Lincoln indulged in no gesticulation. If he had been addressing a bench of judges he would not have been more impassive in his manner. He was an animate13, but not an animated14, bean-pole. He poured out a steady flow of words—three to Douglas's two—in a simple and semi-conversational tone. He attempted no witticisms15 and indulged in no oratorical16 claptrap. His address was pure argument. Douglas's manner was one of excitement, and accompanied and emphasized by almost continuous bodily movement. His hands and his feet, and especially that pliable17 face of his, were all busy talking. He said sharp things, evidently for their immediate18 effect on his audience, and showed that he was not only master of all the arts of the practical stump7 orator1, but was ready to employ them.
But the most noticeable difference was in the voices of the men. Douglas spoke19 first, and for the first minute or two was utterly20 unintelligible21. His voice seemed to be all worn out by his speaking in that long and principally open-air debate. He simply bellowed22. But gradually he got command of his organ, and pretty soon, in a somewhat laborious23 and painful way, it is true, he succeeded in making himself understood.
Lincoln's voice, on the contrary, was without a quaver or a sign of huskiness. He had been speaking in the open air exactly as much as Douglas, but it was perfectly24 fresh, not a particle strained. It was a perfect voice.
Those who wanted to understand Douglas had to press up close to the platform from which he was speaking, and there was collected a dense25, but not very deep, crowd. There was no crowding in front of Lincoln when he was speaking. He could be heard without it. There was a line of wagons26 and carriages on the outskirts27 of the audience, and I noticed, when Lincoln was speaking, that they were filled with comfortably seated people listening to his address. They did not need to go any nearer to him. The most of the shouting was done by Douglas's partisans28, composing a clear majority of the crowd, but it was very manifest that Lincoln commanded the attention of the greater number of those who were interested in the arguments. He did not act as if he cared for the applause of the multitude. He said nothing, apparently29, simply to tickle30 the ears of his hearers.
Rather strange was it that the only points on which there did not appear to be much, if any, difference between the two men were reached when they came to the propositions they advocated. Douglas was avowedly31 pro-slavery. He was talking in southern Illinois and on the border of Missouri, to which many of his hearers belonged, and his audience was mostly Southern in its feelings. He was plainly trying to please that element. He not only approved of slavery where it was, but metaphorically32 jumped on the negro and trampled33 all over him. He denied that the negro was a "man" within the meaning of the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln, however, as far as slavery in the States was involved, met Douglas on his own ground, and "went him one better." He said, "I have on all occasions declared as strongly as Judge Douglas against the disposition34 to interfere35 with the existing institution of slavery."
If a stranger who knew nothing of the speakers and their party associations had heard the two men on that occasion, he would have concluded that one was strongly in favor of slavery and the other was not opposed to it.
Their only disagreement was as to slavery in the Territories, and that was more apparent than real. Lincoln contended for free soil through the direct action of the general government. Douglas advocated a roundabout way that led up to the same result. His proposition, which he called "popular sovereignty," was to leave the decision to the people of the Territories, saying he did not care whether they voted slavery up or voted it down. That was a practical, although indirect declaration in favor of free soil. The outcome of the contests in Kansas and California showed that at that game the free States with their superior resources were certain to win. The shrewder slaveholders recognized that fact, and their antagonism36 to Douglas grew accordingly. They deliberately37 defeated him for the Presidency38 in 1860, when he was the regular candidate of the Democratic party, by running Breckenridge as an independent candidate. Otherwise Mr. Douglas would have become President of the United States. Out of a total of 4,680,193 votes, Mr. Lincoln had only 1,866,631. The rest were divided between his three antagonists40.
As between Lincoln and Douglas, who together held the controlling hand, the slaveholders preferred Lincoln, against whom they had no personal feeling, while they knew that his policy was no more dangerous to their interests than the other man's, if faithfully adhered to and carried out. Besides that, by this time many of them had reached that state of mind in which they wanted a pretext41 for secession from the union. Lincoln's election would give them that pretext while Douglas's would not.
On a boat that carried a portion of the audience, including the writer, from Alton to St. Louis, after the debate was over, was a prominent Missouri Democrat39, afterwards a Confederate leader, who expressed himself very freely. He declared that he would rather trust the institutions of the South to the hands of a conservative and honest man like "Old Abe," than to those of "a political jumping-jack like Douglas." The most of the other Southern men and slaveholders present seemed to concur42 in his views.
It is a fact that a good many of the Anti-Slavery leaders living outside of Illinois, and a good many of those living within it, wanted the Republicans of that State to let Douglas go back to the Senate without a contest, believing that he would be far more useful to them there than a Republican would be. It is not improbable that enough of the Illinois Republicans took that view of the matter, and helped to give Douglas the victory in what was a very close contest.
A portion of Douglas's speech was a spirited defense43 of his "squatter44 sovereignty" doctrine45 against the denunciations of members of his own political party, in the course of which he gave President Buchanan a savage46 overhauling47. It showed him to be a master of invective48.
"Go it, husband; go it, bear," was Mr. Lincoln's comment on that part of Douglas's address. I went to the debate with a very strong prejudice against Douglas, looking upon him as one of the most time-serving of those Northern men whom the Abolitionists called "dough-faces." I confess that my views of the man were considerably49 modified. I admired the pluck he showed in speaking when his voice was in tatters. Still more did I like the resolution he displayed in defying those leaders of his own party, including the President, who wanted him to retreat from the ground he had taken, seeing that it had become practically Anti-Slavery.
At the same time I had an almost worshipful admiration50 for Lincoln, whom I had not before seen or heard. I expected a great deal from him. I thought his closing appeal in that great debate would contain some ringing words for freedom. He had, as I supposed, a great opportunity for telling eloquence51. He stood almost on the ground that had drunk the blood of Lovejoy, the Anti-Slavery martyr52. I felt that that fact ought to inspire him. I was disappointed. Mr. Lincoln's speech was altogether colorless. It was an argument, able but perfectly cold. It was largely technical. There was no sentiment in it. Lovejoy had died in vain so far as that address was concerned. I am free to say that I was led to doubt whether Mr. Lincoln was then in hearty53 sympathy with any movement looking to the freedom of the slave, and this impression was not afterwards wholly removed from my mind.
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1 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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2 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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3 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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4 bout | |
n.侵袭,发作;一次(阵,回);拳击等比赛 | |
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5 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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6 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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7 stump | |
n.残株,烟蒂,讲演台;v.砍断,蹒跚而走 | |
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8 meek | |
adj.温顺的,逆来顺受的 | |
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9 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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10 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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11 homely | |
adj.家常的,简朴的;不漂亮的 | |
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12 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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13 animate | |
v.赋于生命,鼓励;adj.有生命的,有生气的 | |
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14 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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15 witticisms | |
n.妙语,俏皮话( witticism的名词复数 ) | |
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16 oratorical | |
adj.演说的,雄辩的 | |
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17 pliable | |
adj.易受影响的;易弯的;柔顺的,易驾驭的 | |
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18 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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19 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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20 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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21 unintelligible | |
adj.无法了解的,难解的,莫明其妙的 | |
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22 bellowed | |
v.发出吼叫声,咆哮(尤指因痛苦)( bellow的过去式和过去分词 );(愤怒地)说出(某事),大叫 | |
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23 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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24 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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25 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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26 wagons | |
n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 );铁路货车;小手推车 | |
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27 outskirts | |
n.郊外,郊区 | |
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28 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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29 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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30 tickle | |
v.搔痒,胳肢;使高兴;发痒;n.搔痒,发痒 | |
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31 avowedly | |
adv.公然地 | |
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32 metaphorically | |
adv. 用比喻地 | |
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33 trampled | |
踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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34 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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35 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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36 antagonism | |
n.对抗,敌对,对立 | |
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37 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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38 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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39 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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40 antagonists | |
对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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41 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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42 concur | |
v.同意,意见一致,互助,同时发生 | |
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43 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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44 squatter | |
n.擅自占地者 | |
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45 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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46 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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47 overhauling | |
n.大修;拆修;卸修;翻修v.彻底检查( overhaul的现在分词 );大修;赶上;超越 | |
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48 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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49 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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50 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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51 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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52 martyr | |
n.烈士,殉难者;vt.杀害,折磨,牺牲 | |
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53 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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