In the meanwhile Guzman was more at fault than ever, and was quite persuaded that the matter being discussed was the marriage of Mary of Scotland with Leicester, with the connivance4 of the Guises5; but gradually the coil began to unwind before his eyes. First he received news from Vienna that secret negotiations had been going on ever since the Emperor Ferdinand’s death for the marriage of the Queen with the Archduke Charles; and that Adam Swetkowitz, Baron6 Mitterburg, was on his way to England, ostensibly to return Ferdinand’s insignia of the Garter, but really with a mission about the marriage; then came the news of the marriage, or immediately impending7 marriage, of Mary with Darnley, which, however much Elizabeth may have pretended otherwise, must have relieved her from much anxiety and cleared the situation. News came to him also of the proposals for betrothing9 Charles IX. to a daughter of the Emperor, and Leicester’s many enemies were again strongly89 urging the Queen’s marriage with the Archduke. Guzman by this time had become highly sceptical of the Queen’s intention to marry at all, and was not apparently10 anxious to help forward the Archduke’s suit until the new Emperor’s attitude in religion was well established. He therefore tried to face both ways. He received Swetkowitz cordially and promised him support, but before doing anything sounded Leicester again. The Earl, whilst hunting with the Queen, had met with an accident, and was confined to his bed. This gave Guzman an opportunity of calling upon him. Maitland, Cecil, and Throgmorton were already there when he entered, but stood aside whilst he conversed11 with the Earl. He whispered to him that his affection prompted him to say how sorry he was that he (Leicester) was losing so much time in bringing about his marriage with the Queen, and that he had better act promptly12 now or he would regret it. Guzman reminded him that he had always done his best for him with the Queen and assured him of Philip’s attachment13 to him. Leicester protested his abject14 gratitude15, but said sorrowfully that the Queen would never marry him, as she was bent17 on wedding a great prince; but there was none she could marry but Don Carlos or the Archduke. Guzman passed this over by saying he understood that there had formerly18 been some talk about the Archduke, and then again reverted19 to Leicester’s own suit. Leicester’s spirits rose at this, as it seemed to betoken20 a coolness towards the Archduke’s advances, and said that if Guzman would speak to the Queen now about marrying him he thought she would be more favourable21 than formerly as her90 reasons for rejecting him before was the fear that Mary of Scotland would marry a powerful prince; “whereas now that this marriage with Darnley had taken place my business will be more easily arranged. I have not cared to press the point upon her hitherto, although the Council has done so. I think, therefore, that this is a good juncture22 for my business.” The Spanish ambassador told him to leave the matter to him, and adds in his letter to Philip: “I thought well to approach the matter and have the road thus prepared before the Emperor’s envoy23 arrived, so that if he does not tell me what he is arranging I can still find out and proceed in the business.”43 It appeared that for once Leicester and Throgmorton had been co-operating with Cecil and others to bring the Archduke forward again, the Earl having taken up this new position no doubt as soon as he thought the French match was looking serious; but, withal, Guzman did not believe in the sincerity24 of the new Austrian negotiations, which he looked upon as a “mere diversion,” and, after his conversation with Leicester, wrote: “Lord Robert is more confident now and said ... he could not contemplate25 the Queen’s marriage with any one but himself without great repugnance26.” It is probable that at this time the Queen seriously leant again towards a marriage with Leicester. The proposals for a match with the French king were never anything but a feint, with the objects which have been mentioned, and the new negotiations with the Archduke were undertaken, not only to disarm27 Spain at the Bayonne meetings, but also to clear the ground and deceive Cecil,91 Sussex, and Norfolk, by an apparently sincere attempt to bring about the marriage, which could subsequently be wrecked29 on some religious scruple30. The general desire for the Queen’s marriage might then be pleaded, even to Leicester’s enemies, as a reason why the Queen should marry him, the only remaining possible suitor. For the first time in her reign31 the Queen now might do it, as she had nothing to fear from “her dear sister” Mary of Scotland. There is ample reason to believe that this was the key to the present attitude of the Queen and Leicester; and Guzman makes no secret of his opinion that it was so. In the meanwhile Cecil was proceeding32 in good faith with Swetkowitz; and de Foix was still pressing the Queen daily for some decision respecting Charles IX., to whom she grew colder and colder. Swetkowitz was being beguiled33, as others had been, with dinners and masques at Greenwich, and was made much of by the Queen; but when, after many fruitless attempts, de Foix got to close quarters with her, she assured him that she had held out no hopes to the Archduke, and then turned the tables upon him and complained that Charles IX. was seeking a bride elsewhere before he had received her answer. But at last the comedy could be carried on no longer, and the Queen referred de Foix to her Council for his reply. The interview took place on June 12, 1565, and although the principal difficulty raised was again the King’s youth, yet de Foix saw now plainly that the affair was at an end. He and the other honest instruments had been deceived from the first. It suited Catharine and Elizabeth equally to play the game92 for their own ends, and when the need for it had disappeared it was dropped.
