Many courtiers, having a purely26 artistic27 interest in Edmund Campion, had begged that he might obtain the chance he had often asked for, of being heard in a disputation. This request was now suddenly granted. The conference was public, and came off in the Norman Chapel28 of the Tower, which was crowded. Two Deans, Nowell of St. Paul’s, and Day of Windsor, were appointed to attack Campion; he was to answer all objections as he could, but was forbidden to raise any of his own. Charke, the bitter Puritan preacher of Gray’s Inn, and Whitaker, the Regius Professor of Divinity in Cambridge, were the notaries30. The lion to be baited did not even know that there was to be a conference, until he was brought to it under a strong guard. Time for preparation had been denied him; he was allowed the use of only such authorities as his memory could furnish; pale and weary and rack-worn as he was, he was given only a low stool to sit upon. The well-fed theological worthies31 were ranged before him, their chairs standing32 on raised platforms, and their tables[145] spread with books of reference, pens and paper.
One who was there tells us how easy and ready were his answers; how modest his mien33; how that high-spirited nature so bore the scorn, the abuse, and the jests heaped upon him, as to win great admiration34 from the majority of those who heard him for the first time. He began by asking very pertinently35 whether this was a just answer to his challenge, first to rack him, then to deprive him of books, notes and pen, lastly, to call upon him to debate? and he added (wishing to be fully20 understood by the audience), that what he had asked for was quite another sort of hearing: a hearing under equal conditions before the Universities. During the course of this first conference he was twice most unfairly tripped up: once over a quotation36, in which he was right, though he could not then and there prove it; and again over a page of the Greek Testament37, in such small type that he could not read it, and had to put it by when it was handed to him: thereby38 drawing down upon himself the ridiculous taunt39 that[146] he knew no Greek. This he took silently, and with a smile. At the end of the six hours he had more than stood his ground. The Deans complained afterwards that a number of gentlemen present, “neither unlearned nor ill-affected,” considered that Master Campion had the best of it. Some common people who thought so too, and said so in the streets, paid dearly for their boldness. One of these gentlemen favourably41 impressed was Philip, Earl of Arundel, then in the flush of worldly pride and pleasure. He was the real victory of the Jesuit apostle, for he received at that time and in that place the first ray of divine grace, strong enough to change gradually in him the whole motive42 and course of that intensity43 of life which never failed the Howards. As he stood leaning forward in the foreground of the da?s, in that solemn interior, tall and young, with his great ruff and embroidered44 doublet, and his brilliant dark eyes held by the pathetic figure of Master Campion, how little could he have foreseen his own weary term of suffering in that gloomy fortress45, and his[147] sainted death there, at the end of the years!
There were three other conferences under like conditions, but in other quarters, with four fresh adversaries46. Campion was again “appointed only to answer, never to oppose”; that is, to answer miscellaneous and disjointed objections against the Catholic Church, without ever being allowed “to build up any harmonious47 apology for his own system.” The last conference was notable for its browbeating48 and threatening of a too successful adversary49. The Bishop50 of London privately51 came to the conclusion that the verbal tournament was doing no good whatever to the sacred cause of Protestantism. The Council agreed, and ended it.
Towards the end of October Campion was racked for the third time, and with the utmost severity, so that he thought they meant, this time, to kill him; but his fortitude52 was unshaken. A rough and honest first cousin to the Queen, Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, growled53 that it were easier to pluck the heart out of Campion’s breast[148] than to wrest54 from him one word against his conscience. His arms and legs went quite numb40 after this final torture. The keeper, who was won over by his endearing prisoner, and was always as gentle with him as he dared to be, inquired next day how they felt. “Not ill,” said Father Edmund, with all of his old brave brightness, “not ill, because not at all!”
