"Yesterday, after dinner, I returned from Aquila, from having visited and made the acquaintance of one of the bravest and most prudent1 women known; and although I love her as a sister and a friend, it is not affection which makes me say this, but because it is so, and much more so than the world says."
D. John was not equally pleased with the news in Naples. It was whispered, without anyone knowing where the rumour2 sprang from, that the Venetians were retiring from the Holy League, and making a shameful3 peace with the Turk; and it was also said that this peace had been negotiated by the Huguenot bishop4 Noailles, Ambassador of the French King, Charles IX, at Constantinople. D. John did not give a thought to this gossip, and went on actively5 arming the fleet, and it was almost ready when he retired6, for Holy Week, to a Carthusian convent. "Tuesday in Holy Week, the 17th of March," says Fr. Miguel Servia in his diary, "His Highness retired to the monastery8 of St. Martin, which is of Carthusians, and Wednesday he sent for me and the other fellow-confessor to go to the said monastery, and so we did. His Highness confessed the night of Easter Eve, and communicated on the morning of Easter Day. Father Fr. Fee confessed many gentlemen of his Highness's household. On Easter Day His Highness and all his household went up to dine at the castle of Sant' Elmo, where we took leave of His Highness and returned to our convent. His Highness came down on the 3rd day of the festival after dinner."
And directly D. John came down from the castle he knew for certain that the rumours9 which had been going about Naples were as true as they were disgraceful. The Venetians had made peace with the Turk, without telling the Pope or Philip II, just at the moment when everything was preparing for a third campaign, and the expedition was already beginning to be settled. D. John was furious at such villainy. He went at once, followed by the gentlemen of his household and a crowd of people crying out against Venice, and ordered that the flag of the League, on which were the arms of Venice, should be torn down, and the Royal Standard of Castille hoisted10 in its place. The indignation of Gregory XIII was also great. He refused to receive the ambassador, Nicholas de Porta, whom the Venetians had sent to pacify11 him, and gave vent7, in public Consistory, to hard words, saying that the Venetians were little religious, and had kept ill their word and faith and oath to the Apostolic See. Philip II, however, although he was no less annoyed, received Antonio Tiepolo, entrusted12 to give him the news, with impenetrable calm, contenting himself with saying that if the Republic acted thus in its own interest, he had acted for the good of Christendom and the same Republic, and that God and the world would judge.
The Holy League once dissolved, there remained a problem to be solved, a most important one for D. John, to which, however, he could give no answer. What was to happen to the powerful fleet, so fully13 equipped at the cost of so much labour and expense? Should it be disbanded without honour or benefit to anyone? Or should it alone, without the help of the Venetians, go to seek fresh advantages on the Turkish coast and fresh glory for the arms of Spain? It was the theme of all the talk of Naples, and great and small, wise and ignorant, gave their opinions, discussing warmly, conquering kingdoms and annihilating14 Turks, with the reckless daring of the vulgar of all times, who in one second settle the most difficult questions of war and government. But these wild ideas were all more or less harmless talk at that time, as happily then there were no newspapers to pervert15 opinion in their interests and to belittle16 legitimate17 authority.
The grave men of the Council were also divided, and three opinions principally prevailed. Some, with the Duque de Sesa, wished to take the fleet to sea to fight the Turk, wherever they might find him, as at Lepanto. The Marqués de Santa Cruz thought that the fleet should go at once against Algiers, because, once this kingdom conquered and free from the yoke18 of Selim, Tunis and Tripoli would yield, and the Mediterranean19 would be free of Turks. The third opinion, which was that of D. John, preferred first to attack Tunis, as most easy and feasible, leading to the results the Marqués de Santa Cruz proposed. D. John, on this, received a secret message from the Pope Gregory XIII, telling him to attack Tunis, and that he ratified20 the promise of St. Pius V to invest D. John with the crown of that kingdom. The Pontiff much desired to found a Christian21 empire in Africa, which could gradually extend its limits and thus realise the policy of the great Cardinal22 Ximénez de Cisneros, set out in the will of Isabel the Catholic. This was the most opportune23 occasion, and, if they had profited by it, perhaps the destinies of Africa would be different to-day. But no orders came from the Court, and not knowing what to do, D. John sent his secretary Juan de Soto to Madrid, which caused great comment in Naples. Fr. Miguel de Servia says, "This same day (May 22) the secretary Juan de Soto left in a galley24 for Spain, sent by His Highness. Nobody knows why. It has caused great astonishment25." D. John notified the departure of Juan de Soto to his sister Donna Margarita in this way: "The reason of not having written to Y.H. for some days has been that all, and especially myself, have been in suspense26, without anything settled, waiting (to hear) from the Court, where I have sent the secretary Juan de Soto, to give account, as one so well informed of things past and future, and to learn what we are to do in the time and circumstances in which we find ourselves."
