As early as the year 1360, the English appear to have taken the alarm at the inroads which the Irish language—at that time a much more highly-cultured form of speech than their own—had made upon the colonists3, and we find King Edward issuing orders to the Sheriff of the Cross and Seneschal of the Liberty of Kilkenny in these terms[2]—
"As many of the English nation in the Marches and elsewhere have again become like Irishmen, and refuse to obey our laws and[Pg 609] customs, and hold parliaments after the Irish fashion, and learn to speak the Irish tongue, and send their children among the Irish to be nursed and taught the Irish tongue, so that the people of English race have for the greater part become Irish; now we order (1) that no Englishman of any state or condition shall ... [under forfeiture5 of life, limbs, and everything else] follow these Irish customs, laws, and parliaments; (2) that any one of English race shall forfeit6 English liberty, if after the next feast of St. John the Baptist he shall speak Irish with other Englishmen and meantime every Englishman must learn English and must not have his children at nurse amongst the Irish."
In 1367, the last year of the administration of the Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III, a parliament held at Kilkenny passed the famous act that inter7-marriage with the Irish should be punished as high treason, and that any man of English race using the Irish language should forfeit all his land and tenements8 to the Crown, and forbidding also the entertainment of bards9, ministrels, and rhymers.
These first attacks upon the language cannot possibly have produced much effect, for we find the English power within a hundred years after their passing, reduced to the lowest point, and there was scarcely an English or Norman noble in Ireland who had not adopted an Irish name, Irish speech, and Irish manners. The De Bourgo had became Mac William, and minor10 branches of the same stem had become Mac Philpins, Mac Gibbons, and Mac Raymonds; the Birminghams had became Mac Feóiris, the Stauntons Mac Aveeleys, the Nangles Mac Costellos, the Prendergasts Mac Maurices, the De Courcys Mac Patricks, the Bissetts of Antrim Mac Keons, etc.
A hundred years after the Statute11 of Kilkenny, the English, driven back into the Pale, which then consisted of less than four counties, passed a law in 1465, enjoining12 all men of Irish names within the Pale to take an English name, "of one towne as Sutton, Chester, Trym, Skryne, Corke, Kinsale; or colour as White, Black, Brown; or art or science as Cooke, Butler," and he and his issue were ordered to use these names[Pg 610] or forfeit all their goods. This, however, the parliament was unable to carry through, none of the great Irish names within or alongside the Pale, Mac Murroughs, O'Tooles, O'Byrnes, O'Mores, O'Ryans, O'Conor Falys, O'Kellys, etc., seem to have been in the least influenced by it.
Next an attempt was made to maintain English in at least the seaports14 and borough15 towns, for we find an enactment16 of the year 1492-93 amongst the Archives of the Urbs Intacta, commanding that in Waterford, "no manner of man, freeman or foreign, of the city or suburb's dwellers18, shall emplead nor defend in Irish tongue against any man in the court, but all they that any matters shall have in court to be administered, shall have a man that can speak English to declare his matter, except one party be of the country [i.e., of Irish race] then every such dweller17 shall be at liberty to speak Irish."[3] Galway followed suit in 1520, and enacted19 that "no Irish judge or lawyer shall plead in no man's cause nor matter within this our court, for it agreeth not with the king's laws."[4]
How far these petty attempts were successful may be judged from the fact that Captain Ap Harry20, a Welsh officer, describing in October, 1535, Lord Butler's march for the recovery of Dungarvan Castle, says, "We were met by his lordship's brother-in-law, Gerald Mac Shane, (Fitzgerald) Lord of the Decies, who, though a very strong man in his country, could speak never a word of English, but made the troops good cheer after the gentilest fashion that could be. All this journey from Dungarvan forth21 there is none alive that can remember that English man of war was ever in these parts." Still more striking is the statement that in the Dublin parliament of 1541, all the peers except Mac Gillapatric were of Norman or English descent, and yet not one except the Earl of Ormond could understand English.[5] A letter to the English Privy[Pg 611] Council, written in 1569, by Dominicke Linche, of Galway, confirms this. "Even they of the best houses," he writes, "the brothers of the Erle of Clanrickarde, yea and one of his uncles, and he a bysshop, can neither speak nor understand in manner any thinge of their Prince's language, which language by the old Statutes22 of Galway, every man ought to learn and must speak before he can be admitted to any office within the Corporation."[6]
Nor had the extirpating24 policy succeeded even in the Pale, for we read in the State Papers that in the county of Kildare in 1534, "there is not one husbandman in effect that speaketh English nor useth any English sort nor manner, and their gentlemen be after the same sort."[7]
The great Earl of Kildare had nearly as many volumes of Irish as he had of English in his library. A catalogue of his books was drawn25 up in 1518. Amongst the Irish manuscripts were St. Berachán's book,[8] the Speech of Oyncheaghis (?) Cuchuland's Acts, the History of Clone Lyre, etc. Murchadh O'Brien, king of Thomond, promised Henry VIII. as early as 1547, when in London, that he and his heirs should use the English habit and manner, and to their knowledge the English language, and to their power bring up their children in the same.[9] And indeed that family seems to have been always the greatest prop26 of the English power in the South of Ireland. Thomas Moore, settling in Ireland in 1575, got his lands in King's County on the condition that his sons and servants "should use for the most the English tongue, habit, and government," and make no appeals to the Brehon law. Three years after this, in 1578, we find Lord Chancellor27 Gerard affirming that all the English, and the most part with delight,[Pg 612] even in Dublin speak Irish, and greatly are spotted28 in manners, habit, and conditions with Irish stains.[10]
In the Vatican Library my friend Father Hogan found a MS. of about the year 1580 with a memorandum29 concerning certain Franciscan friars, three of whom spoke1 Irish only, including the Provincial30 who preached all over Ireland, five more knew Irish better than English, while five are entered as knowing English better than Irish, none are entered as knowing English only.
