The writer recollects14 hearing a prominent man in the new party, who about that time was making a public speech, declare with great emphasis that, "as for the niggers, they are where they ought to be." The speaker on that occasion was one of many who belonged to the débris of the broken-up Whig party, and who drifted into Republicanism because there was no other more attractive harbor to go to. One of these men was Abraham Lincoln, whom I heard declare in his debate with Douglas at Alton, Illinois: "I was with the old-line Whigs from the origin to the end of their party." The Whigs were never an Anti-Slavery party. The recruits to Republicanism from that quarter were generally very tender on "the nigger question," and the most they were prepared to admit was that they were opposed to slavery's extension. These men largely dominated the new party. They generally dictated15 its platforms, which, compared with earlier Abolition utterances16, were extremely timid, and they had much to do with making party nominations18. Their favorite candidates were not those whose opinions on the slavery question were positive and well understood, but those whose views were unsettled if not altogether unknown. When General Frémont was nominated for the Presidency19, not one in ten of those supporting him knew what his opinions on that subject were, and a good many of them did not care. Mr. Lincoln was accepted in much the same way.
It is true that, from certain expressions about the danger to our national house from being "half free" and "half slave," and other generalizations20 of a more or less academic sort, it was known that Mr. Lincoln was antagonistic21 to slavery; but as to whether he favored that institution's immediate or speedy extinguishment, and, if so, by what measures, was altogether unknown. We now know, from what has been set forth22 in another chapter, that at the time of his first nomination17 and election, he had very few things in common with the Abolitionists. He then evidently had no thought of being hailed as the "liberator23 of a race." He preferred, for the time at least, that the race in question should remain where it was, and as it was, unless it could be bodily transported to some other country and be put under the protection of some other flag.
He did not break with the Abolitionists, although he kept on the edge of a quarrel with them, and especially with what he called the "Greeley faction," a good part of the time. He never liked them, but he was a shrewd man—a born politician—and was too sagacious to discard the principal round in the ladder by which he had climbed to eminence24. He managed to keep in touch with the Anti-Slavery movement through all its steady advancement25, but, as elsewhere stated, it was as a follower26 rather than as a leader.
While a resident of the slave State of Missouri, I twice voted for Mr. Lincoln, which was some evidence of my personal feeling toward him. Both times I did it somewhat reluctantly. On the first occasion there were four candidates. Breckenridge and Bell were Southern men—both by residence and principle—and had no claim on Anti-Slavery support. But with Douglas the case was different. He had quarreled with the pro-slavery leaders, although of his own party. He had defied President Buchanan in denouncing border-ruffianism in Kansas. He had refused to give up his "popular sovereignty" dogma, although it clearly meant ultimate free soil. The slave-masters hated him far more than they did Lincoln. I heard them freely discuss the matter. They were more afraid of the vindictiveness27 of the fiery28 Douglas than of the opposition29 of good-hearted, conservative Lincoln. In my opinion there was good reason for that feeling. Douglas, as President, would undoubtedly30 have pushed the war for the union with superior energy, and slavery would have suffered rougher treatment from his hands than it did from Mr. Lincoln's. There was another reason why the slaveholders preferred the election of Lincoln to that of Douglas. Lincoln's election would furnish the better pretext31 for the rebellion on which they were bent32, and which they had already largely planned. They were resolved to defeat Douglas at all hazards, and they succeeded.
Douglas had been very distasteful to the Abolitionists. They called him a "dough-face." Nevertheless, quite a number of them where I lived in Missouri voted for him. Missouri was the only State he carried, and there he had less than five hundred majority. He got more than that many free-soil votes. I was strongly tempted33 to give him mine. Chiefly on account of political associations, I voted for Lincoln.
When it came to the second election, I again voted for Mr. Lincoln with reluctance34. The principal reason for my hesitancy was his treatment of the Anti-Slavery people of the border slave States, and especially of Missouri. The grounds for my objection on that score will appear in the next chapter, which deals with the Missouri embroglio, as it was called.
From what has just been stated, it will be seen that the cause of Anti-Slaveryism had, at the formation of the Republican party, reached a most perilous35 crisis. It was in danger of being submerged and suffocated36 by unsympathetic, if not positively37 unfriendly, associations. It ran the risk, after so many years of toil38 and conflict, of being undone39 by those in whose support it was forced to confide40. Such would undoubtedly have been its fate if, owing to circumstances over which no political party or other organization of men had control, the current of Anti-Slavery sentiment had not risen to a flood that swept all before it.
