policy, no common ground to stand on. They would have been simply a rope of sand. But the Abolitionists supplied a bond of union. They had a principle that operated like a loadstone in bringing the factions79 together.
There was another inducement the Abolitionists had to offer. They had an organization that was perfect in its way. It was weak but active. It had made its way into Congress where it had such representatives as John P. Hale and Salmon80 P. Chase in the Senate, and several brilliant men in the Lower House. It had a complete outfit81 of party machinery82. It had an efficient force of men and women engaged in canvassing83 as lecturers and stump84 orators85. It had well managed newspapers, and the ablest pens in the country—not excepting Harriet Beecher Stowe's—were in its service. All this, it is hardly necessary to say, was attractive to people without political homes. The Abolitionists offered them not only shelter but the prospect86 of meat and drink in the future. In that way their organization became the nucleus87 of the Republican party, which was in no sense a new organization, but a reorganization of an old force with new material added.
And here would seem to be the proper place for reference to the historical fact that the Republican party, under that name, had but four years of existence behind it when the great crisis came in the election of Lincoln and the beginning of the Civil War—Lincoln's election being treated by the South as a casus belli. The Republican party was established under that name in 1856 and Lincoln was elected in 1860.
Now, the work preparatory to Lincoln's election was not done in four years. The most difficult part of it—the most arduous, the most disagreeable, the most dangerous—had been done long before. Part of it dated back to 1840. Indeed, the performance of the Republican party in those four years was not remarkably88 brilliant. With the slogan of "Free soil, free men, and Fremont" it made an ostentatious demonstration89 in 1856—an attempted coup90 de main—which failed. It would have failed quite as signally in 1860, but for the division of the Democratic party into the Douglas and Breckenridge factions. That division was pre-arranged by the slaveholders who disliked Douglas, the regular Democratic nominee91, much more than they did Lincoln, and who hoped and plotted for Lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext92 for rebellion.
The change of name from "Free Soil" or "Liberty" to "Republican" in 1856 had very little significance. It was a matter of partisan policy and nothing more. "Liberty" and "Free Soil," as party cognomens, had a meaning, and were supposed to antagonize certain prejudices. "Republican," at that juncture93, meant nothing whatever. Besides, it was sonorous94; it was euphonious95; it was palatable96 to weak political stomachs. The ready acceptance of the new name by the Abolitionists goes very far to contradict Mr. Roosevelt's accusation97 against them of being regardless of the claims of political expediency.
The writer has shown, as he believes, that without the preparatory work of the political Abolitionists there would have been no Republican party. He will now go a step further. He believes that without that preliminary service there would not only have been no Republican party, but no Civil War in the interest of free soil, no Emancipation98 Proclamation, no Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments100 to the Federal Constitution. There might have been and probably would have been considerable discussion, ending in a protest, more or less "ringing," when slavery was permitted to overstep the line marked out by the Missouri Compromise. There might even have been another "settlement." But no such adjustment would have seriously impeded101 the northward102 march of the triumphant103 Slave Power. Indeed, in that event it is more than probable that ere this the legal representatives of the late Robert Toombs, of Georgia, would, if so inclined, have made good his boast of calling the roll of his slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill monument.
So far we have dealt with Mr. Roosevelt's indictment104 of the Abolitionists for abandoning the old pro-slavery political parties, and undertaking to construct a new and better one. That, in his judgment105, was a political crime. But he charges them with another manifestation106 of criminality which was much more serious. He accuses them of hostility107, to the union, which was disloyalty and treason. The evidence offered by him in support of his accusation was the Anti-unionist position taken by William Lloyd Garrison108, who branded the union as a "league with hell," and some of his associates. But Garrison was not a leader, or even a member, of the third or Liberty party. He denounced it almost as bitterly as Mr. Roosevelt.
Garrison was a Quaker, a non-resistant, and a non-voter. He relied on moral suasion. He saw no salvation109 in politics. The formation of a new Anti-Slavery party excited his fiery110 indignation. He declared that it was "ludicrous in its folly111, pernicious as a measure of policy, and useless as a political contrivance."
Far and away the most potential member and leader of the political Abolitionists was Salmon P. Chase. Instead of denouncing the Constitution as "a league with death and hell," he claimed that it was an Anti-Slavery document and should be so construed112. As for the union, by his services in successfully managing the finances of the country in its great crisis, he did as much to sustain the union as any other man of that time. To accuse him of hostility and infidelity to the union, is something that no one can do with impunity113. In fact, so clear and so clean, as well as so bold and striking, is the record of Chase and his associates, beginning in 1840 and continuing down until the last shackle114 was stricken from the last bondsman's limbs, that even the shadow of the White House cannot obscure it.
Nor is Mr. Roosevelt happy in his illustration, when, in his concluding arraignment115 of the Abolitionists, he seeks to discredit116 them as an organization of impracticables by comparing them to the political Prohibitionists of to-day. When the latter, if that time is ever to be, shall become strong enough to rout117 one or both of the existing main political parties, and, taking the control of the Government in their hands, shall not only legally consign118 the liquor traffic to its coffin119, but nail it down with a constitutional amendment99, then Mr. Roosevelt's comparison will apply.
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1
hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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protracted
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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adversaries
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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repealing
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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51
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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52
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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55
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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56
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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nurturing
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| 养育( nurture的现在分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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sentimentally
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| adv.富情感地 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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forerunners
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| n.先驱( forerunner的名词复数 )；开路人；先兆；前兆 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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62
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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65
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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69
progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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71
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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76
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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coalesced
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| v.联合，合并( coalesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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83
canvassing
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的现在分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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84
stump
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| n.残株，烟蒂，讲演台；v.砍断，蹒跚而走 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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euphonious
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| adj.好听的，悦耳的，和谐的 | |
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palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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98
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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99
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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100
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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101
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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103
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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104
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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105
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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106
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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107
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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108
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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109
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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110
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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111
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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112
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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113
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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114
shackle
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| n.桎梏，束缚物；v.加桎梏，加枷锁，束缚 | |
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115
arraignment
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| n.提问，传讯，责难 | |
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116
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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117
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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118
consign
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| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
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119
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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