Meanwhile Juan de Soto had been received in Madrid with concealed27 suspicion on the part of Philip II, and with feigned28 want of confidence by Antonio Pérez, who was slowly preparing the dark perfidy29 which was to end in the mysterious assassination30 of Escovedo and the misfortune of D. John of Austria. But to understand better the crafty31 plans of the deceitful secretary, it will be necessary to make things plainer, and to recall some past events to fix in the reader's mind the state of the case at the time when the gloomy drama began to unfold itself.
For more than twenty years two parties had divided the Court of Philip II, which disputed for his favour and intimacy32. One was led by Ruy Gómez de Silva, Prince of évoli, who was for diplomacy33, settlements and peace; the head of the other party was the Duque de Alba, who, on his side, was for frank declarations, extreme resolutions and war, as a last resource. For reasons we have given before, D. John was attached to the first of these parties, and Ruy Gómez and his followers34 placed great hopes in the young Prince. At that time good Juan de Quiroga was D. John's secretary, appointed by Philip, in agreement with Luis Quijada, when he arranged his brother's first household. By reason of D. John's youth, this appointment had no importance then; but Juan de Quiroga saw D. John grow up and his great gifts develop. He became devoted35 to him, attracted by his good temper and frank, loyal manners; and on the first opportunity, which was the Moorish36 war, encouraged and decided38 D. John to ask for the command of the campaign, certain that the eaglet had sufficient feathers and strength, and only needed to beat the powerful wings of his genius and take his lofty flight. Juan de Quiroga did this out of his disinterested39 affection for D. John, and out of respect for Do?a Magdalena de Ulloa, whose opinions about him we already well know. The Prince of évoli, on his part, Antonio Pérez and all his gang, approved the conduct of the secretary Quiroga, aiding him with their efforts and enthusiastically applauding this first flight of D. John, which placed him on the level of the greatest captains of the Kingdom, and was already gaining envy for him.
Good Juan de Quiroga died at Granada before D. John set out on the campaign, and Ruy Gómez and Antonio Pérez hastened to place a new secretary at D. John's side, one of their creatures, who would guide him according to the interests of their party. This new secretary was Juan de Soto, a capable, active man, very skilful40 in business, and a great friend of Ruy Gómez; but his judgment41 was at the same time independent, and his generous heart scorned selfishness and injustice42.
Soto served D. John in the Moorish campaign and in that of the Mediterranean against the Turks, and was present at and studied and, so to speak, saw the internal workings of the great glories and triumphs which in so short a time made D. John the terror of the Moor37 and Turk, the hero of Christendom, the man of Providence43, the "John sent from God," that the Pontiff, at all costs, wished to see settled on a throne. Soto was as captivated by D. John's real merit as Quiroga had been. The offer of Albania and Morea seemed to him the most natural thing in the world, and the promise of Gregory XIII to give D. John the Kingdom of Tunis the just payment of a debt, and the most sure and certain way of planting the Empire of the Cross in Africa. But the fact was that the offer of these crowns did not have the same effect on Philip II, Ruy Gómez or Antonio Pérez. D. Philip was full of jealousy44 of D. John, not, as some have alleged45, because he envied D. John—he was much too great to envy anyone—but because these plans frustrated46 his policy, and, above all, threatened to take away from him that strong and brilliant instrument with which he had accomplished47 such glorious enterprises, and counted on accomplishing more in the future. He wished to keep his brother all to himself, flying as high as he wished or could, but always subject to Philip's will, and without other ideas of his own or those of other people besides his brother's.