Never once until now had he been accused of any conspiracy55. But he was a troublesome person: he must be silenced somehow. With a tardy56 inspiration, the Council bent57 all their strength to get out of Campion some acknowledgment that he had been mixed up with the Spanish-Roman expedition, and the Irish rising of the preceding year. Not a shadow of proof could, of course, be produced for such a charge. Then, as a final and sure means of indicting58 him on some other count than that of religion, and of urging his execution upon the Queen, Walsingham, with Burghley’s connivance59, hatched a treasonable plot out of his own inventive head, and got false witnesses to accuse Edmund[149] Campion of it, and swear his life away. The “Plot of Rheims and Rome” was described as an attempt to raise a sedition60, and dethrone and kill the Queen. It had an imaginary but recent date: 1580. Everybody or anybody, when found convenient, could be accused of so elastic61 a plot. It was first charged against some twenty priests and laymen62 in this year 1581; but it was brought up against the Earl of Arundel four years afterwards, despite the fact that the supposed interests of the Church were the last things likely to win his attention at the time assigned.
On All Saints’ Day arrived in England a suitor for the hand of Queen Elizabeth: Francis, Duke of Alen?on, King of the Netherlands, the short-lived heir to the throne of King Henry the Third of France. With that King, while Duke of Anjou, and with Alen?on for nine years past (as for three yet to come), Elizabeth had carried on negotiations63 which ended in smoke; but she now announced that she “would marry at last.” Little Froggy, as she endearingly called him, was ugly to a degree, and[150] many years younger than her Majesty64; he was brother-in-law to the Queen of Scots, who was her Majesty’s prisoner at Sheffield. The dominant65, ultra-bigoted party took extreme alarm at the near prospect66 of toleration for Catholics which such a royal match suggested to them. To reassure67 them, it might just now be most useful, thought the Council, to hang a Jesuit or two.
On the 14th of the month Campion and eight others were arraigned68 before the grand jury in Westminster Hall. For “treasonable intents” of the Queen’s deprivation69 and murder, these “secret and privy70 practices of sinister71 devices,” befitting one “led astray by the devil,” had “Edmund Campion, clerk,” made his re-entry into England, the Pope, meanwhile, being not only aware of his act, but its “author and onsetter”! He was commanded, as were all those lumped with him in a common accusation73, to plead Guilty or Not Guilty. Up went all the right arms of these “devotaries, and dead men to this world, who travelled only for souls,” as Campion himself called them: all but his, so disabled by the rack that he[151] could not stir it from the furred cuff74 in which it lay. But a quick-witted comrade turned and took off the cuff, “humbly kissing the sacred hands so wrung75 for the confession7 of Christ,” and lifted it high to cry its own mute Not Guilty with the rest. The Spanish Ambassador, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, standing close by with his secretary, saw, with a pang76 of pity, that all the finger-nails were gone from Campion’s swollen77 hands. The trial proper began on the 20th, before “such a presence of people of the more honourable78, wise, learned, and best sort as was never seen or heard of in that court in ours or our fathers’ memories before us . . . so wonderful an expectation there was to see the end of this marvellous tragedy . . . [of] such as they knew in conscience to be innocent.” They all heard Ralph Sherwin say, in a loud clear voice: “The plain ground of our standing here is religion, and not treason.”