Swetkowitz was a Lutheran, and on Whit36 Sunday attended Protestant service with the Queen, who after dinner had an interesting conversation with him, in which he promised that the new Emperor would not stand so much upon his dignity as his father had done, and would let the Archduke come and see her as he (the Archduke) greatly wished to do. She blushed with pleasure at this, and said that if they liked one another the matter could soon be settled. What was uppermost in her mind, however, was seen in her next remark: “I pray you tell me, have you heard from any one that the Earl of Leicester is not dealing37 favourably38 with this affair or is opposing it in any way?” He replied that on the contrary Leicester had been most favourable, and had even himself written to the Emperor urging the match. He pointed39 out to her that it was not surprising that the public considered the match probable, as if she married out of England there was no other prince of suitable age whom she could marry. “But,” she said, “I have never said yet that I would not marry the Earl of Leicester.” This rather damped Swetkowitz, and Guzman was further confirmed in his opinion that the whole negotiation2 was dishonest and for the benefit of Leicester, who was now leaning more towards French interests at Court. Guzman distrusted and disliked him, but thought necessary to feign40 approval of his suit, in order to have a claim upon his gratitude; and Swetkowitz, who was duly informed of this, consequently had great doubts of the sincerity of Spanish support in the Archduke’s pretensions41.93 This caused a coolness between the two ambassadors, and somewhat paralysed the action of Swetkowitz, who said that as soon as he was satisfied that the King of Spain really favoured the match he, Swetkowitz, had means for bringing it about. At an interview Guzman had with the Queen she expressed her doubts about the bona fides of Philip’s approval and tried to draw the Spanish ambassador into some clear expression of it. He told her that if she decided42 to marry one of her own subjects he, Guzman, could not forget the interests of his friend (i.e., Leicester), but if she chose a foreign prince he begged her not to overlook the house of Austria, as he had said before. “That is true,” she replied, “but you said the house of Spain.” He told her she was mistaken. He had no reason for saying Spain, as his master was head of the house of Austria, and he did not particularise or exclude any member of his house. This was sufficiently43 indefinite, and conveyed to the Queen the impression which was intended; namely, that either match could only be effected by her coming to an arrangement with Spain. She replied that she thanked the ambassador for his kind remark about his friend, and left Philip to thank him for the rest. “This makes it evident to me,” he wrote to the King, “that Lord Robert’s affair is not off, and I have many reasons for being doubtful about the Archduke.” Leicester’s enemies, particularly Sussex, were busy trying to animate44 Swetkowitz, and persuade Guzman to take a more active share in the negotiations. But the new Emperor’s religious attitude was still undefined, and Guzman at this time believed that the Queen and Leicester were already94 married.44 He looked, moreover, upon the promotion45 of the Archduke’s suit by Sussex as a Court intrigue1. “Throgmorton,” he says, “is for ever coming here to ask questions of the Emperor’s envoy, who tells them that the Archduke is coming; and they (Leicester’s friends) have devised some other scheme to stop the business.” What the scheme was soon appeared. A day or two after Guzman’s interview with the Queen, in June, 1565, the French ambassador saw the Council ostensibly to again press the marriage of the Queen with Charles IX. He was once more told that the King’s youth made such a match impossible, and replied that as she refused his master it was evident that she did not intend to marry a foreigner, and warned the Council that the chosen consort46 must be a person who was well affected47 towards French interests, or trouble would ensue. He was asked what person would best please his master, and he replied the Earl of Leicester. With the more or less overt48 support of the ambassadors of the two great powers, Leicester’s chance was now sufficiently good to alarm Cecil and Sussex, who saw the necessity of doing something to better the Archduke’s position. Cecil therefore approached Leicester through his friend Throgmorton, and suggested that if the Queen married the Archduke, Leicester might be provided with a wife and his position secured by his wedding some relative of the Emperor, such as the young Princess of Cleves, who was then fifteen. Throgmorton was quite in love with the idea, and approached the Emperor’s envoy with suggestions of Leicester’s marriage with a sister of the Emperor or some95 other princess of the house of Austria. The proposal was of course received very coldly. Guzman thought the object of it was perhaps only to couple Leicester’s name with those of great marriageable princesses, in order that the people might gradually be brought to consider him a fit husband for the Queen, who had always told the ambassador that she would marry him (Leicester) if he were a king’s son, but the real purpose was to buy off Leicester’s opposition49 to the Archduke. The sham50 proposals for the