In 1585 the Irish chieftains of Hy Many, the O'Kellys country, agreed that "Teige mac William O'Kelly and Conor Oge O'Kelly shall henceforth behave themselves like good subjects and shall bring up their children after the English fashions and in the use of the English tongue."[11] Of course such enforced promises had no effect. We find in the State Papers that at St. Douay in 1600 were sixty young gentlemen, eldest31 sons of the principal gentlemen of the Pale, and that they all spoke Irish.[12]
In 1608 it was found that the superior of the Irish Jesuits, apparently32 a Pales-man, Father Christopher Holywood of Artane, near Dublin, could speak no Irish, and a document was sent at once to the General of the Jesuits, pointing out how this destroyed his usefulness in the Irish mission. Care was taken that the same mistake should not be made in appointing his successor, Robert Nugent.[13]
In 1609 we find Richard Conway, a Jesuit, writing that the English in Ireland took care that all [their own] children are taught English and chastise33 them if they speak their own native tongue[14] (sic). Five or six years later Father Stephen[Pg 613] White writes, "Scarcely one in a thousand of the old Irish know even three words of any tongue except Irish, the modern Irish learn to speak Irish and English."[15]
Nevertheless the cause of the English language cannot have much progressed during the next fifty years, for we find in 1657 a petition presented to the Municipal Council of Dublin to the effect that "whereas by the laws all persons ought to speak and use the English tongue and habit,—contrary whereunto and in open contempt thereof, there is Irish commonly and usually spoken and the Irish habit worn not only in the streets and by such as live in the country and come to this city on market days, but also by and in several families in this city, to the scandalising of the inhabitants and magistrates34 of this city. And whereas there is much of swearing and cursing used and practised (as in the English tongue too much, so also in the Irish tongue)," etc. Irish, indeed, seems to have been the commonest language in Dublin at this time. James Howel in a letter written August 9, in 1630, says:
"Some curious in the comparisons of tongues, say Irish is a dialect of the ancient British, and the learnedest of that nation in a private discourse35 I happened to have with him seemed to incline to this opinion, but I can assure your Lordship I found a great multitude of their radical36 words the same with the Welsh, both for sense and sound. The tone also of both nations is consonant37, for when I first walked up and down the Dublin markets methought I was in Wales when I listened to their speech. I found the Irish tone a little more querulous and whining38 than the British, which I conjecture39 proceeded from their often being subjugated40 by the English."
During the Cromwellian wars most of the members of the Confederation of Kilkenny who took the side of the Nuncio Rinuccini knew little if anything of the English language, "qui," says Rinuccini in his MSS., "boni publici zelo flagrarent, plerique linguam quidem Ibernicam quia vernaculam,[Pg 614] bene, sed Anglicam male vel nullo modo callerent." When an order was issued by the Supreme41 Council for the new oath of association to be translated from English into Irish by each bishop42 for his diocese, it was found upon inquiry43 that some of the bishops44 did not understand a word of English. The Nuncio appears to have been very much impressed by the sweetness of the Irish language, but he had not leisure to devote himself to the study of it. Some of the Italian members of his household, however, became complete masters of it. Numbers of the poor people who had been plundered45 by the soldiery came to complain to him of their losses, and he notes in his diary that their wail46 and lamentation47 in Irish was far more plaintive48 and expressive49 than any music of the great masters which he had ever heard among the more favoured nations of the Continent.[16]
Irish was at this time the usual "vehicle of business and of negociation with the natives, even amongst the learned," as we see in Carte's life of the Duke of Ormond, who was born in England in 1607 and educated as a Protestant by the Archbishop of Canterbury.
"The Duke," says Carte, "when about twenty or twenty-four years of age learned the Irish language by conversing50 with such Irish gentlemen as spoke it in London; he understood it perfectly51 well and could express himself well enough in familiar conversation, but considered himself not so well qualified52 as to discourse about serious matters; he afterwards on many occasions found himself at a great loss, as he had to negociate business of national importance with gentlemen who were far less intelligent in the English language than he was in the Irish. On such occasions he would use the same methods which he took with the titular53 bishop of Clogher, the great favourite of Owen O'Neil, and successor to that general in the command of the Ulster forces. This bishop he brought over to the king's interest, and gained his entire confidence by a conversation carried on between both parties in private. The Duke always spoke in English and the bishop in Irish, as neither understood the language[Pg 615] of the other so as to venture upon communicating his sentiments in it with any degree of accuracy or precision."[17]
The Irish themselves never neglected literature, and whenever their political star was in the ascendant the fortunes of their bards and learned men rose with it. Thus we find Rory O'More, the close friend of Owen Roe54 O'Neill, and the chief of the O'Mores of Leix, engaged in 1642 in an attempt to re-establish Irish schools and learning, and writing on the 20th of September, 1642, to Father Hugh de Bourgo at Brussels, "If we may, before Flan Mac Egan dies, we will see an Irish school opened, and therefore would wish heartily55 that these learned and religious fathers in Louvain would come over in haste with their monuments (?) and an Irish and Latin press." The Mac Egan here alluded56 to was the eminent57 Brehon and Irish antiquarian who lived at Bally-mac-Egan in the county Tipperary in Lower Ormond, whose imprimatur was considered so valuable that the Four Masters procured58 for their work his written approbation59.[18] Seven years after this letter, the town of Wexford, from which O'More wrote in the interests of humanity and learning, sank in fire and ruin and its inhabitants both men and women were put to the sword in one universal massacre60.
There were in the year 1650, forty-seven Jesuit priests in Ireland, according to a memorandum given me by Father Hogan, S.J., of these two—one from Meath the other from Kerry—spoke Irish only: and four from Dublin, all of course of English extraction, spoke English only, while the remaining forty-one spoke both languages. Seven of these bi-linguists were from Dublin and ten from Meath.
[Pg 616]
These instances show that Irish was the usual spoken language of the country, even in Dublin, but there are indications that the ardour with which it had been cultivated and the respect with which its professors had been regarded was dying out. Even as early as 1627 we find one Connla Mac Echagan of West Meath, translating the "Annals of Clonmacnois" into English,[19] and in his dedication62 to his friend and kinsman63 Torlogh Mac Cochlan, lord of Delvin, he says that formerly64 many septs lived in Ireland whose profession it was to chronicle and keep in memory the state of the kingdom, but, he adds, "now as they cannot enjoy that respect and gain by their profession, as heretofore they and their ancestors received, they set nought65 by the said knowledge, neglect their books, and choose rather to put their children to learn English than their own native language, insomuch that some of them suffer tailors to cut the leaves of the said books (which their ancestors held in great account) and sew them in long pieces to make their measures of, [so] that the posterities are like to fall into more ignorance of many things which happened before their time."
A little later, in 1639, Father Stapleton, in his "Doctrina Christiana," published in Irish and Latin—the first Irish book ever printed in Roman characters—throws the blame for the neglect of Irish literature first upon the Irish antiquarians "who have placed it under difficulties and hard words,[20] writing it in mysterious ways, and in dark difficult language," and secondly67 upon the upper classes "who bring their native natural language (which is powerful, perfect, honourable68, learned, and sharply-exact in itself) into contempt and disrespect, and spend their time cultivating and learning other foreign tongues."[21]
[Pg 617]
Peter Lombard, Archbishop of Armagh, in his book printed at Louvain in 1632, says that Irish is the language of the whole of Hibernia, but there were some differences of pronunciation in the various provinces, and between the learned and the common people, the universal opinion being that the people of Connacht spoke it best, they having both power of expression and propriety70 of phrase, while the men of Munster had the power of expression without the propriety, and the people of Ulster the propriety without the power of expression. The people of Leinster were considered deficient71 in both.[22]
O'Molloy in his "Lochrann na gCreidmheach," published in 1675, says that "no language is well understood by the common people of the island except Irish alone."[23] The students of the Irish College at Rome were at this time bound by rule to speak Irish, and an Irish book was to be read in the[Pg 618] refectory during dinner and supper,[24] and all candidates for the priesthood were directed by the Synod of Tuam, in 1660, to learn to read and write Irish well.