Chief Justice Wray presided, a Catholic at heart, and wretched ever after over this unwilling79 day’s work. The prosecuting80 officers for the Crown were the Queen’s serjeant, Edmund Anderson; Popham,[152] afterwards Chief Justice; and Egerton, afterwards the first Lord Ellesmere. The chief witnesses were George Eliot, Anthony Munday, and two creatures named Sledd and Caddy: probably as evil a quartette as existed in contemporary England, and worthy82 forerunners83 of Oates and Bedloe. “They had nothing left to swear by,” as Campion reminded the jury: “neither religion nor honesty.” In no special order, but with much ardour and diligence, all the old tiresome84 trivial accusations85 were brought forward and pressed in, Campion being spokesman throughout for the defence, and his alert mind, despite his weakened body, meeting them all, and routing them. He was charged with having “seduced the Queen’s subjects from their allegiance” . . . and “reconciled them to the Pope.” He caught up the word. “We ‘reconcile’ them to the Pope! Nay87, then, what reconciliation88 can there be to him, since reconciliation is only due to God? This word [‘reconcile’] soundeth not to a lawyer’s usage, and therefore is wrested89 against us inaptly. The reconciliation that[153] we endeavoured was only to God: as Peter saith, reconciliamini Domino, be ye reconciled unto the Lord.” Campion was informed: “Yourself came as Procurator from the Pope and Dr. Allen, to break these matters to the English Papists.” So he rejoined that in his homeward voyage from Rome, undertaken by his vow90 of obedience91 as a Jesuit, “the which accordingly I enterprised, being commanded thereto,” he had “dined with Dr. Allen at Rheims, with whom also after dinner I walked in his garden . . . and not one jot92 of our talk glanced to the Crown or State of England. . . . As to the [Pope], he flatly with charge and commandment excused me from matters of State and regiment93.” . . . Followed a change of tactics. “Afterclaps make those excuses but shadows. . . . For what meaning had that changing of your name? Whereto belonged your disguising in apparel? What pleasure had you to royst it [in] a velvet94 hat and a feather, a buff leather jerkin, and velvet venetians? . . . Can that beseem a professed95 man of religion which hardly becometh a layman96 of gravity? No:[154] there was a further matter intended. . . . Had you come hither for love of your country, you would never have wrought97 a hugger-mugger; had your intent been to have done well, you would never have hated the light.” To which Campion replied that St. Paul, in order “that living he might benefit the Church more than dying,” betook himself “to sundry98 shifts . . . but that especially the changing of his name was very oft and familiar” . . . and that “he sometimes thought it expedient99 to be hidden, lest, being discovered, persecution100 should ensue thereby, and the gospel be greatly forestalled101. . . . If these shifts were then approved in Paul, why are they now reproved in me?—he an Apostle, I a Jesuit . . . the same cause common to us both. . . . I wished earnestly the planting of the gospel; I knew a contrary religion professed; I saw if I were known I should be apprehended. I changed my name, I kept secretly: I imitated Paul. Was I therein a traitor102? . . . The wearing of a buff jerkin, a velvet hat, and suchlike, is much forced against me. . . . I am not indicted103 upon the[155] Statute104 of Apparel! . . . Indeed, I acknowledge an offence to Godwards for so doing, and thereof it doth grievously repent105 me, and [I] therefore do now penance106, as you see me.” This charming rejoinder (again, how More-like!) was in allusion107 to his rough gown of Irish frieze108, and a huge black nightcap covering half of his newly shaven face.
After all this mere81 hectoring, some pieces of “evidence” were produced. One of these was an intercepted109 letter which Campion himself had written from the Tower after his first and comparatively moderate racking, while it was still possible to use his hands; it was addressed to the admirable and truly holy, but fussy110, Mr. Thomas Pounde, who, wild with alarm at the pretended “betrayals,” had written to remonstrate111 with Fr. Campion. The Queen’s Counsel now read this passage from Campion’s humble112 reply: “It grieveth me much to have offended the Catholic cause so highly as to confess the names of some gentlemen and friends in whose houses I had been entertained. Yet in this I greatly[156] cherish and comfort myself: that I never discovered any secrets there declared; and that I will not, come rack, come rope!” The comment of the reader in court was an obvious one. “What can sound more suspiciously or nearer unto treason than this letter? . . . It must needs be some grievous matter and very pernicious, that neither rack nor rope can wring113 from him!” But Campion’s even more obvious answer was that there he spoke86 as one “by profession and calling a priest,” vowed114 to silence in regard to what was made known in the Confessional, and yet pressed, on the rack, to divulge115 secrets thus communicated to him. “These were the hidden matters . . . in concealing116 of which I so greatly rejoiced, to the revealing whereof I cannot nor will not be brought, come rack, come rope!” Well chosen was this answer of Campion’s. It has been pointed29 out that if he had stated here that he had told on no one who was not already found out, he would have loosed the informers and man-hunters afresh on the whole Catholic community, until his other friends, who[157] had not been found out, were run down. Instead of that he drew off attention by reminding the court that he could not repeat what had been sacramentally confided117 to him. Most of his hearers were either Catholic or had been Catholic, and acquiesced118. He spoke truth, but he skipped explanations: and such is, more often than not, the highest wisdom in this complex world.