marriage of the Queen with Charles IX. having served their purpose were now quite at an end, and the Queen of Scots’ determination to take Darnley had further simplified the situation, so that Leicester’s chance was better than ever it had been, supported as he was, for interested reasons, both by France and Spain, the promotion of the Archduke’s suit being mainly pushed in the English Court by those who were Leicester’s declared enemies, whilst the Spanish ambassador was only giving it half-hearted countenance51. Norfolk and Sussex, however, continued to talk to the Queen about the Archduke, and in a conversation with Sussex on the subject she told him that “Robert pressed her so that he does not leave her a moment’s peace.” When Leicester urged his suit she was just as ready to say that she was never free from the importunities of Sussex on behalf of the Archduke. Matters were in this position in July, 1565, when, doubtless at the instance of the English Protestant party, inimical to Leicester, King Eric made another attempt. First came an envoy with a present of magnificent sables52 for the Queen, and news that the King’s sister96 Princess Cecilia, who had married the Margrave of Baden, was awaiting a ship at Embden to sail for England, and Elizabeth lost no time in sending two of her own vessels53 to convey her royal visitor to her capital. Early in September the Margravine arrived at Dover with her husband and a large suite35, and a few days afterwards came by boat from Gravesend to Durham House, where she was to be the guest of the Queen. She was dressed, we are told, in a black velvet54 robe and a mantle55 of cloth of silver, her fair hair being surmounted56 by a golden crown. The Queen could not do too much, apparently, to honour the first royal visitor she had received since her accession. Lord and Lady Cobham had awaited her at Dover, the Queen’s cousin. Hunsdon, with six of the Queen’s gentlemen, attended her from Gravesend, and at the water gate of Durham House she was welcomed by the Countess of Sussex, with Lady Bacon, and Lady Cecil, who were leading members of the Puritan party. The Queen herself visited the Margravine a few days afterwards, and was prodigal57 of her marks of affection to her. Shortly afterwards the Princess gave birth to a son and heir, to whom Elizabeth stood sponsor, and for a time Durham House and Whitehall vied with each other in the splendour of their reciprocal entertainments, although Eric’s vicarious wooing prospered58 no better than before, notwithstanding the efforts in its favour made by the Bacons, the Cecils, and their friends. They had, indeed, been checkmated even before the Swedish princess’s arrival. The Spanish ambassador, with the connivance of Sussex, Norfolk, and Arundel, at once became much warmer in his97 apparent support of the Archduke’s pretensions, whilst at the same time privately60 assuring Leicester of his master’s good-will towards him. He pressed the Queen to look favourably upon the Emperor’s brother, gave hopes that the Archduke might be allowed to have his way and visit her, and congratulated her upon having avoided so unequal a match as that projected with the King of France, who, the Queen herself said, might be her grandson. The Emperor’s answer about his brother’s coming was hardly as cordial as was wished, but as it contained full particulars of the conditions demanded, both as to religion, finances, and position of the consort, the match was now brought seriously and officially under consideration. The terms were so hard, and the tone of the Emperor’s communication so dry, that it was decided not to show the letter to the Queen, and to conceal61 the text of the conditions from her, by saying merely that the Emperor was willing for his brother to come, but desired first that commissioners62 should meet and decide upon some bases for negotiation, in case she should be favourably impressed by him. It was seen at once by the friends of the match that the Emperor’s terms were impossible. The Archduke was to have the title of king and to govern jointly64 with his wife; in case of her death without heirs he was to remain in the government of the country, and was to exercise the Catholic religion without hindrance65. Cecil, Sussex, and others privately met Swetkowitz, and agreed that, if the matter were to go on, the conditions must be softened66 to the Queen, and by some means the Archduke be brought to England, in the hope that his coming98 would so far pledge her that she could not well recede67. But withal, the answer given by the Queen and Council was not very encouraging. The main question, that of religion, was slurred68 over and left for future discussion, but a decided negative was given to the claim that the consort should be called king, or that a permanent income should be settled upon him. As soon as the Emperor’s hard terms were received a decided change took place in the attitude of Leicester and his friends towards the match. It was evident to him that it could always be prevented by raising difficulties with regard to religion, and Leicester had therefore no hesitation69 in pretending to favour and forward it in order to choke off the Swedish suit. He even entered into a regular treaty with the Spanish ambassador by which he agreed to help the Archduke’s affair on condition that he was to receive Spanish support in case the Austrian marriage