Sir William Petty, writing in 1672, has an interesting passage on the people of Wexford and of Fingal: "The language of Ireland is like that of the North of Scotland, in many things like the Welsh and Manques, but in Ireland the Fingallians" [the dwellers along the coast some miles north of Dublin] "speak neither English, Irish, nor Welsh, and the people about Wexford, though they speak in a language differing from English, Welsh, and Irish, yet it is not the same with that of the Fingallians near Dublin. Both these sorts of people are honest and laborious72 members of the kingdom." Petty's strictures upon the Irish language, of which he was utterly73 ignorant, and which he ludicrously asserts "to have few words," need not here be noticed. He appears to show, however, that the Irish had already begun to borrow some words from English, and expressed many of the "names of artificial things" in "the language of their conquerors74 by altering the termination and language only."
It need hardly be said that once the English Government got the upper hand in the seventeenth century, and placed bishops and clergy75 of its own in the sees and dioceses throughout Ireland, they made it a kind of understood bargain with their nominees76 that they should have no dealings and make no terms with the national Irish language. Bedell, who was an Englishman and had been created an Irish bishop, neglected this unwritten compact far enough to learn Irish himself and to translate, with the help of a couple of Irishmen, the Bible into Irish, and he also circulated a catechism in[Pg 619] English and Irish amongst the natives. He reaped his reward in the undying gratitude78 of the Irish and the equally bitter animosity of his own colleagues. Ussher, then primate79, in answer to a pathetic letter of Bedell's asking what were the charges against him, said in his reply, "the course which you took with the Papists was generally cried out against, neither do I remember in all my life that anything was done here by any of us, at which the professors of the gospel did take more offense80, or by which the adversaries81 were more confirmed in their superstitions82 and idolatry, whereas I wish you had advised with your brethren before you would aventure to pull down that which they have been so long a building,"[25] meaning the discrediting83 and destruction of the Irish language. The Irish, however, did not forget the efforts Bedell had made in behalf of their tongue, for, having taken him prisoner in the war of 1648, they treated him with every courtesy in their power, and when he died their troops fired a volley over his grave, crying out, Requiescat ultimus Anglorum, while a priest who was present was heard to exclaim with fervour, "Sit anima mea cum Bedelo."
Indeed, the attitude adopted by the Government and the bishops who were its loyal henchmen, placed the defenders84 of the Established Church in a very awkward and embarrassing position. They wanted to make Protestants of the people, but they could not talk to them nor preach to them. The only possible course for the bishops to pursue, supposing them to have been in earnest, and to have been ecclesiastics85 and not Government place-men, would have been to appoint Irish-speaking clergy under them, a thing which with scarcely an exception they utterly and obstinately86 refused to do. So that for a hundred and fifty years the native inhabitants of Ireland were obliged to pay a tenth of their produce to a foreign clergy whom they could not understand and who never troubled themselves to understand them. How gentlemen[Pg 620] and scholars like Ussher could take up the position they did, is marvellous. He declares with one breath that "the religion of the Papists is superstitious87 and idolatrous, their faith and doctrines88 erroneous and heretical, their church in respect of both apostatical90, to give them therefore a toleration, or to consent that they may freely exercise their religion and profess61 their faith and doctrine89 is a grievous sin,"[26] and with the next breath he tells Bedell when he circulated books in the Irish language meant to convert these same Papists, that nothing was ever done "at which the professors of the gospel did take more offense." This can only be accounted for, so far as I can see, by strong social prejudice and race hatred91. The desire to see the Irish and their language crushed and in extremis was stronger than the desire to make Protestants of them, and this feeling continued for at least a hundred and fifty years.[27] Even so late as the latter half of the eighteenth century we find Dr. Woodward, Protestant bishop of Cloyne, stating that "the difference of language is a very general (and where it obtains an insurmountable) object to any intercourse92 with the people," on the part of the Protestant clergy, but, he adds coolly, "if it be asked why the clergy do not learn the Irish language, I answer that it should be the object of Government rather to take measures to bring it into entire disuse,"[28] one of the most cynical93 avowals I can remember on the part of an Irish prelate as to what he was there for—not for the spiritual good of the people who paid him tithes,[Pg 621] but as the official tool of the Government to crush their nationality.
Even Dean Swift, so clear-sighted a politician where Ireland's financial wrongs were concerned, was in his policy towards the people's language quite at one with men like Ussher and Woodward. Yet he knew perfectly well that over three-fourths of the island he and his confrères were, so far as polemical arguments or conversion95 went, powerless either for good or evil. He was, like the other Protestant dignitaries of his day, a declared enemy of the Gaelic speech, which he considered prevented "the Irish from being tamed," and at one time he said he had a scheme by which their language "might easily be abolished and become a dead one in half an age, with little expense and less trouble." In another place he says, "it would be a noble achievement to abolish the Irish language in the kingdom, so far at least as to oblige all the natives to speak only English on every occasion of business, in shops, markets, fairs, and other places of dealing77: yet I am wholly deceived if this might not be effectually done in less than half an age and at a very trifling96 expense; for such I look upon a tax to be, of only six thousand pounds to accomplish so great a work." Whatever the Dean's plan was, he did not further enlighten the public upon it, and the scheme appears to have died with him.
The absorbing power of Irish nationality continued so strong all through the seventeenth century that according to Prendergast many of the children of Oliver Cromwell's soldiers who had settled in Ireland could not speak a word of English.[29] It was the same all over the country. In 1760 Irish was so universally spoken in the regiments97 of the Irish Brigade that Dick Hennessy, Edmund Burke's cousin, learnt[Pg 622] it on foreign service.[30] Still later, during the Peninsular War, the English officers in one of the Highland98 regiments attempted to abolish the speaking of Gaelic at the mess table, but the Gaelic-speaking officers completely outvoted them. Irish was spoken at this time by all the Milesian families of high rank, except when they wished to deliberately99 Anglicise themselves. Michael Kelly, the musical composer and vocalist, who was born in Dublin in 1764, tells us in his "Reminiscences:"[31]—
"I procured an audience of the Emperor of Germany at Schoenbrunn, and found him with a half-dozen of general officers, among whom were Generals O'Donnell and Kavanagh, my gallant100 countrymen. The latter [he was from Borris in the Queen's County] said something to me in Irish which I did not understand, consequently made him no answer. The Emperor turned quickly on me and said, 'What! O'Kelly, don't you speak the language of your own country?' I replied, 'Please, your Majesty101, none but the lower orders of the Irish people speak Irish.' The Emperor laughed loudly. The impropriety of the remark made before two Milesian Generals flashed into my mind in an instant, and I could have bitten off my tongue. They luckily did not, or pretended not to hear."
It is from the middle of the eighteenth century onward102 that the Irish language begins to die out. I doubt whether before that period any Milesian family either in Ireland or the Scotch103 Highlands spoke English in its own home or to its own children.