There were now read out certain papers containing oaths to be administered to persons ready to renounce119 their obedience to her Majesty, and to be sworn of the Papal allegiance alone. These were said to have been found in houses where “Campion had lurked120, and for religion been entertained;” hence they were of his composing. He objected that the administering of oaths was repugnant to him, and exceeded his authority: “neither would I commit an offence so thwart121 to my profession, for all the substance and treasure in the world.” He went on to say (assuming for his purpose that the precious papers were not forged, though they really were so),[158] that there was no proof of their connection with himself, nor was it even pretended that they were in his handwriting. Anderson replied with singular perversity122 or dulness: “You, a professed Papist, coming to a house and then such reliques found after your departure—how can it otherwise be implied but that you did both bring them and leave them there? So it is flat they came there by means of a Papist: ergo, by your means!” The logician123 in Campion dashed to the fore24. Could it be shown that no other Papist ever visited that house but himself? If not, they were urging a conclusion before framing a minor124! which is imperfect, he added, and proves nothing. Apparently125 Serjeant Anderson was sufficiently126 enraged127 by now. His highly judicial128 retort is on record. “If here, as you do in Schools, you bring in your minor and conclusion, you will prove yourself but a fool. But minor or conclusion, I will bring it to purpose anon!” Eliot then rose as witness, and gave his account of the Sunday sermon at Lyford: how Master Campion spoke of enormities in England, and of a[159] day of change soon coming, welcome to the shaken and dispersed129 Catholics, but dreadful to the heretical masters of the land. “What day should that be,” broke in the Queen’s Counsel, “but that wherein the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Florence have appointed to invade this realm?” Campion turned his eyes on Eliot. “Oh, Judas, Judas! . . . As in all other Christian130 commonwealths131, so in England, many vices72 and iniquities132 do abound133 . . . whereupon, as in every pulpit every Protestant doth, I pronounced a great day, not wherein any temporal potentate134 should minister, but wherein the terrible Judge should reveal all men’s consciences and try every man. . . . Any other day than this, God He knows I meant not.” So much for the astonishing “evidence” of this most astonishing of all trials, one only, under Pontius Pilate, excepted.
The chief count against the defendant135 was the old, old one of the Bull of Deposition136, and the denied authority of the Queen in spirituals: that wretched family skeleton trotted137 out once more! “You refused[160] to swear to the Supremacy138, a notorious token of an evil willer to the Crown.” Campion, who was surely what Antony Wood quaintly139 calls him, “a sweete Disposition140, and a well-polish’d Man,” stated his position once more, lucidly141, and with perfect temper. He began by referring to what passed at the Earl of Leicester’s London house. “Not long since it pleased her Majesty to demand of me whether I did acknowledge her to be my Queen or no. I answered that I did acknowledge her Highness not only as my Queen, but also as my most lawful governess. And being further required by her Majesty whether I thought the Pope might lawfully142 excommunicate her or no, I answered: ‘I confess myself an insufficient143 umpire between her Majesty and the Pope for so high a controversy144, whereof neither the certainty is yet known, nor the best divines in Christendom stand fully resolved! . . . I acknowledge her Highness as my governor and sovereign; I acknowledge her Majesty both in fact and by right to be Queen; I confess an obedience due to the[161] Crown as to my temporal head and primate145.’ This I said then; so I say now. If then I failed in aught, I am now ready to supply it. What would you more? I will willingly pay to her Majesty what is hers; yet I must pay to God what is His. Then as for excommunicating her Majesty, it was exacted of me (admitting that excommunication were of effect, and that the Pope had sufficient authority so to do), whether then I thought myself discharged of my allegiance or no? I said that this was a dangerous question, and that they that demanded this demanded my blood. Admitting (why admitting?) I would admit his authority, and then he should excommunicate her, I would then do as God should give me grace: but I never admitted any such matter, neither ought I to be wrested with any such suppositions.” To all this no rejoinder was made. It was the identical position taken up by many another harassed146 martyr147. The prosecution148 next turned to the remaining prisoners, using the same weak, wrong, skirmishing tactics,—Campion often putting in a word to hearten one, to defend another,[162] to guide a third. At a certain point he exclaimed: “So great are the treasons that I and the others have wrought, that the gaoler who has us in charge told me at night that would we but go to the Anglican services they would pardon us straightway!” Serrano, who reports this, adds: “They answered things in general.” At the close of the proceedings149, their issue being prearranged, Campion was allowed to make a speech to the jurors. He eloquently150 begged them to seek for certainties, and to remember the character of the “evidence” brought before them. Alas151! he was appealing to bought men, who dared not be true.