came to nothing, as he meant it to do. Still further to beguile34 people into the belief that he himself was entirely70 out of the running, and that the Archduke’s suit was now really in a fair way, an elaborate comedy was concocted71, by which the Queen was to flirt72 with Heneage—a married man—whilst the Earl was to make love to Viscountess Hereford, afterwards Countess of Essex, whom he subsequently married. This he probably did too realistically, and a quarrel, real or pretended, ending in tears on all sides, consequently took place between him, Heneage, and the Queen, whereupon the favourite went to his rooms and sulked for a few days, until he was recalled, and Heneage, who had been sent away, was also allowed to return.99 In the meanwhile Sussex was straining every nerve to pledge the Queen to the Archduke; and Guzman was really doing his best to forward the match, although he never was for a moment deceived by Leicester, whom he now saw through. “I keep Leicester in hand,” he said, “in the best way I can, as I am still firm in my opinion that if any marriage at all is to result from all this it will be his.” Swetkowitz hurried back to Vienna with the English reply, and to explain to his master the only method by which success was possible. Lutheran as he was, he would have given way upon the vital point of religion, although he confessed his fear that the Emperor would not do so; “but,” said he, “you must put up with a good deal to gain such a kingdom as this.” To have given up on the point of religion, however, would have made the match useless to Philip, and there was never any chance of the marriage being effected on such terms. Leicester, of course, did not know how pliable73 the Emperor might prove, but Swetkowitz’s hopefulness and conciliatory attitude seems in August to have alarmed both him and the French ambassador into the belief that perhaps, after all, the marriage would be effected. At all events, Leicester and the French again began to push his suit warmly, as soon as Swetkowitz left, and the Queen, with just an occasional smile to Heneage, was kinder to him than ever. Philip II., who knew Elizabeth as well as any one, thus writes in October to his ambassador: “The Archduke’s suit is now quite at an end, as I am informed by the Emperor that he is undeceived, and withdraws altogether from the business. You will, therefore, say no more about100 it unless he writes to the contrary, which I do not think he will.... Let me know the result of the Swedish negotiations, although no doubt they will end like the rest; and, after all, she will either not marry or else marry Robert, to whom she has always been so much attached. You did well in writing to me fully16 about the quarrel with Heneage, because the whole affair and its sequel clearly show that the Queen is in love with Robert, and for this reason, and in case at last that she may take him for her husband, it will be very expedient74 to keep him in hand.”45 Maximilian, however, was not playing quite fairly with Philip when he told him he had abandoned the idea of marrying his brother to the Queen of England. The interference of the Spanish king in the affair was, in fact, a great hindrance to its success, as, dependent as the Emperor partly was upon the German Protestant princes, he could not bind75 himself hard and fast to the extreme Catholic militant76 party; and to saddle an Austrian match with impracticable Spanish conditions, was to make it impossible. Early in 1566, therefore, the Emperor sent back a temporising reply to England, saying that the wording of the clause about religion appeared somewhat harsh, and begging that it might be modified. The Emperor’s tone was so conciliatory, as a result of Swetkowitz’s representations, that the hopes of Suffolk and Norfolk again rose high for a time. But as the Emperor advanced the Queen receded77. She complained to the Spanish ambassador of the delay in the sending of the reply, and was petulant78 about the Emperor’s objections. “How could she marry,” she asked, “a101 man whom she had to feed, and let the world say she had taken a husband who could not afford to keep himself! The Emperor must think they (the English) lived like Turks, whereas they had the Holy Sacrament the same as he had;” and then she began to talk about Leicester in a way which convinced the ambassador that his chance was better than ever. She said that she had promised the Earl no answer—in fact, he had never had the presumption79 to ask her to marry him, but the Council had done so, and it was for them to ask for a reply, and not Leicester; “but the Earl had good parts and great merits, and if she had to marry a subject she had a great liking80 for him.” Referring to Mary of Scotland’s recent marriage with Darnley, she said that if she married Leicester two neighbouring queens would be wedded81 in the same way. “She is so nimble in her dealing and threads in and out of this business in such a way that her most intimate favourites fail to understand her, and her intentions are, therefore, variously interpreted.” In the meanwhile both the Archduke’s and Leicester’s friends were confident that their respective suits were prospering82, although Leicester either was, or feigned83 to be, bitterly jealous of the Queen’s new flame, his erstwhile bosom84 friend Heneage, with whom he had another noisy quarrel, nearly ending in