After the sinking of the Richard, Jones turned his attention to the squadron. Those ships which had been in action were now ready for sea, so far, at least, as it was possible to make them, and it was necessary to make a safe port as soon as possible. He had now some five hundred English prisoners, including Captains Pearson and Piercy and their officers, in his possession. These equaled all the American seamen1 held captive by the English, and, with one of the main objects of his expedition in view, Jones earnestly desired to make a French port, in which case his prizes would be secure and he would be able to effect a proper exchange of prisoners. But the original destination of the squadron had been the Texel. It is evident that in sending the squadron into the Zuyder Zee Franklin shrewdly contemplated2 the possibility of so compromising Holland by the presence of the ships as to force a recognition from that important maritime4 and commercial power of the belligerency of the United States. This was the real purport5 of the orders. There was an ostensible6 reason, however, in the presence of a large fleet of merchant vessels7 in the Texel, which would be ready for sailing for France in October, and Jones' squadron could give them a safe convoy9.
The events of the cruise had brought about a somewhat different situation from that contemplated in the original orders, and Jones was undoubtedly10 within his rights in determining to enter Dunkirk, the most available French port; in which event the difficulties which afterward11 arose concerning the exchange of prisoners and the disposition12 of the prizes would never have presented themselves. In the latter case, however, the hand of Holland might not have been so promptly13 forced, and the recognition accorded this country would probably have been much longer delayed, although in the end it would have come. But the balance of advantage lay with Jones' choice of Dunkirk.
For a week the ships beat up against contrary winds, endeavoring to make that port. Their position was most precarious14. Sixteen sail, including several ships of the line, were seeking the audacious invaders15, and they were likely to overhaul16 them at any time. The Frenchmen naturally grew nervous over the prospect17. Finally, the captains, who had been remonstrating18 daily with Jones, refused to obey his orders any longer; and, the wind continuing unfavorable for France, they actually deserted19 the Serapis, running off to leeward20 in a mass and heading for the Texel.
The officers of the American squadron were fully21 aware of the assigned destination, although the deep reasons for Franklin's subtle policy had probably not been communicated to them. In view of this unprecedented22 situation, which may be traced distinctly to the concordat23, there was nothing left to Jones but to swallow the affront24 as best he might, and follow his unruly squadron.
Landais had not yet been deposed25 from the command of the Alliance, because it would have probably required force to arrest him on the deck of his own ship, and an internecine26 conflict might have been precipitated27 in his command. On the 3d of October, having made a quick run of it, the squadron entered the Texel.
From the mainland of the Dutch Republic, now the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the state of North Holland thrusts a bold wedge of land far to the northward28, between the foaming29 surges of the German Ocean on the one hand, and the tempest-tossed waters of the Zuyder Zee on the other. Opposite the present mighty30 fortifications of Helder, justly considered the Gibraltar of the North, which terminate the peninsula, lies a deep and splendid channel, bounded on the north side by the island of Texel, from which the famous passage gets its name. Through this ocean gateway31, from time immemorial, a splendid procession of gallant32 ships and hardy33 men have gone forth34 to discover new worlds, to found new countries, to open up new avenues of trade with distant empires, and to uphold the honor of the Orange flag in desperate battles on the sea. Through the pass sailed the first great Christian35 foreign missionary36 expedition of modern times, when in 1624 the Dutchmen carried the Gospel to the distant island of Formosa, the beautiful.
Brederode and the wild beggars of the sea; Tromp, De Ruyter, van Heemskerk, De Winter, leading their fleets to battles which made their names famous, had plowed37 through the deep channel with their lumbering38 keels. Of smaller ships from these familiar shores, the little Half Moon, of Henry Hudson, and the pilgrim-laden Mayflower had taken their departure. But no bolder officer nor better seaman40 had ever made the passage than the little man on the deck of the battered41 Serapis on that raw October morning. It is a rather interesting coincidence that among the prizes of this cruise was one which bore the name of the Mayflower.
As the cables of the ships tore through the hawse pipes when they dropped anchor, Jones may have imagined that his troubles were over. As a matter of fact, they had just begun, and his stay in the Texel was not the least arduous42 nor the least brilliant period in his life. His conduct in the trying circumstances in which he found himself was beyond reproach. The instant that he appeared, Sir Joseph Yorke, the able and influential43 Minister of England at The Hague, demanded that the States-General deliver the Serapis and the Scarborough to him and compel the return of the English prisoners held by Jones, and that the American "Pirate" should be ordered to leave the Texel immediately, which would, of course, result in the certain capture of his ships, for the English pursuing squadron appeared off the mouth of the channel almost immediately after Jones' entrance.
Sir Joseph made the point--and it was a pretty one--that by the terms of past treaties prizes taken by ships whose commanders bore the commission of no recognized power or sovereign were to be returned to the English whenever they fell into the hands of Holland. This placed the States-General in a dilemma45. Paul Jones would show no commission except that of America; indeed, he had no other. In Sir Joseph's mind the situation was this: The States-General would comply with the terms of the treaty or it would not. If it did, he would get possession of the ships and of Jones as well. If it did not, the logic46 of events would indicate that the States-General considered the commission which Paul Jones bore as being valid47, in that it was issued by a sovereign power. This would be in effect a recognition of belligerency. In other words, the shrewd British diplomatist was endeavoring to force the hand of the States-General. To determine the position of Holland with regard to the revolted colonies of Great Britain was a matter of greater moment than to secure Paul Jones or to receive the two ships, the loss of which, except so far as it affronted48 the pride of England, was of no consequence whatever. The States-General, however, endeavored to evade49 the issue and postpone50 the decision, for, while their "High Mightinesses" refused to cause the ships to be given up, they ordered Jones to leave the harbor at once, and they earnestly disclaimed51 any intention of recognizing the revolted colonies.
As a matter of fact, since there were two parties in the government of Holland, and two opinions on the subject, they could come to no more definite conclusion. Jones was intensely popular with the people, and the democratic opinion favored the immediate44 recognition of American independence, and protested against any arbitrary action toward him and his ships. The Prince of Orange and the aristocratic party took the contrary view, and they pressed it upon him as far as they dared. Realizing the precarious nature of his stay in Holland, Jones immediately set to work with his usual energy to refit the ships, especially the Serapis. Dispatching a full account of his cruise and his expedition to Franklin, he went in person to Amsterdam to facilitate his desire. A contemporary account states that he was dressed in an American naval52 uniform,[24] wearing on his head, instead of the usual cocked hat, a Scotch53 bonnet54 edged with gold lace.
When he appeared in the exchange he received a popular ovation55, which naturally greatly pleased him. However, he modestly strove to escape the overwhelming demonstrations56 of admiration57 and approval with which he was greeted, by retiring to a coffee room, but he was compelled to show himself again and again at the window in response to repeated demands from crowds of people assembled in the street who desired a sight of him. He was made the hero of song and story, and one of the ballads58 of the time, a rude, rollicking, drinking song, very popular among sailors, which celebrates his exploits, is sung to this day in the streets of Amsterdam.[25] So delighted were the Dutch with the humiliation59 he had inflicted60 upon their ancient enemy that some of the principal men of the nation, including the celebrated61 Baron62 van der Capellen, subsequently noted63 for his friendship for America (evidently not in harmony with the aristocratic party), entered into a correspondence with him, which must have been highly flattering to him, from the expressions of admiration and approval with which every letter of the baron's abounds64. They desired to receive at first hand an account of his exploits. In response to this request Jones had his report to Dr. Franklin copied and sent to van der Capellen, together with other documents illustrative of his career, accompanied by the following letter:
"On Board The Serapis At The Texel,
"October 19, 1779.
"My Lord: Human nature and America are under a very singular obligation to you for your patriotism65 and friendship, and I feel every grateful sentiment for your generous and polite letter.
"Agreeable to your request I have the honour to inclose a copy of my letter to his Excellency Doctor Franklin, containing a particular account of my late expedition on the coasts of Britain and Ireland, by which you will see that I have already been praised far more than I have deserved; but I must at the same time beg leave to observe that by the other papers which I take the liberty to inclose (particularly the copy of my letter to the Countess of Selkirk, dated the day of my arrival at Brest from the Irish Sea), I hope you will be convinced that in the British prints I have been censured67 unjustly. I was, indeed, born in Britain, but I do not inherit the degenerate68 spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament69 and despise. It is far beneath me to reply to their hireling invectives. They are strangers to the inward approbation70 that greatly animates71 and rewards the man who draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom.
"America has been the country of my fond election from the age of thirteen, when I first saw it.[26] I had the honour to hoist72, with my own hands, the flag of freedom, the first time that it was displayed on the Delaware, and I have attended it with veneration73 ever since on the Ocean; I see it respected even here, in spite of the pitiful Sir Joseph, and I ardently74 wish and hope very soon to exchange a salute75 with the flag of this Republick. Let but the two Republicks join hands, and they will give Peace to the World."
Among the documents transmitted was the famous letter to Lady Selkirk, of which sententious epistle he evidently remained inordinately76 proud. In acknowledging this courtesy van der Capellen wrote as follows:
"The perusal77 of the letters with which you have favoured me has done the very same effect upon me that his Excell. Dr. Franklin expected they would do on the Countess of Selkirk, as you are represented in some of our Newspapers as a rough, unpolished sailor, not only, but even as a man of little understanding and no morals and sensibility, and as I think the 4 papers extremely fit to destroy these malicious78 aspersions, I must take the liberty of asking your permission to publish them in our gazettes. The public will soon make this very just conclusion that the man honoured by the friendship and intimacy79 of a Franklin can not be such as you have been represented.[27] There are three points on which you will oblige me by giving some elucidation80, 1st. whether you have any obligations to Lord Selkirk? 2d. whether Lady Selkirk has accepted your generous offer? 3d. whether you have a commission of France besides that of the Congress? 'Tis not a vain curiosity that incites81 me to be so importunate83; no, sir, the two first questions are often repeated to me by your enemies, or, at least, by prejudiced people; and as to the last, a relative of mine, a known friend of America, has addressed himself to me for information on that subject, which he will be glad to have before the States of his province, of which he is a member (but not yet, as I am, expelled the house), be assembled.
"You will greatly oblige me by sending me as soon as possible such information as you will think proper to grant.
"You may rely on our discretion84; we can keep a secret, too. I am in a great hurry, with the most perfect esteem85 ..."
The baron's statement gives us a contemporary opinion--one of entire approbation, by the way--of the letter to Lady Selkirk, and it shows us that our great-grandfathers looked at things with different eyes from ours.
In reply, Jones dispatched the following letter a month later:
"Alliance, Texel, November 29, 1779.
"My Lord: Since I had the honour to receive your second esteemed86 letter I have unexpectedly had occasion to revisit Amsterdam; and, having changed ships since my return to the Texel, I have by some accident or neglect lost or mislaid your letter. I remember, however, the questions it contained: 1st, whether I ever had any obligation to Lord Selkirk? 2dly, whether he accepted my offer? and 3dly, whether I have a French commission? I answer: I have never had any obligation to Lord Selkirk, except for his good opinion, nor does know me nor mine except by character. Lord Selkirk wrote me an answer to my letter to the Countess, but the Ministry87 detained it in the general post office in London for a long time, and then returned it to the author, who afterward wrote to a friend of his (M. Alexander), an acquaintance of Doctor Franklin's then at Paris, giving him an account of the fate of his letter to me & desiring him to acquaint his Excellency and myself that if the plate was restored by Congress or by any public Body he would accept it, but that he would not think of accepting it from my private generosity88. The plate has, however, been bought, agreeable to my letter to the Countess, and now lays in France at her disposal. As to the 3rd article, I never bore nor acted under any other commission than what I have received from the Congress of the United States of America.[28]
"I am much obliged to you, my Lord, for the honour you do me by proposing to publish the papers I sent you in my last, but it is an honour which I must decline, because I can not publish my letter to a lady without asking and obtaining the lady's consent, and because I have a very modest opinion of my writings, being conscious that they are not of sufficient value to claim the notice of the public. I assure you, my Lord, it has given me much concern to see an extract of my rough journal in print, and that, too, under the disadvantage of a translation. That mistaken kindness of a friend will make me cautious how I communicate my papers.
"I have the honour to be, my Lord, with great esteem and respect,
"Your most obliged,
"And very humble89 servant."
The nice delicacy90 of his conduct in refusing to permit the publication of a letter to a lady without her consent goes very far toward redeeming91 the absurdity92 of the letter itself. While this interesting correspondence was going on, events of great moment were transpiring93. In the first place, Captain Pearson was protesting against his detention94 as a prisoner in the most vehement95 way, and otherwise behaving in a very ill-bred manner. When the commodore offered to return him his plate, linen96, and other property, which had been taken from the Serapis, he refused to accept it from Jones; but he intimated that he would receive it from the hand of Captain de Cottineau! Jones had the magnanimity to overlook this petty quibbling, and returned the property through the desired channel. Pearson, like Jones, was of humble origin; but, unlike Jones, he never seems to have risen above it. On October 19th he addressed the following note to Jones:
"Pallas, Tuesday Evening, October 19, 1779.
"Captain Jones, Serapis.
"Captain Pearson presents his compliments to Captain Jones, and is sorry to find himself so little attended to in his present situation as not to have been favoured with either a Call or a line from Captain Jones since his return from Amsterdam. Captain P ... is sorry to say that he can not look upon such behaviour in any other light than as a breach97 of that Civility, which his Rank, as well as behaviour on all occasions entitles to, he at the same time wishes to be informed by Captain Jones whether any Steps has been taken toward the enlargement or exchange of him, his officers and people, or what is intended to be done with them. As he can not help thinking it a very unprecedented circumstance their being keeped here as prisoners on board of ship, being so long in a neutral port."
He received in return this decided98 and definite reply:
"Serapis, Wednesday, October 20, 1779.
"Captain Pearson.
"Sir: As you have not been prevented from corresponding with your friends, and particularly with the English ambassador at The Hague, I could not suppose you to be unacquainted with his memorial, of the 8th, to the States-General, and therefore I thought it fruitless to pursue the negotiation99 for the exchange of the prisoners of war now in our hands.
"I wished to avoid any painful altercation100 with you on that subject; I was persuaded that you had been in the highest degree sensible that my behaviour 'toward you had been far from a breach of civility.' This charge is not, Sir, a civil return for the polite hospitality and disinterested101 attentions which you have hitherto experienced.
"I know not what difference of respect is due to 'Rank,' between your service and ours; I suppose, however, the difference must be thought very great in England, since I am informed that Captain Cunningham, of equal denomination103, and who bears a senior rank in the service of America, than yours in the service of England, is now confined at Plymouth in a dungeon104, and in fetters105.
"Humanity, which hath hitherto superseded106 the plea of retaliation107 in American breasts, has induced me (notwithstanding the procedure of Sir Joseph Yorke) to seek after permission to land the dangerously wounded, as well prisoners as Americans, to be supported and cured at the expense of our Continent. The permission of the Government has been obtained, but the magistrates108 continue to make objections. I shall not discontinue my application. I am ready to adopt any means that you may propose for their preservation109 and recovery, and in the meantime we shall continue to treat them with the utmost care and attention, equally, as you know, to the treatment of our people of the same rank.
"As it is possible that you have not yet seen the memorial of your ambassador to the States-General, I enclose a paper which contains a copy, and I believe he has since written what, in the opinion of good men, will do still less honour to his pen.
"I can not conclude without informing you that unless Captain Cunningham is immediately better treated in England, I expect orders in consequence from His Excellency Dr. Franklin; therefore, I beseech110 you, Sir, to interfere111."
The States-General having refused to consent to the restoration of the ships and the surrender of the prisoners, Paul Jones went to The Hague for the purpose of pleading his own cause; and there, through the representations of the French ambassador, the Duc de la Vauguyon, received permission from their High Mightinesses to land the more dangerously wounded among his prisoners and crew as well, numbering over one hundred, in order that he might better care for them and establish them in more comfortable quarters than the crowded ships permitted.
From motives113 of humanity, in view of the condition of the prisoners, Sir Joseph Yorke acquiesced114 in this arrangement. It was first proposed that Jones should land them and establish a hospital at Helder; but the magistrates of that town objecting to the proposition, a fort on the Texel was assigned to him, of which the entire charge was committed to him. Colonel de Weibert, with a sufficient force to garrison115 the works, was placed in command of the fort.
Meanwhile, the charges against Landais, having been formulated116 and signed, were dispatched to Franklin, who, with the consent of the French Government, ordered him to resign the command of the Alliance and repair immediately to Paris. Before he left the Texel the erratic117 Frenchman compelled Captain de Cottineau to accord him the honor of a duel118. As Landais was an expert swordsman, he succeeded in severely119 wounding his less skillful but far more worthy120 antagonist121. Elated by this exploit, the mad Frenchman sent Jones a challenge also. In reply to Landais' note, the commodore, Marius-like, promptly dispatched men to arrest him; but Landais got wind of the attempt and hastened to escape, taking up his departure for Paris. During the stay in the Texel Jones succeeded in effecting the exchange of Captain Pearson for Captain Gustavus Cunningham, whom he had at last the pleasure of receiving upon his own ship.[29] Meanwhile, with true British persistence123, Sir Joseph kept at the States-General, and it in turn pressed upon Jones, who imperturbably124 passed the matter on to the French ambassador and Dr. Franklin.
On the 12th of November, to relieve a situation which had become well-nigh insupportable, the French Government, with the consent of Franklin, directed that the command of the Serapis should be given to Captain de Cottineau, and that all the other vessels, except the Alliance, to which the French had no claim, should hoist the French flag, and that the Americans should be sent on board the Alliance, which should be turned over to Paul Jones. To his everlasting125 regret, Jones had to obey the heartbreaking order, and in one moment found himself deprived of his command and his prizes taken from him. It was a crushing blow, but he had no option save to bear it as best he could. The exchange was effected at night, and the next morning, when the Dutch admiral sent his flag captain on board the Serapis to attempt his usual bullying126, he was surprised to see the French flag flying from her gaff end, and to be informed that she was now the property of France, as were all the other ships except the Alliance. Proceedings127 at once, therefore, fell to the ground as regarded all the ships but the American frigate128. There was no possible reason for giving up the ships of the French king to the British Government, so Sir Joseph Yorke necessarily, although with a very bad grace, dropped the matter, and a short time after the French ships and the prizes sailed with the merchant fleet under a strong Dutch convoy for France, where they all arrived safely. Yorke persisted, however, in attempting to secure the person of Jones, it is gravely alleged129, through the efforts of private individuals, kidnappers130 or bravos. At any rate, he redoubled his representations regarding the Alliance, and his efforts to force the departure of the ship that she might fall into the hands of the waiting English.
The Serapis had been thoroughly131 overhauled132 and refitted, and the other ships, with the exception of the Alliance, were in good shape. By his unsailorly antics and foolish arrangements Landais had almost destroyed the qualities of that noble frigate. She was in a dreadful condition. Thirteen Dutch men-of-war, all of them two-deckers, or line of battle ships, had assembled in the Texel to enforce the orders of the States-General, which, on the 17th of November, by a specific resolution directed the Admiralty Board at Amsterdam to command Jones to let no opportunity escape to put to sea, as the approach of winter might make his departure inconvenient133 or impossible if he delayed longer. Vice102-Admiral Rhynst, who had succeeded Captain Rimersina (like van der Capellen, another friend of the United States) in the command of the Dutch fleet, was peremptorily134 ordered to permit no delay which was not unavoidable in the carrying out of these orders. He was instructed and empowered to use force if necessary. Outside the harbor there was a constantly increasing number of English ships, so that Jones found himself "between the devil and the deep sea." He was not to be intimidated135, however, and he absolutely refused to go out at all until he was ready, sending Admiral Rhynst a rather boastful letter to the effect that he could not engage more than three times his force with any hope of success, but were the odds136 any less he should go out at once. M. Dumas, the French commissary and the agent of the United States at The Hague, had been directed to proceed to the Texel and do what he could for Jones, and an interesting correspondence was carried on between them and the French ambassador on the subject of Jones' departure. With clear-eyed diplomacy137 and stubborn resolution the American held on; go he would not until he was ready! It was, no doubt, very exasperating138 to the Dutch, and they did everything possible save using force to get rid of their unwelcome visitor.
The Alliance, as has been stated, was in an unseaworthy condition. An old-fashioned sailing vessel8 was as complex and delicate a thing as a woman; rude, brutal139, and unskillful handling had the same effect on both of them--it spoiled them. Jones at once began the weary work of refitting her so far as his limited resources provided. The powder which had been saved from the wreck140 of the Richard replaced the spoiled ammunition141 of the Alliance. Two cables had been borrowed from the Serapis, and such other steps taken as were possible. When the squadron was turned over to France the prisoners, except those already exchanged by agreement between Jones and Pearson, also were directed to be surrendered to the French Government, who immediately exchanged them with the English for an equal number of French prisoners, promising3 Franklin that they would presently exchange a corresponding number of French prisoners for the Americans. But Jones resolutely142 refused to give up all of his prisoners. In spite of protests and orders he re-embarked the hundred men who had been recovering from their wounds in the fort on the Texel, and taking all the Americans of the squadron, so that the Alliance was heavily overmanned, he made his preparations to get away.
At this time the Duc de la Vauguyon, by the direction of De Sartine, made Jones the offer of a French naval letter of marque, which might have protected the captain of the Alliance on her proposed homeward passage, and have removed all legal cause of objection as to her stay in the Texel. To this proposition, which he considered insulting, Jones made the following characteristic answer:
"My Lord: Perhaps there are many men in the world who would esteem as an honour the commission that I have this day refused. My rank from the beginning knew no superior in the marine144 of America; how then must I be humbled145 were I to accept a letter of marque! I should, my lord, esteem myself inexcusable were I to accept even a commission of equal or superior denomination to that I bear, unless I were previously146 authorised by Congress, or some other competent authority in Europe. And I must tell you that, on my arrival at Brest from the Irish Channel, Count D'Orvilliers offered to procure147 for me from court a commission of 'Capitaine de Vaisseau,' which I did not then accept for the same reason, although the war between France and England was not then begun, and of course the commission of France would have protected me from an enemy of superior force.
"It is a matter of the highest astonishment148 to me that, after so many compliments and fair professions, the court should offer the present insult to my understanding, and suppose me capable of disgracing my present commission. I confess that I never merited all the praise bestowed149 on my past conduct, but I also feel that I have far less merited such a reward. Where profession and practice are so opposite I am no longer weak enough to form a wrong conclusion. They may think as they please of me; for where I can not continue my esteem, praise or censure66 from any man is to me a matter of indifference151.[30]
"I am much obliged to them, however, for having at last fairly opened my eyes, and enabled me to discover truth from falsehood.
"The prisoners shall be delivered agreeable to the orders which you have done me the honour to send me from his excellency the American ambassador in France.
"I will also with great pleasure not only permit a part of my seamen to go on board the ships under your excellency's orders, but I will also do my utmost to prevail with them to embark143 freely; and if I can now or hereafter, by any other honourable152 means, facilitate the success or the honour of his Majesty153's arms, I pledge myself to you as his ambassador, that none of his own subjects would bleed in his cause with greater freedom than myself, an American.
"It gives me the more pain, my lord, to write this letter, because the court has enjoined154 you to prepare what would destroy my peace of mind, and my future veracity155 in the opinion of the world.
"When, with the consent of the court, and by order of the American ambassador, I gave American commissions to French officers, I did not fill up those commissions to command privateers, nor even for a rank equal to that of their commissions in the marine of France. They were promoted to rank far superior. And why? Not from personal friendship, nor from my knowledge of their services and abilities (the men and their characters being entire strangers to me), but from the respect which I believed America would wish to show for the service of France.
"While I remained eight months seemingly forgot by the court at Brest, many commissions, such as that in question, were offered to me; and I believe (when I am in pursuit of plunder) I can still obtain such an one without application to court.
"I hope, my lord, that my behaviour through life will ever entitle me to the continuance of your good wishes and opinion, and that you will take occasion to make mention of the warm and personal affection with which my heart is impressed toward his Majesty."
In no other letter among the many which I have examined does Jones appear in so brilliant and successful a light. His high-souled decision, and his dignified156 but explicit157 way of conveying it, alike do him the greatest credit. In the hands of such a man, not only his own honor but that of his country would be perfectly158 safe always. As usual, on the 16th of December, he inclosed a copy of his letter to Franklin with the following original comment:
"I hope," he said, "that the within copy of my letter to the Duc de la Vauguyon will meet your approbation, for I am persuaded that it never could be your intention or wish that I should be made the tool of any great r---- whatever; or that the commission of America should be overlaid by the dirty piece of parchment which I have thus rejected! They have played upon my good humour too long already, but the spell is at last dissolved. They would play me off with assurance of the personal and particular esteem of the king, to induce me to do what would render me contemptible159 even in the eyes of my own servants! Accustomed to speak untruths themselves, they would also have me to give under my hand that I am a liar39 and a scoundrel. They are mistaken, and I would tell them what you did to your naughty servant. 'We have too contemptible an opinion of one another's understanding to live together.' I could tell them, too, that if M---- de C---- had not taken such safe precautions to keep me honest by means of his famous concordat, and to support me by so many able colleagues, these great men would not have been reduced to such mean shifts; for the prisoners could have been landed at Dunkirk the day that I entered the Texel, and I could have brought in double the numbers."
After annoying him with daily injunctions and commands, on the 16th of December Vice Admiral Rhynst finally commanded Jones to come on board his flagship and report his intentions. Jones promptly refused to obey this astonishing order, telling the Dutchman that he had no right to order him anywhere. Whereupon the vice admiral wrote to him as follows:
"I desire you by this present letter to inform me how I must consider the Alliance which you are on board of: whether as a French or American vessel. If the first, I expect you to cause his Majesty's commission to be shown to me, and that you display the French flag and pendant, announcing it by discharging a gun. If the second, I expect you to omit no occasion of departing, according to the orders of their High Mightinesses."
Jones had passed beyond the arguing point, and treated this communication with contempt. He rightly judged that the Dutch would not resort to force in the end, and he refused to go out to certain capture; indeed, he would not move until he was ready and a fair chance of escape presented itself.
When the French Commissary of Marine at Amsterdam, the Chevalier de Lironcourt, saw Rhynst's communication, which Jones sent to him, he suggested that Jones might waive160 the point and display French colors on his ship, disclaiming161, at the same time, any ulterior motive112 not in consonance with the dignity of the commander, on the part of himself or his government, in this proposition. But Jones was not to be moved from the stand he had taken. The man of the world was becoming the dauntless citizen of the United States at last. He curtly162 told the Dutch admiral that he had no orders to hoist any other flag than the American, and that it only should fly from the gaff of his ship. He also told him that as soon as a pilot would undertake to carry out his ship he would leave. But his most significant action was to state emphatically to the vice admiral's flag captain, who came aboard the Alliance for an answer to his note of the 16th, that he was tired of the annoyances163, insults, and threats which had been directed at him daily, and that they must be stopped in future, as he would receive no more communications from the vice admiral. He also requested the flag captain to say to his superior officer that, although the Dutch flagship mounted sixty-four guns, if she and the Alliance were at sea together the vice admiral's conduct toward him would not have been tolerated for a moment. I have no doubt that Jones meant exactly what he said, and I think the vice admiral was lucky in not being required to test the declaration. From this time until his departure no communications of any sort were received by Jones from his baffled and silenced tormentor164.
He had done all that mortal man could do to retain his prizes, to protract165 his stay in Dutch waters, to commit Holland to the side of the United States, to effect an exchange of prisoners, and to maintain the honor of the American flag. In doing this, on all sides he had been harassed166 and insulted beyond measure. It was therefore some consolation167 to him to receive on the 21st the following note of explanation and apology from De la Vauguyon:
"December 21, 1779.
"I perceive with pain, my dear commodore, that you do not view your situation in the right light; and I can assure you that the ministers of the king have no intention to cause you the least disagreeable feeling, as the honourable testimonials of the esteem of his majesty, which I send you, ought to convince you. I hope you will not doubt the sincere desire with which you have inspired me to procure you every satisfaction you may merit. It can not fail to incite82 you to give new proofs of your zeal168 for the common cause of France and America. I flatter myself to renew, before long, the occasion and to procure you the means to increase still more the glory you have already acquired. I am already occupied with all the interest I promised you; and if my views are realized, as I have every reason to believe, you will be at all events perfectly content; but I must pray you not to hinder any project by delivering yourself to the expressions of those strong sensations to which you appear to give way, and for which there is really no foundation. You appear to possess full confidence in the justice and kindness of the king; rely also upon the same sentiments on the part of his ministers."
To this letter Jones sent the following reply; he was a generous man, who bore no malice169:
"Alliance, Texel, December 25, 1779.
"The Duke de Vauguyon.
"My Lord: I have not a heart of stone, but I am duly sensible of the obligations conferred on me by the very kind and affectionate letter that you have done me the honour to write me the 21st current.
"Were I to form my opinion of the ministry from the treatment that I experienced while at Brest, or from their want of confidence in me afterward, exclusive of what has taken place since I had the misfortune to enter this port, I will appeal to your Excellency as a man of candour and ingenuousness170, whether I ought to desire to prolong a connection that has made me so unhappy, and wherein I have given so little satisfaction? M. de Chev. de Lironcourt has lately made me reproaches on account of the expense that he says France has been at to give me reputation, in preference to twenty captains of the royal navy, better qualified171 than myself, and who, each of them, solicited172 for the command that was lately given to me! This, I confess, is quite new and indeed surprising to me, and had I known it before I left France I certainly should have resigned in favour of the twenty men of superior merit. I do not, however, think that his first assertion is true, for the ministry must be unworthy of their places were they capable of squandering173 the public money merely to give an individual reputation! and as to the second, I fancy the court will not thank him for having given me this information, whether true or false. I may add here that, with a force so ill-composed, and with powers so limited, I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour174 for one of gaining reputation; and had not the plea of humanity in favour of the unfortunate Americans in English dungeons175 superseded all considerations of self, I faithfully assure you, my lord, that I would not have proceeded under such circumstances from Groix. I do not imbibe176 hasty prejudices against any individual, but when many and repeated circumstances, conspiring177 in one point, have inspired me with disesteem toward any person, I must see very convincing proofs of reformation in such person before my heart can beat again with affection in his favour; for the mind is free, and can be bound only by kind treatment.
"You do me great honour, as well as justice, my lord, by observing that no satisfaction can be more precious to me than by giving new proofs of my zeal for the common cause of France and America; and the interest that you take to facilitate the means of my giving such proofs by essential services, claims my best thanks. I hope I shall not, through any imprudence of mine, render ineffectual any noble design that may be in contemplation for the general good.[31] Whenever that object is mentioned, my private concerns are out of the question, and where I can not speak exactly what I could wish with respect to my private satisfaction, I promise you in the meantime to observe a prudent178 silence.
"With a deep sense of your generous sentiments of personal regard toward me, and with the most sincere wishes to merit that regard by my conduct through life."
The following extract from a letter to Robert Morris well indicates how his treatment by the French ambassador rankled179:
"By the within despatches for Congress I am persuaded you will observe with pleasure that my connection with a court is at an end, and that my prospect of returning to America approaches. The great seem to wish only to be concerned with tools, who dare not speak or write truth. I am not sorry that my connection with them is at an end. In the course of that connection I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of reputation; and all the honours or profit that France could bestow150 should not tempt122 me again to undertake the same service with an armament, equally ill composed, and with powers equally limited. It affords me the most exalted180 pleasure to reflect that, when I return to America, I can say that I have served in Europe at my own expense, and without the fee or reward of a court,[32] When the prisoners we have taken are safely lodged181 in France I shall have no further business in Europe, as the liberty of our fellow citizens who now suffer in English prisons will then be secured; and I shall hope hereafter to be usefully employed under the immediate direction of the Congress."
It is a remarkable182 thing that, during the perplexities and harassing183 incidents of his stay in the Texel, with the constant demands made upon him in every direction, the difficulties with which he had to cope, the responsibilities he assumed, the problems he had to solve, and the dangers grappled with, he found time to carry on such a voluminous and extraordinary correspondence as has been preserved. Among other documents he drew up a long memorial to Congress recounting his career and public services to date, which is of much service to those who strive to solve the enigma184 of his complex life and character. The tendency to lionize a hero was as prevalent then as now, and Jones was compelled by the exigencies185 of his situation to refuse many invitations of a social nature at Amsterdam and The Hague. "Duty," he says, "must take precedence of pleasure. I must wait a more favourable186 opportunity to kiss the hands of the fair." Certain young impressionable misses, after the custom of the day, indited187 poetical188 effusions to him. In the hurry and rush of business he could only find time in his replies to deplore189 the fact that so much was expected from him that he could not respond in rhyme to these metrical communications.
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1
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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overhaul
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| v./n.大修，仔细检查 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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18
remonstrating
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的现在分词 )；告诫 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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leeward
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| adj.背风的；下风的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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concordat
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| n.协定；宗派间的协约 | |
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affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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29
foaming
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| adj.布满泡沫的；发泡 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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plowed
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| v.耕( plow的过去式和过去分词 )；犁耕；费力穿过 | |
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lumbering
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| n.采伐林木 | |
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liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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41
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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42
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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46
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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47
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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48
affronted
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| adj.被侮辱的，被冒犯的v.勇敢地面对( affront的过去式和过去分词 )；相遇 | |
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49
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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50
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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51
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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53
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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54
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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56
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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57
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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59
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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60
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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animates
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| v.使有生气( animate的第三人称单数 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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inordinately
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| adv.无度地，非常地 | |
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perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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elucidation
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| n.说明，阐明 | |
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incites
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的第三人称单数 ) | |
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incite
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| v.引起，激动，煽动 | |
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importunate
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| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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transpiring
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的现在分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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94
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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96
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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97
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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100
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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101
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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102
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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103
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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104
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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105
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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106
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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107
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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108
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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109
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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110
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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111
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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112
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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113
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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114
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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116
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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117
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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118
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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119
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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120
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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121
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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122
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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123
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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124
imperturbably
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| adv.泰然地，镇静地，平静地 | |
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125
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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126
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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128
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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129
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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130
kidnappers
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| n.拐子，绑匪( kidnapper的名词复数 ) | |
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131
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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132
overhauled
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| v.彻底检查( overhaul的过去式和过去分词 )；大修；赶上；超越 | |
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133
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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135
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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137
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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138
exasperating
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| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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140
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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141
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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142
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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143
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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145
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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146
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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147
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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148
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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149
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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151
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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152
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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153
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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156
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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157
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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158
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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159
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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160
waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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161
disclaiming
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| v.否认( disclaim的现在分词 ) | |
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162
curtly
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| adv.简短地 | |
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163
annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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tormentor
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| n. 使苦痛之人, 使苦恼之物, 侧幕 =tormenter | |
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165
protract
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| v.延长，拖长 | |
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166
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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167
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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168
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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169
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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170
ingenuousness
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| n.率直；正直；老实 | |
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171
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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172
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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173
squandering
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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174
dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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175
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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176
imbibe
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| v.喝，饮；吸入，吸收 | |
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177
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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178
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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179
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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181
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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182
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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183
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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184
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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185
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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186
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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187
indited
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| v.写（文章，信等）创作，赋诗，创作( indite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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188
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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189
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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