I have been at much pains to trace the decay of the language, and the extent to which it has been spoken at various periods from that day to this, and have consulted all the volumes of travellers and statisticians upon which I have been able to lay hands. The result, however, has not been very satisfactory so far as information goes. It is simply amazing that most Irish and many English writers, who have had to deal with Ireland from that day to this, have in their sketchy104 and[Pg 623] generally unreliable accounts of the island, its people, and its social conditions, simply ignored the fact that any other language than English was spoken in it at all. Perhaps the most trustworthy accounts of the anomalous105 condition of the Irish-speaking race in their own island are by foreigners who have recorded what they saw without prejudice one way or the other, whereas one cannot help thinking that English and Irish writers who, while going over the same ground, have yet absolutely ignored[32] all allusion106 to the question of language, did so because they found it a difficult and awkward question to deal with.
The first authorities I know of who speak of Irish as dying out are Dr. Samuel Madden, who, writing in 1738, states that not one in twenty was ignorant of English, and Harris, who, in his description of the county Down six years later, says that Irish prevailed only amongst the poorer Catholics. Both these statements, however, are preposterously107 exaggerated. In the very year that Madden wrote died O'Neill of Clanaboy, one of the best-known and most influential108 men of the county Down, and I found in the Belfast Museum the Irish manuscript of the funeral oration23 pronounced over his body,[33] and any O'Neill would probably at that period have turned in his grave had his funeral discourse been spoken in English.
Madden's statement that in 1738 nineteenth-twentieths of the population knew English is an incredible one and so utterly disproved by all the other evidence, that it is astonishing that so sound and careful a historian as Mr. Lecky should have accepted it as substantially true. The evidence upon the other side is overwhelming. Forty-seven years after Madden wrote this the German, Küttner, travelling through Ireland, wrote[Pg 624] a series of letters in which he distinctly says that he found the common people either did not understand English at all or understood it imperfectly.[34]
More than two generations had passed away after Madden's statement that nineteen-twentieths of the population knew English, when we find a Scotchman, Daniel Dewar, in a book entitled "Observations on the Character, Customs and Superstitions of the Irish," writing thus in 1812:—
"The number of people who speak this language [Irish] is much greater than is generally supposed. It is spoken throughout the province of Connaught by all the lower orders, a great part of whom scarcely understand any English, and some of those who do, understand it only so as to conduct business. They are incapable109 of receiving moral or religious instruction through its medium. The Irish is spoken very generally through the other three provinces except amongst the descendants of the Scotch in the north. It cannot be supposed that calculations on this subject should be perfectly accurate, but it has been concluded on good grounds that there are about two millions of people in Ireland [out of about six millions] who are incapable of understanding a continued discourse in English."
"I have always found," says Dewar, with much shrewdness, "that in places where gentlemen hostile to this tongue assured me there was not a word of it spoken, in these very districts I heard very little English." He gives an amusing account of the various contradictory110 objections that he found at that time urged against it.
"Some of the Anglo-Hibernians at that time (1808) strongly maintained that this dialect is so barbarous that it cannot answer the purpose of instruction, others that it would awaken111 the enthusiasm of the Wild Irish (as they call them) to make any attempt of this kind, and consequently that it might prove dangerous to the Government, and others, that they had no desire to be taught in Irish, and that it would be useless to send teachers among them for this purpose."
[Pg 625]
Dutton, in his statistical112 history of the county Clare, published in 1808, says that almost all the gentlemen of that county spoke Irish with the country people, but he adds, "scarcely one of their sons is able to hold a conversation in this language. The children of almost all those who cannot speak English are proud of being spoken to in English and answering in the same, even although you may question them in Irish. No Irish is spoken in any of the schools, and the peasants are anxious to send their children to them to learn English." This apparently does not refer to the hedge schools of the natives, but to the charter and other English schools. "I think the diversity of language and not the diversity of religion," writes Grattan, in 1811, "constitutes a diversity of people. I should be very sorry that the Irish language should be forgotten, but glad that the English language should be generally understood."[35] This seems to have been also the position taken up by his great rival Flood, who, when dying, left some ￡50,000 to Trinity College for the cultivation113 of the Irish language. Trinity College, however, never secured the money, and its so-called Irish professorship, lately established, in the fifties, is only an adjunct of its Divinity School, and paid and practically controlled, not by the college, nor by people in the least interested in the cultivation of Celtic literature, but by a society for the conversion of Irish Papists through the medium of their own language.
In 1825, that is eighty-seven years after Madden's statement that nineteen-twentieths of the population knew English, the Commissioners115 of Education in Ireland, in their first report laid before Parliament, state "it has been estimated that the number of Irish who employ the ancient language of the country exclusively is not less than 500,000, and that at least a million more, although they have some understanding of English and can employ it for the ordinary purposes of traffic, make use[Pg 626] of their [own] tongue on all other occasions as the natural vehicle of their thoughts."
Lappenberg, a German who travelled in Ireland, reckoned that out of a population of seven millions of inhabitants in 1835, four millions spoke Irish "als ihre Muttersprache."
In 1842 Mac Comber's "Christian66 Remembrancer," discussing the possibility of "converting" the Irish, says, "there are about 3,000,000 of Irish who still speak the Irish language and love it as their mother tongue," and "that part of the Irish population which still speaks and understands little else than Irish" is "nearly a third of the entire population of Ireland."
A German, J. C. Kohl, who travelled extensively in Ireland in 1843, shortly before the famine, says that in Clare the "children would run by the side of the car crying, 'Burnocks[36] halfpenny,' burnocks being an appellation116 applied117 to every stranger, and 'halfpenny' the only English that the little rogues118 seemed to know." The neglect of the use of Irish in the churches, which had even then set in, largely owing to the teaching and wishes of O'Connell and his parliamentarians, struck the German spectator as something astonishing, for apparently he could not understand how an ancient nation with whose fame all Europe had recently been filled owing to the exertions119 of O'Connell, should be casting away its national birthright. "The great city of Cork13," he notes, "which lies in a district where much Irish is still spoken, contains only two churches where sermons are preached in Irish. A short time ago the Irish prisoners in Cork gaol120 petitioned the chaplain that he would preach his Sunday sermon to them in Irish."
This acute foreign observer gives a very interesting account of the state of the Irish language round Drogheda, a coast town some twenty miles north of Dublin, which is worth quoting[Pg 627] here since it accurately121 describes the condition of affairs over the greater part of Leinster sixty years ago, but which is now so absolutely extinct that few modern Irishmen could believe it except on the most unimpeachable122 testimony123. "Drogheda," he writes, "is the last genuine Irish town, the suburbs of Drogheda are genuine Irish suburbs ... and a great many people are to be found in the neighbourhood who speak the old Irish tongue more fluently and more frequently than the English." Kohl was hospitably124 entertained by a priest in Drogheda—whose name unfortunately he does not mention, but who appears to have been a man of superior intelligence. His house had several harps125 in it, and he was delighted by a young blind harper who first played Brian Boru's march for him, and then an air called the Fairy Queen. At Kohl's request the priest also sent for a reciter of Irish poetry, who asked what he would wish recited. "If you were to repeat all you know," said the priest, "we should have to listen all night, I suppose, and many other nights as well."