bloodshed, in February, 1566.46 Cecil, Sussex, and Bacon, in the meanwhile, were constantly praying Guzman to exert his influence with the Queen in favour of the Archduke; and the Duke of Norfolk was induced to speak to her on the subject. He told the Queen that the former recommendation of102 the Council to her to marry Leicester was only adopted because they thought her own desires lay that way, and not because they approved of it. The Duke himself strongly urged her to marry the Archduke and rescue the country from the evils of a disputed succession. After leaving the Queen Norfolk saw Leicester and taxed him with breaking faith with them, as he had promised not to press his own suit, the Queen having distinctly announced that she would not marry him. On the strength of this negotiations were being conducted with the Emperor, and yet, said Norfolk, no sooner was the imperial ambassador gone than Leicester pushed his own courtship more strongly than ever. He was told plainly that if he did not desist evil would befall him, as all the nobility were against him; whereupon Leicester went off in a huff and sulked for a fortnight, until the Queen recalled him and petted him more than ever, upon which Norfolk in turn took umbrage85 and went home, leaving the Archduke’s interests in the hands of Sussex. For months this game of cross purposes went on. One afternoon in February, 1566, Guzman saw the Queen walking with Leicester in the lower gallery overlooking the gardens of Whitehall. In conversation with the ambassador she praised her favourite to his face, and said that he was just trying to persuade her to marry, for the sake of herself, the country, and even on his (Leicester’s) account, as every one believed that he was the cause of her remaining single, and his life was in danger if he remained at Court. She again said that “if he were a prince she would marry him to-morrow.”47 With103 the Emperor’s cool dilatoriness86 and Leicester’s constant efforts, the cause of the latter was distinctly in the ascendant during the spring of 1566. Norfolk and Sussex were too evidently biased87 by personal enmity towards the favourite to be good negotiators for his rival, whilst Cecil and Bacon on the one hand, and Guzman on the other, did not care to be hasty in concluding the Archduke’s marriage until the religious conditions were clearly understood. It was finally determined88 that an envoy should be sent to the Emperor with the Queen’s reply to the objections he had raised, and at first Francis Bertie, the Duchess of Suffolk’s husband, was chosen. He was, however, a strong Protestant, and a friend of Leicester’s, and the Spanish ambassador privately urged Cecil to have the appointment cancelled. This was done, and the Queen’s kinsman89, Sir Thomas Sackville, was then selected. When this appointment was made Leicester was, in one of his periodical sulking fits, driven away by the remonstrances90 of Cecil and Sussex and by the Queen’s flirting91 with the Earl of Ormond. The French ambassador, de Foix, says that Elizabeth had positively92 promised to marry the favourite during the winter, and at Christmas had begged him to wait till Candlemas, in order that Catharine de Medici’s approval might be sent. Leicester found that his best weapon was to deprive the Queen of his presence, as she generally came round in a few days so far as to promise him anything to bring him back. Between her promises and their fulfilment, however, there was usually a great gap, and Leicester felt that he was powerless to get beyond a certain point. His influence was104 always strong enough to prevent the success of another suitor, but not powerful enough to ensure his own. His sulking bouts93, indeed, were often feigned, in concert with the Queen, to appease94 Cecil, or to prevent the entire cessation of the Archduke’s negotiations. This probably was the case when the appointment of Bertie as ambassador to the Emperor had aroused suspicion, as, after an apparent tiff95 with the Queen, Leicester went to Pembroke House, where the Queen, disguised, joined him in a friendly dinner before he left the Court.48 On the representations of Cecil she consented to appoint Sackville instead of Bertie; but she had quietly agreed with Leicester beforehand that her complaisance96 should not go beyond appearance, and before the favourite returned to Court Sackville’s departure had been indefinitely postponed97. During Leicester’s absence from Court Cecil and Sussex were more hopeful about the Archduke, although as we now see with very little reason. The Austrians were lethargic98, the Spaniards coldly cautious, whilst the French were determined and unceasing in their efforts to thwart99 the Archduke’s suit. De Foix spent large sums in Leicester’s interest, and Catharine de Medici showered gifts and favours upon him constantly. The moment that he was in disgrace, however, or when the Archduke’s match seemed really progressing, they played their trump100 card in bringing forward Charles IX. again. When Rambouillet, the French envoy to Scotland, saw Elizabeth in February he had enlarged, by the Queen-mother’s orders, upon the vigour101 and comeliness102 of the young King. The105 Queen was always ready to listen to talk like this, and sighed that she would like to meet him, “but,” she said, “do you think it would be a good match for the King to marry an old woman like me?” De