Ruy Gómez died on the 27th of July, 1573, when the drama began to unfold, but Antonio Pérez remained heir to his favour and power, and master of the King's ear, and chief of the party erstwhile led by the Prince. His jealousy of D. John, for different reasons, was very unlike Philip's. The secretary counted on the King never allowing his brother to wear a crown. He had seen for a long time that D. John's brilliant victories and applauded triumphs were separating him more and more from the peaceful policy of his (Pérez's) party, and feared that, disappointed, D. John would join the party of the Duque de Alba, more in sympathy with his own warlike tastes, or create a following for himself, which, given his personal popularity and the great help he could count on in Rome, might well absorb and annihilate48 all other parties.
It was necessary, then, to provide against these contingencies49; and the bad conscience of Antonio Pérez devised means of being forewarned against everything; to poison Philip's jealousy by painting D. John's ambitious ideas first, with a tinge50 of independence and then of treason, which would for ever discredit52 the hero of Lepanto in the mind of the King. It was necessary, however, to be very cautious in daring anything with Philip II. This care Antonio Pérez used, and it is, in our opinion, the most convincing proof of his false talent, cunning cleverness and wonderful audacity53. He was very careful not to attack D. John of Austria, and confined himself to whispering to Philip that Juan de Soto, carried away by his great affection for D. John and his own interests, was inflating54 D. John's imagination with plans which went far beyond the ideas of Philip II. Antonio Pérez, consequently, thought that it was imperative55 to remove so dangerous an adviser56 from the side of D. John, and to put in his place a temperate57, energetic man, who would know how to calm these ambitious ideas. In this may be seen the first drop of venom58 for poisoning Philip's mind against his brother. Antonio Pérez made him out to be a bold, ambitious boy, who could only be relied on while under the rule of an energetic and temperate tutor.
Such was the situation which Juan de Soto found at the Court, when sent by D. John with a public mission to ask instructions from the King about the way the fleet was to be employed, and a secret one to tell him about the proposals of Gregory XIII, respecting Tunis, of which in Madrid they had had some secret advices from the Ambassador in Rome, D. Juan de Zú?iga. Philip II could therefore verify the plain truth of what his brother's secretary said, who tranquillised him with respect to the loyalty59 of the ambitions of both. But the warmth with which Juan de Soto advocated the project of Gregory XIII, and the promptitude with which he explained away the arguments Philip cunningly urged against it, confirmed the stories of Antonio Pérez about stirring up D. John's ambitions, and decided the King to act according to the advice of Pérez, and to separate Soto from D. John. But knowing D. John to be very fond of Soto, and not wishing to alarm or annoy him, nor having reason for not making use of Soto's services elsewhere, D. Philip at once appointed him a naval60 contractor61, and sent him back to Naples, with the instructions for which D. John begged, waiting to relieve him of the duties of secretary, and to separate him from D. John, until the temperate, energetic man Antonio Pérez talked of was found.
The orders for the fleet were precise. They were to attack Tunis, take this kingdom from the Turks, and place on the throne Muley Hamet, son of the former Moorish King Muley Hacem, under the protection and dependence51 of Spain, and to see quietly if it would be well to dismantle62 the town completely, throwing down the fortifications, a policy to which the King inclined.
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1
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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annihilating
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的现在分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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15
pervert
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| n.堕落者，反常者；vt.误用，滥用；使人堕落，使入邪路 | |
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16
belittle
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| v.轻视，小看，贬低 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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46
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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50
tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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51
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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52
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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53
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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54
inflating
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| v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的现在分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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56
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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57
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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dismantle
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| vt.拆开，拆卸；废除，取消 | |
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