"The man," says Kohl, "began to recite and went on uninterruptedly for a quarter of an hour. His story, of which I, of course, understood not a word, but which my friendly host afterwards explained to me, treated of a Scottish enchantress named Aithura,[37] who forsaken126 by her Irish lover, Cuchullin, laid a cruel spell upon his son Konnell which compelled him by an irresistible127 enchantment128, and entirely129 against his will, to follow, to persecute130, to fight, and at last to destroy his father, Cuchullin. At the last moment, after stabbing his father to the heart in spite of the efforts by which he struggled to resist the horrible impulse of his destiny, his own heart broke in the struggle, and he and his father died together, while the revengeful spirit of the cruel enchantress hovered131 in exultation132 over the dying, repeating to her[Pg 628] treacherous133 lover the story of his inconstancy and her revenge." "I was glad," adds Kohl, "of assuring myself by oral demonstration134 of the actual existence of Ossianic poetry like this, at the present day. The reciter was, as I have said, a simple and ignorant man, with a good deal of the clown about him, and his recitation was as simple, unadorned, and undeclamatory as himself. Sometimes, however, when carried away by the interest of his story his manner and voice were animated135 and moving. At such times he fixed136 his eyes on his hearers as if demanding their sympathy and admiration137 for himself and his poem. Sometimes I noticed that the metre completely changed, and I was told that this was the case with all Irish poems, for that the metre was always made to suit the subject.[38] I also heard that the most beautiful part of this ballad138 was the dialogue of father and son upon the battlefield, but that a prose translation would give me no idea at all of its beauty."
The priest told him that "Ossianic poetry was very abundant in the neighbourhood of Drogheda." "This," he says, "I had heard before, and from all I heard in Ireland I am much inclined to believe—which indeed many have also conjectured—that Macpherson obtained the materials for his version of Ossian's poems from popular tradition and ballads139 of the North of Ireland. The whole Irish nation both in the south and north, is certainly much more imbued140 with the spirit of this poetry and still possesses many more traces of it than the Scottish people, whether of the Highlands or Lowlands."[39]
[Pg 629]
Another very acute German traveller, Rodenberg, describes the people of Kerry as always speaking Irish among themselves in 1860, while their English was so bad that he could hardly understand it. He notices, however, that several words of corrupted141 English were interwoven with their Irish conversation, which so disgusted him that he remarks, "everything about these people is patchwork142, their clothing, their dwellings143, their language."[40] He reports at full length a most interesting conversation which he had with a priest near Limerick, who assured him that they had to pull down in order to build up, that is, pull down the edifice144 of the Irish language in which the people were denied education in order to build up a new education in the English language. "Nor is it," said the priest, "the first time that the Irishman has had to turn his hand[Pg 630] against his most sacred things. Red Hugh of Donegal destroyed the house of his forefathers145 that the enemy might not make of it a fortress146 against his own people, but he wept while he destroyed it."[41]
In the Galway fish market Rodenberg could not hear a single word of English spoken. The population of Connacht was at this time a little unnder a million, and the census147 of 1861 showed that about one-tenth of the whole population were ignorant of English. The population of the city of Galway in this year was 23,787, of whom 3,511 were ignorant of English.
According to the census of 1891 something over three-quarters of a million people in Ireland were bi-linguists, and 66,140 could speak Irish only, thus showing that in thirty years Irish was killed off so rapidly that the whole Island contained fewer speakers in 1891 than the small province of Connacht alone did thirty years before.
This extinguishing of the Irish language has not been the result of a natural process of decay, but has been chiefly caused by the definite policy of the Board of "National Education," as it is called, backed by the expenditure148 every year of many hundreds of thousands of pounds. This Board, evidently actuated by a false sense of Imperialism149, and by an overmastering desire to centralise, and being itself appointed by Government chiefly from a class of Irishmen who have been steadily150 hostile to the natives, and being perfectly ignorant of the language and literature of the Irish, have pursued from the first with unvarying pertinacity151 the great aim of utterly exterminating152 this fine Aryan language.
The amount of horrible suffering entailed153 by this policy, and[Pg 631] the amount of hopeless ignorance stereotyped154 in hundreds of thousands of children, and the ruination of the life-prospects of hundreds of thousands more, by insisting upon their growing up unable to read or write, sooner than teach them to read and write the only language they knew, has counted for nothing with the Board of National Education, compared with their great object of the extermination155 of the Irish language, and the attainment156 of one Anglified uniformity. In vain have their own inspectors157 time after time testified to the ill results of denying the Irish-speakers education in their own language, in vain have disinterested158 visitors opened wide eyes of astonishment159 at schoolmasters who knew no Irish being appointed to teach pupils[42] who know no English. In vain have the schoolmasters themselves petitioned to be allowed to change the system, in vain did Sir Patrick Keenan (afterwards himself Chief Commissioner114 of National Education) address the Board saying, "the shrewdest people in the world are those who are bi-lingual, borderers have always been remarkable160 in this respect, but the most stupid children I have ever met with are those who were learning English while endeavouring to forget Irish. The real policy of the educationist would in my opinion be to teach Irish grammatically and soundly to the Irish-speaking people, and then to teach them English through the medium of their native language."[43] All in vain! Against the steady,[Pg 632] unwavering, unrelenting determination to stamp out the Irish language which has been paramount161 in the Board ever since the days of Archbishop Whately, every representation passed unheeded, and it would appear that in another generation the Board—at the cost of unparalleled suffering—will have attained162 its object.
This is not the place to discuss the bearings of this question still less to drag in the names of individuals, but the reader who has followed the history of Irish literature to this will be perhaps anxious to have it continued up to date, and so I may as well here place on record what I and many others have seen with our own eyes over and over again.
An Irish-speaking family, endowed with all the usual intelligence of the Irish-speaking population, with a gift for song, poetry, Ossianic lays, traditional history, and story, send their children to school. A rational education, such as any self-governing country in Europe would give them, would teach them to read and write the language that they spoke, and that[Pg 633] their fathers had read and spoken for fifteen hundred years before them. The exigencies163 of life in the United Kingdom would then make it necessary to teach them a second language—English. The basis of knowledge upon which they started, and which they had acquired as naturally as the breath of life, would in any fair system of education be kept as a basis, and their education would be built up upon it. They would be taught to read the Ossianics lays which they knew by heart before, they would be given books containing more of the same sort, they would be taught to read the poems, and they would have put into their hands books of prose and poetry of a kindred nature. They had picked up many items of information about the history of Ireland from their fathers and mothers, they would be given a simple history of Ireland to read. All this they would assimilate naturally and quickly because it would be the natural continuation of what they already in part possessed164. But the exigencies of life in the United Kingdom makes it necessary to read English poems and English books, and to know something of English history also, this they would learn after the other.
Will it be believed, the Board of National Education insists upon the Irish-speaking child starting out from the first moment to learn to read a language it does not speak.[44] It is forbidden to be taught one syllable165 of Irish, easy sentences, poems, or anything else. It is forbidden to be taught one word of Irish history. Advantage is taken of nothing that the child knew before or that came natural to it, and the result is appalling166.