Foix, before his departure in May, 1566, again and again referred to the matter lightly, with the evident intention of keeping it alive, to the detriment103 of the Archduke’s match and for the benefit of Leicester. The man?uvre was easily seen through, of course, and Guzman, in an interview with Cecil on the 18th of May, said to him, “These Frenchmen are in a fine taking when they see the Archduke’s match progressing, and at once bring forward their own king to embarrass the Queen. When they see that this trick has hindered the negotiations they take up with Leicester again, and think we do not see through them.” Cecil was of the same opinion, and said the French thought they could do as they liked when they had Robert on their side. Instead of Sackville, a Kentish gentleman named Danett was sent to the Emperor, merely as an accredited104 messenger, with a reply to his letter and the offer of the Garter. The letters from Danett arrived in London in June, 1566, and were of so encouraging a nature that the advocates of the Austrian match again became confident that their man would win the prize. This gave rise as usual to fresh activity on the part of the French. Catharine de Medici, in her instructions to the new ambassador, B?chetel de la Forest, directed him to help forward Leicester’s pretensions with all his might, and thwart those of the Archduke, and Elizabeth had an interesting conversation with the ambassador’s nephew Vulcob106 on the subject during her progress in the autumn of 1566. The Queen was staying at Stamford, and Vulcob was charged with his uncle’s excuses for not attending her. He met Leicester at the door of the chamber105, to whom he conveyed the regard and sympathy of the King and Queen-mother of France. The Earl replied that the Queen was more undecided about marrying him than ever, and he did not know what to think. He had known the Queen, he said, since they were children together, and she had always announced her intention to remain single, but if by any chance she did marry, he was sure she would marry no one but him. Vulcob was then summoned by the Queen, who at once began to dwell upon the physical qualities of Charles IX., and the Frenchman, nothing loath106, launched into high-flown panegyrics107 of her own perfections and his master’s manliness108. A day or two afterwards he got into talk with the Queen’s physician, who suggested that the best way to cement the alliance between England and France would be to bring about a marriage between the King and Queen. Vulcob objected that their ages were so different, and the unlikelihood of issue; to which the physician replied: “Your King is seventeen, and the Queen only thirty-two. Take no notice of what she says in that respect, it is only her passing fancies. If the King marries her, I will answer for her having ten children, and no one in the world knows her temperament109 better than I do. If you like, you and I will secretly manage this business. Your King is young and vigorous and accustomed to travel; let him come to Boulogne to see this fair107 lady.”49 The hint was faithfully conveyed to Catharine de Medici, but she was not deceived by it. Both she and her ambassador clearly saw the drift, and talked of the affair only when necessary to thwart the Austrian match, or when Leicester himself was not strong enough to stand alone against his enemies.
This position continued during the summer and autumn of 1566: Elizabeth bitterly jealous of the birth of Mary of Scotland’s child, apprehensive110 of the secret aid in money being sent by Alba to Mary for the promotion of her cause, and yet afraid to offend the house of Austria, which might arm her own Catholic subjects against her; Leicester alternately hopeful and despairing; the Archduke’s friends minimising points of difference and smoothing over difficulties in the hope of getting their man to England at any cost; and the French party sleepless111 in their efforts to prevent Elizabeth’s marriage with any nominee112 of Spain. More than once the quarrel between Leicester and his enemies nearly flamed out into open hostility113. The Queen peremptorily114 insisted upon his making friends with Sussex, and even forced him to an appearance of reconciliation115 with his rival Ormond. Both the Spanish and French ambassadors give numberless instances of the rancour existing at Court, and profess116 themselves shocked at the Queen’s lightness and giddiness of conduct in connection with the marriage question. The nation itself, so far as public opinion could be said to exist at the time, was also disturbed, and when Parliament met in October, all Cecil’s efforts were unavailing to prevent108 the discussion of the Queen’s marriage and the succession. A joint63 committee of both Houses was appointed to draw up an address to the Queen on the subject, and the resentment117 of Elizabeth against the majority for dealing with the matter of the succession particularly, against her wish, was cunningly fanned by Guzman, who pointed out that they were nearly all extreme Protestants. “I do not know what the devils want,” said the Queen. “O! your Majesty,” replied the ambassador, “what they want is simply liberty; and if monarchs118 do not look out for themselves and combine, it is easy to see how it will end.”50 So the irate119 Queen sent for the leaders of both Houses to have it out with them. First came the Duke of Norfolk, her kinsman and most distinguished120 subject, himself almost a sovereign in his own county, and received the full torrent121 of her vituperation. He was a traitor122, a conspirator123, and much else, and the poor man, overwhelmed, stammered124 out that he never thought to ask her pardon for having offended her thus. Next came the turn of Leicester, Pembroke, Northampton, and Howard, who remonstrated125 with her upon her treatment of Norfolk. She told Pembroke he talked like a swaggering soldier; said that Northampton was a nice fellow to prate126 about marriage—he had better look after his own matrimonial difficulties than mince127 words with her. Then softening128 somewhat she turned to Leicester and said that, even if all the world had abandoned her, she did not think he would have done so. He said something about his willingness to die at her feet, to which she replied that that was not the109 purpose. When the interview was at an end, the lords met in conclave129 and sent Sussex to beg Guzman again to exert his influence in favour of the Archduke. The next day the ambassador saw the Queen for the purpose, when she again broke out in denunciation of her councillors for putting this pressure upon her, and was particularly bitter about Leicester. “What did Guzman think,” she asked, “of such ingratitude130 after she had shown him so much kindness and favour that even her honour had suffered for his sake. She was glad, however, of so good an opportunity of sending him away, and the Archduke might now be quite free from suspicion.” Her anger of course was mostly directed against the attempt to force her hand in the matter of the succession; and, by the advice of Guzman, she saw the leaders separately in a calmer mood and put them off with vague assurances that she would marry shortly, and would summon a Parliament if anything prevented her from doing so. Once only she lost her temper again in her long speech to the joint committee, and that was when she addressed the Bishops131 of London and Durham, whom she turned upon and rent for their inconsistency. By dint132 of alternate bullying133 and cajolery she reduced both Houses of Parliament to a condition of pliability134, and having got her supplies voted, dissolved Parliament early in January, 1567, and was again free to do as she liked without interference. Her indignation against Leicester was short-lived. Only a month after she had rejoiced in sending him away, she told Guzman that she thought he had acted for the best and was deceived by the others. “She was quite certain,” she said, “that he would lay down110 his life for hers, and that if one of them had to die he would willingly be the one.”
To satisfy the powerful combination which was determined to press the Archduke’s cause, it was decided that the Earl of Sussex should be sent with the Garter to the Emperor, with powers to discuss the terms of marriage; but Leicester and the French managed, by casting doubts and raising difficulties, to delay his departure. Norfolk was brought up to London to exert his influence, and for several months again the Court was a hot-bed of intrigue, in which Norfolk, Sussex, and the Conservative party, aided by Guzman, and cautiously supported by Cecil and Bacon, were pitted against Leicester and the French ambassador. From day to day the fickle135 Queen changed. First Sussex was to be hurried off at once, then he was to go after Shrovetide; then when he had prepared for his journey Elizabeth told him he would not leave so quickly as he thought. With Leicester, too, she was equally changeable, one day turning her back upon him, and the next begging the Spanish ambassador to be friendly with him. On one occasion in February, 1567, when the Council had progressed very far in the settlement of Sussex’s instructions, Leicester’s Puritan friends again brought up the matter of the succession in order to embroil136 matters and embarrass the Queen; but she put her foot down firmly then, and they dropped the subject in a fright. This having failed, they renewed their agitation137 for an inquiry138 into the conduct of Sussex as Viceroy of Ireland; but out of this honest Ratcliff emerged triumphant139, to the sorrow of his enemies. At last Sussex got tired of the constant quarrelling, and begged for leave to go111 home, which was refused, and some sort of reconciliation was patched up between him and Leicester. In view of almost hourly changes in the Queen’s matrimonial attitude, and the certainty that the Leicester party would after all try to wreck28 the Archduke’s suit on the religious conditions, Sussex firmly refused to undertake the embassy to the Emperor, unless he had precise orders signed by the Queen as to the terms he might accept, “as he was determined not to deceive the Emperor.” At last, after infinite trouble, Sussex was despatched at the end of June, 1567, bearing full instructions to negotiate the marriage. He was to raise no great difficulty except on two points: first the question of the Archduke’s income, and secondly140 that of religion. He was to say that “the Queen will take care that he wants for nothing, but she does not wish her people to think she had married a man too poor to keep himself.” The Archduke might privately hear Mass in his own chamber, but must conform outwardly to the law of England and accompany the Queen to Protestant service publicly.
It was felt by all those who favoured the match that the Spanish ambassadors in London and Vienna might have been more cordial in their support of it than they were; and both the Queen and Sussex were for ever trying to get at Philip’s real desires in the matter. With the papers now before us, we see that if the Emperor was to be induced to give way on the question of religion, and England was to remain Protestant, the marriage would injure rather than benefit Philip’s plans; whilst a thoroughly141 Catholic match, by which Elizabeth would have submitted to the Pope, would have cut the ground112 from under her feet and made her the humble142 servant of Spain. This she knew better than any one, and however much Philip may have again deceived himself in the matter, there was never a shadow of a chance of such a match being made by her or consented to by her wisest councillors. Upon this rock the matrimonial hopes of the Archduke again split. Sussex remained with the Emperor until February, 1568, probably the only prominent English statesman who was sincere or honest in the negotiations, but was at last himself undeceived, and begged for his recall in deep disappointment and resentment against Leicester and his party, upon whom he laid the blame of the failure of his mission. A decent pretence143 was assumed on both sides that the project was still pending8; and the Emperor was invested with the Garter with great pomp; but the matter was practically at an end on the departure of Sussex from Vienna: not altogether to Philip’s displeasure, as he had lost all belief in the Queen’s matrimonial professions, and was daily becoming more convinced of the impossibility of her humbling144 herself to the extent of accepting the Catholic conditions by which alone a marriage with his kinsman would be advantageous145 to him. Elizabeth, too, was in a better position now than she had been to drop the hollow negotiations, since the civil war in France, and Philip’s own difficulties in the Netherlands and the South of Europe, secured her from present danger from either power, whilst the standing59 menace of Scotland had disappeared for the first time for years, as Mary was a prisoner with a cloud of doubt and disgrace hanging over her head.
113 Under these circumstances Elizabeth could rest somewhat from the long comedy of mystification about her matrimonial affairs, continuing, however, to keep her hand in by dallying146 with Leicester and occasionally smiling upon Heneage. An attempt was made nearly three years later, in December, 1570, to revive the negotiations for the Archduke’s match by sending young Henry Cobham to the Emperor; but the device had at last grown too stale to deceive, and a cold refusal to entertain the matter was given, much to the indignation of Elizabeth, who now found that both her royal suitors had deserted147 her, Charles IX. having recently married a daughter of the Emperor.
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1
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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betrothing
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| v.将某人许配给，订婚( betroth的现在分词 ) | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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betoken
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| v.预示 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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33
beguiled
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| v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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beguile
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| vt.欺骗，消遣 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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38
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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40
feign
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| vt.假装，佯作 | |
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41
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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42
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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43
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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44
animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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45
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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46
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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48
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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49
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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50
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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51
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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52
sables
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| n.紫貂( sable的名词复数 )；紫貂皮；阴暗的；暗夜 | |
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53
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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54
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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55
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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56
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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57
prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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58
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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60
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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62
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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67
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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slurred
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| 含糊地说出( slur的过去式和过去分词 )； 含糊地发…的声； 侮辱； 连唱 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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71
concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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72
flirt
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| v.调情，挑逗，调戏；n.调情者，卖俏者 | |
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73
pliable
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| adj.易受影响的；易弯的；柔顺的，易驾驭的 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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75
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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petulant
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| adj.性急的，暴躁的 | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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80
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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81
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82
prospering
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的现在分词 ) | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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84
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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85
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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86
dilatoriness
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| n.迟缓，拖延 | |
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biased
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| a.有偏见的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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91
flirting
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的现在分词 ) | |
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92
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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93
bouts
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| n.拳击（或摔跤）比赛( bout的名词复数 )；一段（工作）；（尤指坏事的）一通；（疾病的）发作 | |
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appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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tiff
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| n.小争吵，生气 | |
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complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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lethargic
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| adj.昏睡的，懒洋洋的 | |
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99
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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100
trump
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| n.王牌，法宝；v.打出王牌，吹喇叭 | |
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101
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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102
comeliness
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| n. 清秀, 美丽, 合宜 | |
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103
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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104
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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105
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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107
panegyrics
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| n.赞美( panegyric的名词复数 )；称颂；颂词；颂扬的演讲或文章 | |
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108
manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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109
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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111
sleepless
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| adj.不睡眠的，睡不著的，不休息的 | |
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112
nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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113
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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115
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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116
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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118
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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119
irate
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| adj.发怒的，生气 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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124
stammered
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| v.结巴地说出( stammer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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prate
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| v.瞎扯，胡说 | |
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127
mince
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| n.切碎物；v.切碎，矫揉做作地说 | |
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128
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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129
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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131
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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134
pliability
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| n.柔韧性；可弯性 | |
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135
fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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137
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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138
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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139
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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140
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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141
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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142
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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143
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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144
humbling
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| adj.令人羞辱的v.使谦恭( humble的现在分词 )；轻松打败（尤指强大的对手）；低声下气 | |
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145
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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146
dallying
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的现在分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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147
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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