The pleadings had taken three hours; the jury deliberated, or seemed to do so, for an hour or more. Public opinion in the Hall, as at the Tower conferences, was overwhelmingly in favour of Campion. But “the poor twelve,” as Allen calls them, came back, fearful to be found “no friend of C?sar,” bringing in a verdict against the whole company as “guilty of the said treasons and conspiracies152.” The Lord Chief Justice[163] spoke: “Campion, and the rest, what can you say why you should not die?” Then Campion broke out into a brief appeal to the future and the past, a lyric153 strain such as was not often heard beneath those ancient rafters, so sadly used to the spectacle of noble hearts in jeopardy154. “It was not our death that ever we feared! But we knew that we were not lords of our own lives, and therefore for want of answer would not be guilty of our own deaths. The only thing that we have now to say is, that if our religion do make us traitors155 we are worthy to be condemned157; but otherwise we are and have been as true subjects as ever the Queen had. In condemning158 us you condemn156 all your own ancestors, all the ancient priests, Bishops159 and Kings: all that was once the glory of England, the Island of Saints, and the most devoted160 child of the See of Peter. For what have we taught (however you may qualify it with the odious161 name of treason), that they did not uniformly teach? To be condemned with these old lights, not of England only, but of the world, by their degenerate[164] descendants, is both gladness and glory to us! God lives. Posterity162 will live. Their judgment163 is not so liable to corruption164 as that of those who are now going to sentence us to death.” After which the Lord Chief Justice pronounced the formula in use for all prisoners condemned to capital punishment. “Ye must go to the place whence ye came, there to remain until ye shall be drawn165 through the open city of London upon hurdles166 to the place of execution, and there be hanged and let down alive . . . and your entrails taken out and burnt in your sight; then your heads to be cut off, and your bodies to be divided in four parts, to be disposed of at her Majesty’s pleasure. And may God have mercy on your souls!” Some of the company raised a storm of protest, but Campion’s voice rose above theirs, crying: “We praise Thee, O God!” Sherwin seconded him with the shouted anthem167 of Eastertide: “This is the day that the Lord hath made: let us rejoice and be glad therein!” Like expressions of triumph were presently taken up, to the amazement168 of bystanders. Then the[165] doomed169 men were parted, and were all taken away, Edmund Campion being put in a barge170 on the Thames, and rowed back to the Tower, where he was heavily shackled171 with irons, and left alone.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
utterances
|
|
| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
lawful
|
|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
anguish
|
|
| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
ineffable
|
|
| adj.无法表达的，不可言喻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
boredom
|
|
| n.厌烦，厌倦，乏味，无聊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
confessions
|
|
| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
confession
|
|
| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
apprehended
|
|
| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
Oxford
|
|
| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
implicated
|
|
| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
alleged
|
|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
purporting
|
|
| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
endorsing
|
|
| v.赞同( endorse的现在分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
commissioners
|
|
| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
accrue
|
|
| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
supplementary
|
|
| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
slander
|
|
| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
knave
|
|
| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
fore
|
|
| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
purely
|
|
| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
artistic
|
|
| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
chapel
|
|
| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
pointed
|
|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
notaries
|
|
| n.公证人，公证员( notary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
worthies
|
|
| 应得某事物( worthy的名词复数 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
mien
|
|
| n.风采；态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
admiration
|
|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
pertinently
|
|
| 适切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
quotation
|
|
| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
testament
|
|
| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
thereby
|
|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
taunt
|
|
| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
numb
|
|
| adj.麻木的，失去感觉的；v.使麻木 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
favourably
|
|
| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
intensity
|
|
| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
embroidered
|
|
| adj．绣花的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
fortress
|
|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
adversaries
|
|
| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
harmonious
|
|
| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
browbeating
|
|
| v.（以言辞或表情）威逼，恫吓( browbeat的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
adversary
|
|
| adj.敌手，对手 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
privately
|
|
| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
fortitude
|
|
| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
growled
|
|
| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
wrest
|
|
| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
tardy
|
|
| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
indicting
|
|
| 控告，起诉( indict的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
connivance
|
|
| n.纵容；默许 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
sedition
|
|
| n.煽动叛乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
elastic
|
|
| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