It is rather a curious circumstance that, at the crisis just alluded41 to, the nearest approach to original Abolitionism that was to be found, was in a slave State. In Missouri there was an organized opposition to slavery that had been maintained for several years, and which was never abandoned. The vitality42 displayed by this movement was undoubtedly due in large measure to the inspiration of the man who was its originator, if not its leader. That man was Thomas H. Benton. Whether Benton was ever an Abolitionist or not, has been a much-disputed question, but one thing is certain, and that is that the men who sat at his feet, who were his closest disciples43 and imbibed44 the most of his spirit—such as B. Gratz Brown, John How, the Blairs, the Filleys, and other influential45 Missourians,—were Abolitionists. Some of them weakened under the influence of the national administration, but not a few of them maintained their integrity. Even in the first days of the Civil War, when all was chaos46 there, an organization was maintained, although at one time its only working and visible representatives consisted of the members of a committee of four men—a fifth having withdrawn—who were B. Gratz Brown, afterwards a United States Senator; Thomas C. Fletcher, afterwards Governor of the State; Hon. Benjamin R. Bonner, of St. Louis, and the writer of this narrative47. They issued an appeal that was distributed all over the State, asking those in sympathy with their views to hold fast to their principles, and to keep up the contest for unconditional48 freedom. To that appeal there was an encouraging number of favorable responses.
And thus it was that when Abolitionism may be said to have been lost by merger49 elsewhere, it remained in its independence and integrity in slaveholding Missouri, where it kept up a struggle for free soil, and in four years so far made itself master of the situation that a constitutional State convention, chosen by popular vote, adopted an ordinance50 under which an emancipationist Governor issued his proclamation, declaring that "hence and forever no person within the jurisdiction51 of the State shall be subject to any abridgment52 of liberty, except such as the law shall prescribe for the common good, or know any master but God."
The writer entered on this work with no purpose of relating or discussing the story of the Republican party, in whole or in any part. His subject was Abolitionism, and his task would now be completed but for the movement in the State of Missouri, to which reference has just been made. That manifestation53, he thinks, is deserving of recognition, both on its own account and as a continuation of the original movement, and he is the more inclined to contribute to its discussion because he was then a Missourian by residence, and had something to do with its successful prosecution54.
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1 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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2 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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3 territorial | |
adj.领土的,领地的 | |
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4 culminated | |
v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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5 advent | |
n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
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6 disappearance | |
n.消失,消散,失踪 | |
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7 intensify | |
vt.加强;变强;加剧 | |
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8 diluted | |
无力的,冲淡的 | |
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9 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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10 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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11 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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12 emancipation | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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13 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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14 recollects | |
v.记起,想起( recollect的第三人称单数 ) | |
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15 dictated | |
v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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16 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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17 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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18 nominations | |
n.提名,任命( nomination的名词复数 ) | |
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19 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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20 generalizations | |
一般化( generalization的名词复数 ); 普通化; 归纳; 概论 | |
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21 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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22 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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23 liberator | |
解放者 | |
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24 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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25 advancement | |
n.前进,促进,提升 | |
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26 follower | |
n.跟随者;随员;门徒;信徒 | |
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27 vindictiveness | |
恶毒;怀恨在心 | |
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28 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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29 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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30 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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31 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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32 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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33 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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34 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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35 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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36 suffocated | |
(使某人)窒息而死( suffocate的过去式和过去分词 ); (将某人)闷死; 让人感觉闷热; 憋气 | |
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37 positively | |
adv.明确地,断然,坚决地;实在,确实 | |
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38 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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39 undone | |
a.未做完的,未完成的 | |
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40 confide | |
v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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41 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42 vitality | |
n.活力,生命力,效力 | |
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43 disciples | |
n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 );门徒;耶稣的信徒;(尤指)耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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44 imbibed | |
v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 );喝;吸取;吸气 | |
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45 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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46 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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47 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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48 unconditional | |
adj.无条件的,无限制的,绝对的 | |
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49 merger | |
n.企业合并,并吞 | |
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50 ordinance | |
n.法令;条令;条例 | |
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51 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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52 abridgment | |
n.删节,节本 | |
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53 manifestation | |
n.表现形式;表明;现象 | |
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54 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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