Bright-eyed intelligent children, second in intelligence, I should think, to none in Europe, with all the traditional traits of a people cultured for fifteen hundred years, children endowed with a vocabulary in every-day use of about three thousand[Pg 634] words[45] (while the ordinary English peasant has often not more than five hundred) enter the schools of the Chief Commissioner, to come out at the end with all their natural vivacity167 gone, their intelligence almost completely sapped, their splendid command of their native language lost for ever, and a vocabulary of five or six hundred English words, badly pronounced and barbarously employed, substituted for it, and this they in their turn will transmit to their children, while everything that they knew on entering the school, story, lay, poem, song, aphorism168, proverb, and the unique stock-in-trade of an Irish speaker's mind, is gone for ever, and replaced by nothing.
I have long looked and inquired in vain, on all hands, for any possible justification169 of this system, and the more I have looked and inquired the more convinced I am that none such exists unless it be an unacknowledged political one. Its results at all events are only too obvious. The children are taught, if nothing else, to be ashamed of their own parents, ashamed of their own nationality, ashamed of their own names. The only idea of education they now have is connected not with the literary past of their own nation, but with the new board-trained schoolmaster and his school, which to them represent the only possible form of knowledge. They have no idea of anything outside of, or beyond, this. Hence they allow their beautiful Irish manuscripts to rot[46]—because[Pg 635] the schoolmaster does not read Irish. They never sing an Irish song or repeat an Irish poem—the schoolmaster does not; they forget all about their own country that their parents told them—the schoolmaster is not allowed to teach Irish history; they translate their names into English—probably the schoolmaster has done the same; and what is the use of having an Irish name now that they are not allowed to speak Irish! Worst of all they have not only dropped their Irish Christian names, but they are becoming ashamed of the patron saints of their own people, the names even of Patrick[Pg 636] and of Brigit.[47] It is a remarkable system of education, and one well worth the minutest study that can be paid it, which[Pg 637] is able to produce these effects, but with even the smallest philological170 regard for the meaning of words, it cannot be called "education."
Ar n-a críochnughadh ag Ráth-Treagh anaice le Dungar, i bparráiste Tigh-Baoithin i gcondae Roscomáin, an ficheadh lá Lúghnasa, le Dúbhglas de h-íde, d'á ngoirthear go coitchionn an Craoibhín Aoibhinn, de phór na nGall-Ghaedhal i n-Eirinn.
Buidheachas le Dia!
CRíOCH.
********
[1] Preface to "Glossarium Palaeo-Hibernicum."
[2] Red Book in Archives of Diocese of Ossory. The statute is in the barbarous law-French of the period, "et si nul Engleys ou Irroies conversant171 entre Engleys use la lang Irroies entre eux-mesmes encontre cest ordinance172, et de ceo soit attient, soint sez terrez," etc.
[3] Municipal Archives of Waterford. Hist. MSS. Commission, 10th report. Appendix v. p. 323.
[4] Galway Archives.
[5] "Ulster Journal of Arch?ology."
[6] See "Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland," 1897, p. 192.
[7] State Papers, part iii. vol. ii. p. 502.
[8] One of the four prophets of Ireland, see ch. XVI, note 23.
[9] Archdale ii, 27.
[10] Cal. of State Papers, p. 130.
[11] "Tribes of Hy Many," p. 20.
[12] State Papers, Dom. Eliz. an. 1600, p. 496.
[13] This was that Father Nugent who improved and developed the powers of the Irish harp69. A letter in Irish to him from Maelbrighte O'Hussey is printed by Father Hogan, S.J., in "Ibernia Ignatiana," p. 167.
[14] Father Hogan's "Distinguished173 Irishmen of the Sixteenth Century," p. 38.
[15] MS. in Royal Library of Brussels of Stephen White's "Vindici?," fo. 62. Consulted by Father Hogan, S.J.
[16] "Transactions of the Ossory Arch. Society," vol. ii. p. 350.
[17] Preface to Halliday's edition of Keating's "Forus Feasa," p. xi. The fine poet, David Bruadar (p. 592), wrote a satiric174 poem on the haste the Irish made to speak English when the Duke of Ormond was in power, two lines of which I quote from memory:
"Is mairg atá gan Béarla binn
Ar dteacht an Iarla go h-Eirinn."
[18] See above p. 578.
[19] Published by the late Father Denis Murphy, S.J., for the Irish Antiquarian Society.
[20] I fear many of our moderns are also more or less open to this reproach.
[21] "Ar an adhbhar sin as cóir agus as iommochuibhe dúinne na Herenaig bheith ceanamhail gradhach onórach an ar dteangain ndúchais nádurtha féin, an ghaoilag, noch atá chomhfuelethach chomhmúchta soin, nach mór na deacha si as coimhne na nduine; a mhileán so as féidir a chur ar an aois ealathain noch as udair don teangain, do chuir i fá fórdhoreatheacht agus cruos focal, da scribha a modaibh agus fhocalaibh deamhaire doracha, dothuicseanta, agus ni fhoilid saor mórán d'ár nduinibh uaisle dobheir a tteanga dhuchais nadurtha (noch ata fortill fuirithe onórach fólamtha géarchuiseach inti féin) a ttarcuisne agus a neamhchionn, agus chaitheas a n-aimsir á saorthudh agus á foghlaim teangtha coimhtheach ele" (pp. 10 and 11, preface).
[22] "Tertio notandum quod hoc ipsum idioma sit vernaculum toti in primis Hiberni?, tamsetsi cum aliquo discrimine turn quoad dialectum nonnihil variantem inter diversas provincias, turn quoad artificii observationem inter doctos et vulgares.... Et dialecti quidem variatio ita se habere passim ?stimatur, ut cum sint quatuor Hiberni? provinci? Momonia Ultonia Lagenia Conactia, penes Conactes sit et potestas rect? pronunciationis et phraseos vera proprietas, penes Momonienses potestas sine proprietate, penes Ultones proprietas sine potestate, penes Lagenos nec potestas pronunciationis nec phraseos proprietas."—"De Hibernia Commentarius," p. 7. Louvain, 1632. This shows the antiquity175 of the Irish saying, "tá ceart gan bias176 ag an Ulltach, ta blas gan ceart ag an Muimhneach, ni'l bias ná ceart ag an Laighneach, tá blas agus ceart ag an gConnachtach."
[23] "Ní maith tuigthear leis an bpobal gcoitcheann éinteangadh acht an ghaoidhealg amháin" (see p. 11). See also a mandate177 of the "Sacra Congregatio Visitationis."
[24] "Quando aderit Rector Hibernicus val alius lingu? peritus, legantur ad mensam ter in hebdomada, libri spirituales, in idiomati Hibernico compositi, ne alumni ejus obliviscantur."—Extracted from the "Archiv. Coll. Hib. Rom?.," lib. xxiii., by Father Hogan, S.J.
[25] Ellington's "Life and Writings of Ussher."
[26] See above, p. 555.
[27] It was not, I think, until the tithe94 war took place, that the established clergy began to see anything irrational178 in their attitude. In 1834, however, the Hon. Power Trench179, Archbishop of Tuam, wrote to Phillip Barron, of Waterford, editor of Ancient Ireland, a weekly magazine for the cultivation of the Irish language, regretting that in the whole of his diocese (where probably not one in twenty at that period understood a word of English) he had not outside of his own brother, a single clergyman who had "acquired a proficiency180 in the Irish language."
[28] "Present State of the Irish Church," seventh edition, 1787, p. 43, quoted by Anderson, in his "Native Irish."
[29] Robert Molesworth's "True Way to Make Ireland Happy," printed in 1697, is also quoted as an authority for this statement, but I have not been able to discover a copy of this book even in the Library of Trinity College.
[30] Roche's "Memoirs181 of an Octogenarian."
[31] Vol. i. p. 263.
[32] Thus on referring to a recent history of the County Sligo in two volumes by a distinguished author to see how far Irish prevailed in a certain barony, I find the fact that any other language than English either was or is spoken in Sligo, so far as I could see, quietly ignored. It is the same with most authors of local and county histories.
[33] I published this with a translation in the "Journal of Ulster Arch?ology."
[34] "Das Englische wird vom gemeinen Volke entweder gar nicht oder sehr unvolkommen erlernt" ("Briefe Aus Irland," Leipzig, 1785, p. 214).
[35] Grattan's "Miscellaneous Works," p. 321, edition of 1822.
[36] "Burnocks" does not look like a real word. I have no idea what it means or it is meant for.
[37] This is a singular distortion of the story of Aoife [Eefy] and the coming of her and Cuchulain's son, Conlaoch to Erin. See above p. 300.
[38] This of course is a misapprehension.
[39] It is curious to observe that Kohl found the race of harpers by no means extinct in Ireland, and his testimony appears quite disinterested and trustworthy. "I afterwards heard," he says, "that piece (The Fairy Queen) on the pianoforte, but it did not sound half so soft and sweet as from the instrument of this blind young harper.... We were very much delighted with our harper who was certainly an accomplished182 artist, yet Ireland contains many of still greater ability and celebrity183. The most celebrated184 of all, however, is a man named Byrne, blind also if I do not mistake. When, therefore, Moore sings—
"'The harp that once through Tara's hall
The soul of music shed
Now hangs as mute on Tara's wall
As if the soul were fled,'
"his lamentation must not be literally185 understood." He also mentions that when he was in Drogheda "a concert was in preparation to be given next week at which seven harpers, mostly blind, were to play together."
An English tourist, C. R. Wild ["Vacations in Ireland," London, 1857], mentions meeting a harper at Leenane in Connemara in 1857, who requested permission to play to him during his meal. He describes him as "an ancient man bearing a small Irish harp such as were common in olden days; ... the music produced was, for the most part, plaintive and slow, and the tones particularly soft and melodious186." The priest who entertained Kohl had a number of harps in his house, but, unfortunately, the German says nothing of their size or shape. From these instances it would appear that the race of Irish harpers did not quite die out with those who assembled at Belfast at the close of the last century when Bunting secured so many of their airs, but that some lingered on till after the famine. How far these latter harpers could be regarded as the genuine descendants of the old race is doubtful.
[40] "Wenn sie unter sich sind so sprechen sie immer das naturale Irisch, aber auch das nicht mehr rein187 sondern mit corrumpirtem English durchwoben. Alles an diesem Volke ist Fetzenwerk, ihre Kleidung, ihre Wohnung, ihre Sprache" ("Insel der Heiligen," vol. i. p. 185. Berlin, 1860).
[41] See Vol. ii. p. 9 for this interesting conversation in which the attitude of the typical Catholic priest towards his national language is shown.
[42] In spite of the well-known opposition188 of the National Board the National Schoolmasters themselves as early as 1874 in their Congress unanimously passed the following resolution:—"The peasants in Irish-speaking districts have not English enough to convey their ideas, except such as relate to the mechanical business of their occupation. Hence they are not able in any degree to cultivate or impress the minds of their children (though often very intelligent themselves), who consequently grow up dull and stupid if they have been suffered to lose the Irish language or to drop out of the constant practice of it." This is exactly what I and every other spectator have found, and it means that the Board of National Education is engaged in replacing an intelligent generation of men by an utterly stupid and unintelligent one.
[43] Sir Patrick Keenan, C.B., K.C.M.G., who was for a time head of the Educational system in Ireland, and was employed by the Government to report upon the plan of teaching the people of Malta in Maltese, reported to Parliament that the attempt to substitute English or Italian for Maltese in the schools was a fatal one. "Such a course would simply mean that the people are to get no chance, much less choice, of acquiring a knowledge either of their own or any other language." This is exactly true of spots in Ireland, and after his experiences in Donegal, Sir Patrick Keenan drew up the following memorial:—"1. That the Irish-speaking people ought to be taught the Irish language grammatically, and that school books in Irish should be prepared for the purpose. 2. That English should be taught to all Irish-speaking children through the medium of the Irish. 3. That if this system be pursued the people will be very soon better educated than they are now, or possibly can be for many generations upon the present system. And 4. That the English language will in a short time be more generally and purely189 spoken than it can be by the present system for many generations." When he became head of the National System of Education, Sir Patrick found himself unable to carry out his own recommendations without personal inconvenience, being probably afraid to offend his colleagues, and nothing has been since done to remove the scandal.
[44] For many years the schoolmaster was not even allowed to explain anything in Irish to a child who knew no English! This, rule, however, has been abrogated190.
[45] Dr. Pedersen, a Dane, who recently resided for three months in the Arran Islands to learn the language that is there banned—at the present moment the only inhabitant in one of these islands, not counting coastguards, who does not speak Irish is the schoolmaster!—took down about 2,500 words. I have written down a vocabulary of 3,000 words from people in Roscommon who could neither read nor write, and I am sure I fell 1,000 short of what they actually used. I should think the average in Munster, especially in Kerry, would be between 5,000 and 6,000. It is well known that many of the English peasants use only 300 words, or from that to 500.
[46] A friend of mine travelling in the County Clare sent me three Irish MSS. the other day, which he found the children tearing to pieces on the floor. One of these, about one hundred years old, contained a saga191 called the "Love of Dubhlacha for Mongan," which M. d'Arbois de Jubainville had searched the libraries of Europe for in vain. It is true that another copy of it has since been discovered, and printed and annotated192 with all the learning and critical acumen193 of two such world-renowned scholars as Professor Kuno Meyer and Mr. Alfred Nutt, both of whom considered it of the highest value as elucidating194 the psychology195 of the ancient Irish. The copy thus recovered and sent to me is twice as long as that printed by Kuno Meyer, and had the copy from which he printed been lost it would be unique. These things are happening every day. A man living at the very doors of the Chief Commissioner of National Education writes to me thus: "I could read many of irish Fenian tales and poems, that was in my father's manuscripts, he had a large collection of them. I was often sorry for letting them go to loss, but I could not copy the 1/20th of them.... The writing got defaced, the books got damp and torn while I was away, I burned lots of them twice that I came to this country.... I was learning to write the old irish at that time; I could read a fair share of it and write a little." That man should have been taught to read and write his native language, and not practically encouraged to burn the old books, every one of which probably contained some piece or other not to be found elsewhere.
Even where the people had no manuscripts in common use amongst them, their minds were well-stored with poems and lays. A friend wrote to me from America the other day to interview a man who lived in the County Galway, who he thought had manuscripts. Not finding it convenient to do this, I wrote to him, and this is his reply: "Dear sir, about twenty years since I was able to tell about two Dozen of Ossian's Irish poems and some of Raftery's, and more Rymes composed by others, but since that time no one asked me since to tell one Irish story at a wake or by the fireside sine the old people died. Therefore when I had no practice I forgot all the storys that ever I had. I am old. Your most Humble196 Servant, Michael B."
Another writes: "I have no written manuscript. I had three poems about the dareg more [Dearg Mor] the first when he came to Ireland in search of his wife that shewed (?) him, when Gaul [Goll] faught him and tied him he come to Ireland, a few years after, when he got older and stronger, and faught Gaul for 9 days in succession the ninth day Gaul killed him then in 18 years after his son called Cun [Conn] came to Ireland to have revenge and faught Gaul, and after eleven days fighting he was killed by Gaul. I had a poem called Lee na mna mora [Laoi na mná móire] or the poem of the big woman who faught Gaul for five days, but Osker [Oscar] kills her. I had the baptism of Ossian by St. Patrick the best of all and many others of Ossians' to numerous to mention now, I also had some poemes of Cucullan the death and the lady in English and in Irish I had the beettle in English and Irish and when fin4 [Finn] went to denmark in English and Irish and many other rymes of modern times. I seen some address in the Irish times last year where to write to some place in Dublin where Ossians poems Could be got but I forget the Number. The people that is living Now a days could not understand the old Irish which made me drop it altogether their parents is striving to learn their children English what themselves never learned so the boys and girls has neither good english or good Irish. Hoping your friends and well wishers are well, fare well old stock. M...."
[47] This is the direct result of the system pursued by the National Board, which refuses to teach the children anything about Patrick and Brigid, but which is never tired of putting second-hand197 English models before them. Archbishop Whately, that able and unconventional Englishman, who had so much to do with moulding the system, despite his undoubted sense of humour, saw nothing humorous in making the children learn to repeat such verses as—
"I thank the goodness and the grace
Which on my birth have smiled,
And made me in these Christian days
A happy English child!"
and the tone of the Board may be gathered from this passage, I believe, which occurred in one of their elementary books: "On the east of Ireland is England, where the Queen lives. Many people who live in Ireland were born in England, and we speak the same language, and are called one nation." The result of this teaching is apparent to every one who lives in Ireland, and does not shut his eyes. "God forbid I should handicap my daughter in life by calling her Brigid," said a woman to me once. "It was with the greatest difficulty I could make any of the Irish christen their children Patrick," said Father O'Reilly of Louisburgh to me, talking of his Australian mission. For the wholesale198 translation of names, such as O'Gara into Love, O'Lavin into Hand, Mac Rury into Rogers, and so on, which is still going on with unabated vigour199, see an article by me in "Three Irish Essays," published by Fisher Unwin.
The End
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forfeiture
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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13
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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seaports
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| n.海港( seaport的名词复数 ) | |
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15
borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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16
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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17
dweller
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| n.居住者，住客 | |
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18
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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19
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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21
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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22
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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23
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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24
extirpating
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的现在分词 )；根除 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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prop
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| vt.支撑；n.支柱，支撑物；支持者，靠山 | |
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27
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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28
spotted
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| adj.有斑点的，斑纹的，弄污了的 | |
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29
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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30
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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31
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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32
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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33
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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34
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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35
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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36
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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37
consonant
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| n.辅音；adj.[音]符合的 | |
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38
whining
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| n. 抱怨，牢骚 v. 哭诉，发牢骚 | |
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39
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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40
subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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42
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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43
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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44
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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45
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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47
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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48
plaintive
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|
| adj.可怜的，伤心的 | |
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49
expressive
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|
| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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50
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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51
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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52
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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53
titular
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| adj.名义上的，有名无实的；n.只有名义（或头衔）的人 | |
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54
roe
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| n.鱼卵；獐鹿 | |
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55
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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56
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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58
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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59
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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60
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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61
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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62
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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63
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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64
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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65
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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66
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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67
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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68
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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69
harp
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| n.竖琴；天琴座 | |
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70
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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71
deficient
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|
| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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72
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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73
utterly
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|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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74
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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75
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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76
nominees
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| n.被提名者，被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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77
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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78
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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79
primate
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| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
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80
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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81
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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82
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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83
discrediting
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| 使不相信( discredit的现在分词 )； 使怀疑； 败坏…的名声； 拒绝相信 | |
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84
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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85
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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86
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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87
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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88
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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89
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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90
apostatical
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| Apostatical | |
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91
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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92
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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93
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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94
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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95
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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96
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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97
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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98
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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99
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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100
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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101
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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102
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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103
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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104
sketchy
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| adj.写生的，写生风格的，概略的 | |
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105
anomalous
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| adj.反常的；不规则的 | |
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106
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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107
preposterously
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| adv.反常地；荒谬地；荒谬可笑地；不合理地 | |
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108
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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109
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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110
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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111
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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112
statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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113
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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114
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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115
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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116
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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117
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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118
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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119
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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120
gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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121
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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122
unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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123
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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124
hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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125
harps
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| abbr.harpsichord 拨弦古钢琴n.竖琴( harp的名词复数 ) | |
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126
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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127
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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128
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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129
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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130
persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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131
hovered
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|
| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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132
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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133
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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134
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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135
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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136
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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137
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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138
ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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139
ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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140
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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141
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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142
patchwork
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| n.混杂物；拼缝物 | |
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143
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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144
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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145
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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146
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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147
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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148
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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149
imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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150
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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151
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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152
exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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153
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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154
stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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155
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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156
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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157
inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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163
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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aphorism
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| n.格言，警语 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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philological
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| adj.语言学的，文献学的 | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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satiric
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| adj.讽刺的，挖苦的 | |
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175
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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177
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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179
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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180
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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181
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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182
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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183
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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184
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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185
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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186
melodious
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| adj.旋律美妙的，调子优美的，音乐性的 | |
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rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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189
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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190
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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191
saga
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| n.(尤指中世纪北欧海盗的)故事，英雄传奇 | |
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annotated
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| v.注解，注释( annotate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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194
elucidating
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| v.阐明，解释( elucidate的现在分词 ) | |
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195
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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196
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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197
second-hand
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| adj.用过的，旧的，二手的 | |
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198
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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199
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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