laymen
|
|
| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
negotiations
|
|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
prospect
|
|
| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
reassure
|
|
| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
arraigned
|
|
| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
deprivation
|
|
| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
privy
|
|
| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
sinister
|
|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
cuff
|
|
| n.袖口；手铐；护腕；vt.用手铐铐；上袖口 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
wrung
|
|
| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
pang
|
|
| n.剧痛，悲痛，苦闷 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
swollen
|
|
| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
unwilling
|
|
| adj.不情愿的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
prosecuting
|
|
| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
forerunners
|
|
| n.先驱( forerunner的名词复数 )；开路人；先兆；前兆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
tiresome
|
|
| adj.令人疲劳的，令人厌倦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
accusations
|
|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
nay
|
|
| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
reconciliation
|
|
| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
wrested
|
|
| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
vow
|
|
| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
obedience
|
|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
jot
|
|
| n.少量；vi.草草记下；vt.匆匆写下 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
regiment
|
|
| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
velvet
|
|
| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
layman
|
|
| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
wrought
|
|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
sundry
|
|
| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
expedient
|
|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
persecution
|
|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
forestalled
|
|
| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
traitor
|
|
| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
indicted
|
|
| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
statute
|
|
| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
repent
|
|
| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
penance
|
|
| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
allusion
|
|
| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
frieze
|
|
| n.(墙上的)横饰带，雕带 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
intercepted
|
|
| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
fussy
|
|
| adj.为琐事担忧的，过分装饰的，爱挑剔的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
remonstrate
|
|
| v.抗议，规劝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
humble
|
|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
wring
|
|
| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
vowed
|
|
| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
divulge
|
|
| v.泄漏(秘密等)；宣布，公布 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
concealing
|
|
| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
confided
|
|
| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
acquiesced
|
|
| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
renounce
|
|
| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
lurked
|
|
| vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
thwart
|
|
| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
perversity
|
|
| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
logician
|
|
| n.逻辑学家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
sufficiently
|
|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
enraged
|
|
| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
judicial
|
|
| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
dispersed
|
|
| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
commonwealths
|
|
| n.共和国( commonwealth的名词复数 )；联邦；团体；协会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
132
iniquities
|
|
| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
abound
|
|
| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
potentate
|
|
| n.统治者；君主 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
defendant
|
|
| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
deposition
|
|
| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
trotted
|
|
| 小跑，急走( trot的过去分词 )； 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
supremacy
|
|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
quaintly
|
|
| adv.古怪离奇地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
disposition
|
|
| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
lucidly
|
|
| adv.清透地，透明地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
lawfully
|
|
| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
insufficient
|
|
| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
primate
|
|
| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
harassed
|
|
| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
martyr
|
|
| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
prosecution
|
|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
eloquently
|
|
| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
alas
|
|
| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
conspiracies
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
lyric
|
|
| n.抒情诗，歌词；adj.抒情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
jeopardy
|
|
| n.危险；危难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
traitors
|
|
| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
condemning
|
|
| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
bishops
|
|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
odious
|
|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
posterity
|
|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
hurdles
|
|
| n.障碍( hurdle的名词复数 )；跳栏；（供人或马跳跃的）栏架；跨栏赛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
anthem
|
|
| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
amazement
|
|
| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
doomed
|
|
| 命定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
barge
|
|
| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
shackled
|
|
| 给（某人）带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |