Mr. Stephens used these patriotic7 words in an address before the Legislature of Georgia, Nov. 14, 1860, after the result of the election was made known: “The first question that presents itself{209} is, shall the people of the South secede3 from the union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency8 of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you candidly9, frankly10, and earnestly that I do not think that they ought. In my judgment11 the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the Government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong.... We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what we wished; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Government, and go out of the union on this account, the record would be made up hereafter against us.”
These wise and moderate counsels did not prevail. There was a feeling of bitterness which impelled12 Southern men to extreme measures. More over, the temper and firmness of the North were misunderstood. It was thought they would make the most humiliating concessions13 to preserve the{210} integrity of the union, while on the other hand the constancy and determination of the Southern people were not sufficiently14 appreciated at the North.
Mr. Lincoln’s first necessary act was to make choice of a Cabinet. He demonstrated his sagacity in surrounding himself with trained and experienced statesmen, as will be seen at once by the following list:
Secretary of State, William H. Seward, of New York; Secretary of the Treasury15, Salmon16 P. Chase, of Ohio; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana; Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair, of Maryland; Attorney-General, Edward Bates, of Missouri.
These gentlemen were confirmed, and entered upon the discharge of their duties. Thus the new Administration was complete. Simon Cameron, as Secretary of War, was superseded17 in less than a year by Edwin M. Stanton, who proved to be the right man in the right place. A man of remarkable18 executive talent, never shrinking from the heavy burden of labor19 and care which{211} his office imposed, he worked indefatigably20, and though he may have offended some by his brusque manners, and unnecessary sternness, it is doubtful whether a better man could have been selected for his post. He had been a member of Mr. Buchanan’s Cabinet in its last days, and did what he could to infuse something of his own vigor21 into the timid and vacillating Executive.
It will be seen that Mr. Lincoln called to the most important place in the Cabinet the man who was his most prominent rival for the nomination22, William H. Seward. In doing this he strengthened his administration largely in the minds of the people at large, for who was there who was ignorant of Mr. Seward’s great ability and statesmanship? It may be remarked here that the new President left to each of his Secretaries large discretion23 in their respective departments, and did not interfere24 with or overrule them except in cases of extreme necessity. A man of smaller nature would have gratified his vanity and sense of importance by meddling25 with, and so marring the work of his constitutional advisers26; but having selected the best men he could find, Mr. Lincoln left them free to act, and held them responsible{212} for the successful management of their departments.
The new President was not long left in uncertainty27 as to the intentions of the seceding28 States. On the 13th of March he received a communication from two gentlemen, claiming to be commissioners29 from a government composed of the seven seceding States, expressing a desire to enter upon negotiations30 for the adjustment of all questions growing out of the separation. To have received them would have been to admit the fact and right of secession, and therefore their request was denied. On the 11th of April, General Beauregard, in accordance with instructions from the rebel Secretary of War, demanded of Major Anderson, in command at Fort Sumter, the surrender of the fort. Major Anderson declined, but was compelled to do so on the morning of the 4th, after a bombardment of thirty-three hours. Thus the South had taken the initiative, and had made an armed attack upon the Government. Thus far the President had pursued a conciliatory—some thought it a timid—policy, but when he heard that Sumter had been taken forcible possession of by rebellious31 citizens, he felt that{213} there was no more room for hesitation32. The time had come to act.
On the day succeeding the evacuation of the fort, he issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 soldiers to recover possession of the “forts, places, and property which have been seized from the union,” and at the same time summoned an extra session of both Houses of Congress, to assemble on Thursday, the fourth day of July, “to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.”
It is needless to say that the evacuation of Fort Sumter, and the President’s proclamation, created a whirlwind of excitement. The South was jubilant, the North was deeply stirred, and the proclamation was generally approved and promptly33 responded to. These spirited lines of the poet Whittier are well called
THE VOICE OF THE NORTH.
Up the hill-side, down the glen
Rouse the sleeping citizen;
Summon out the might of men!
Like a lion growling34 low—
Like a night-storm rising slow—
Like the tread of unseen foe—{214}
It is coming—it is nigh!
Stand your homes and altars by,
On your own free threshold die!
Clang the bells in all your spires36,
On the grey hills of your sires
Fling to heaven your signal fires!
Oh! for God and duty stand,
Heart to heart, and hand to hand,
Round the old graves of the land.
Who so shrinks or falters37 now,
Who so to the yoke38 would bow,
Brand the craven on his brow.
Freedom’s soil has only place
For a free and fearless race—
None for traitors39 false and base.
Perish party—perish clan35,
Strike together while you can,
Like the strong arm of one man.
Like the angel’s voice sublime40,
Heard above a world of crime,
Crying for the end of Time.
With one heart and with one mouth
Let the North speak to the South;
Speak the word befitting both.
In contrast with this, I will cite a poem, which might be called, not inappropriately,{215}
THE VOICE OF THE SOUTH.
Rebels! ’tis a holy name!
The name our fathers bore,
When battling in the cause of Right
Against the tyrant41 in his might,
In the dark days of yore.
Rebels! ’tis our family name!
Our father, Washington,
Was the arch rebel in the fight,
And gave the name to us—aright
Of father unto son.
Rebels! ’tis our given name!
Our mother Liberty
Received the title with her fame,
In days of grief, of fear and shame,
When at her breast were we.
Rebels! ’tis our sealed name!
A baptism of blood!
The war—ay, and the din5 of strife—
The fearful contest, life for life—
The mingled42 crimson43 flood!
Rebels! ’tis a patriot’s name!
In struggles it was given;
We bore it then when tyrants44 raved45,
And through their curses ’twas engraved46
On the doomsday book of heaven.
Rebels! ’tis our fighting name!
For peace rules o’er the land,{216}
Until they speak of craven woe—
Until our rights received a blow,
From foes’ or brother’s hand.
Rebels! ’tis our dying name!
For although life is dear,
Yet freemen born and freemen bred,
We’d rather live as freemen dead
Than live in slavish fear.
Then call us Rebels if you will—
We glory in the name;
For bending under unjust laws,
And swearing faith to an unjust cause.
We count a greater shame.
点击收听单词发音
1 nominally | |
在名义上,表面地; 应名儿 | |
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2 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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3 secede | |
v.退出,脱离 | |
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4 seceded | |
v.脱离,退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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5 din | |
n.喧闹声,嘈杂声 | |
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6 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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7 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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8 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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9 candidly | |
adv.坦率地,直率而诚恳地 | |
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10 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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11 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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12 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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14 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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15 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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16 salmon | |
n.鲑,大马哈鱼,橙红色的 | |
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17 superseded | |
[医]被代替的,废弃的 | |
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18 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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19 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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20 indefatigably | |
adv.不厌倦地,不屈不挠地 | |
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21 vigor | |
n.活力,精力,元气 | |
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22 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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23 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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24 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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25 meddling | |
v.干涉,干预(他人事务)( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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26 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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27 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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28 seceding | |
v.脱离,退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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29 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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30 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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31 rebellious | |
adj.造反的,反抗的,难控制的 | |
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32 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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33 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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34 growling | |
n.吠声, 咆哮声 v.怒吠, 咆哮, 吼 | |
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35 clan | |
n.氏族,部落,宗族,家族,宗派 | |
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36 spires | |
n.(教堂的) 塔尖,尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
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37 falters | |
(嗓音)颤抖( falter的第三人称单数 ); 支吾其词; 蹒跚; 摇晃 | |
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38 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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39 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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40 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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41 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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42 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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43 crimson | |
n./adj.深(绯)红色(的);vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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44 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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45 raved | |
v.胡言乱语( rave的过去式和过去分词 );愤怒地说;咆哮;痴心地说 | |
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46 engraved | |
v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的过去式和过去分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
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