While the events just narrated2 had been passing in Ireland, King James remained at the court of France, endeavoring to win King Louis' consent to his favorite plan of invading England in the absence of the Prince of Orange. Having failed in this through the persistent3 opposition4 of the French minister, he turned his attention once more to his affairs in Ireland, and requested an expedition to sustain his arms in that country. But the misrepresentations of De Lausun had so warped5 the mind of this sovereign, that in this he was equally unsuccessful; and finding himself unable to awaken6 the interest of Louis, or to change the mind of his minister, he gave way to despondency, and remained a passive spectator of surrounding events. In this exigency7 the Duke of Tyrconnell determined8 to present himself at the court of Versailles, and plead the cause of his country. The successful defence of Athlone and Limerick furnished him with arguments that her cause was not yet hopeless; and the favor hitherto shown him by the French monarch10, led him to believe that his suit would not be unfavorably received. So, having constituted a council of three lords-justices and sixteen senators, to conduct the civil affairs of the nation, and appointed the Duke of Berwick as deputy, with Sarsfield as his second in military command, he left the city in company with De Bo?sselau, the late governor, and joined De Lausun at Galway, where he embarked11 for France on an important mission.
Scarcely had he departed from the city when the spirit of discontent became manifest in the council and among the leaders of the army. Believing, or affecting to believe, that the deputy was indifferent to their wants and grievances12, and had abandoned the country to its fate, they resolved to send a deputation to France to represent their policy, and urged the Duke of Berwick to sanction their proceedings13. He opposed the design for some time; but the excitement daily increasing, he was forced to acquiesce14 in order to restore the general harmony. "Accordingly," says he, "I summoned all the principal lords, as well of the clergy15 as the laity16, and all the military officers down to the colonels, inclusive, to attend me.... I proposed to them the Bishop17 of Cork, the two Luttrells, and Colonel Purcell. My choice was unanimously approved, and a few days after I dispatched my deputies. At the same time I sent Brigadier Maxwell, a Scotchman, to explain to the king my reasons for appointing this deputation, and to beg of him not to suffer either Brigadier Luttrell or Colonel Purcell to return: they were the two most dangerous incendiaries, and I had chosen them on purpose to get them out of the way. When these gentlemen were got on board, they conceived a suspicion that Maxwell might be charged with some instructions relating to them, for which they proposed to throw him overboard, but were prevented by the bishop and the elder Luttrell. The first was a prelate of distinguished18 piety19; the other was of an obliging disposition20, and always appeared to me to be a man of honor. Notwithstanding Maxwell's representations, the king permitted these gentlemen to return to Ireland. Tyrconnell consented to it, but he had reason to repent21 of it after."51 Such were the inauspicious signs, too plainly indicative of a divided interest, and such the difficulties that beset22 the deputy in this, perhaps, the greatest emergency of his country. But undeterred by the party intrigue23 of the hour, he addressed himself to the duty of his embassy with such tact24 and decision that he soon gained the ear of the French monarch, put the conduct of de Lausun before him in its proper light, propitiated25 the minister, counteracted26 the designs of the cabal28, and obtained the promise of an expedition to Ireland proportionate to the importance of the cause and the necessities of the crisis. This success being communicated to the council in Limerick, had the most favourable29 effect; hope and confidence were renewed among all classes of the people, and activity and courage were soon manifest in all ranks of the army.
On the other hand, the intrigue and party strife30 that prevailed at the court, and in the legislative31 councils of England, were of a nature, not less serious, than those which menaced the success of the Jacobite arms. Since the accession of William to the throne, two factions32 had been gradually maturing there, and at this time had reached the acme33 of party strife and hatred34. These, for convenience, may be termed the Dutch and English interest, which they respectively represented, while apart from both, and, perhaps, numerically as strong as either, stood the Jacobite party, watching the course of events, and determined to take advantage of their mutual35 animosity.
William, who looked to the elevation36 of Holland as a European power, and the humiliation37 of France as the primary objects of his life, had neglected his English partisans38, and raised his Dutch and foreign mercenaries to the highest civil and military offices of the State; and this lost him much of his prestige among the parliamentary leaders, while the people, who had begun to look calmly on the condition of their country, saw it, after all, but a conquered province of Holland. The invasion had succeeded, but their liberties were more circumscribed39: "Popery" was ignored, but prelacy was enslaved; the Parliament existed, but the people had no voice in its construction; the foreign legions revelled40 in the capital, but the English soldiers were disfranchised and conscripted for foreign service. The general discontent had become alarming, and to add to the growing disaffection, and give it point and purpose, the Princess Anne, the younger daughter of King James, being treated with studied neglect by both William and Mary, to whose elevation she had contributed by a plot unworthy of her station as a princess and her dignity as a wife, had become their bitterest enemy, and the recognized head of the English interest. To such a pitch had she carried her resentment41, that on William's return from Ireland, she had raised up an English champion to humble42 his pride, by eclipsing his military fame, and the person thus put forward was Lord Churchill, afterwards the renowned43 Duke of Marlborough. Owing to this, the return of William was not hailed by any of those popular manifestations44 that mark the return of a conqueror45 to his country. On the contrary, the ordinary gratulations, things of everyday occurrence, were but coldly accorded to him by the people;—his parliamentary partisans scarcely deigning46 the formal acknowledgments of success, while the opposition declared that the victory of the Boyne was overbalanced by the defeat at Athlone and Limerick, and that the result of his expedition was degrading to the British arms. He endeavored to remove this impression by representing to the Parliament, and causing to be reported on the continent, that the heavy rains which had fallen during the siege were the cause of its abandonment, although many then knew, what the Duke of Berwick afterwards affirmed, "that not a single drop of rain fell for above a month before, or for three weeks after that event."52 But the English party were not deceived by the device, the assertion gave point to their irony47, opposition became more bitter and clamorous48, and in order to humiliate49 him the more, it was proposed to send Marlborough,—"at his own request,"—to Ireland to redeem50 the disgrace by completing the reduction of the country. William, though knowing this to be a direct insult to himself and his foreign army, was obliged to acquiesce, for the conquest of Ireland was a matter of pressing necessity to both parties; each desiring it for the national safety, and yet each aspiring51 to that honor, as a means to the perpetuation52 of its power. The expedition was accordingly ordered; but, while Marlborough was making preparations for his departure, William sent the Duke of Wurtemberg to Ireland with secret orders to claim the command of the expedition on its arrival, by right of military precedence, and thus counteract27 the designs of his political enemies.
After the departure of the Luttrells and Purcell for France, and the restoration of harmony in the councils of the Irish Senate, Sarsfield and Berwick directed their attention to the military affairs of the nation, which were in a very disheartening condition. The defences of the city were repaired, the garrisons55 along the frontier were strengthened and reinforced, and detachments sent into the counties bordering on the Shannon, to co-operate with the Rapparees in levying56 contributions of corn and cattle for the support of the army. The sieges of Athlone and Limerick, following in such quick succession, had nearly exhausted57 all their military stores, and had the enemy chosen to make a rapid descent on the river fortresses58 immediately after the retreat of William, it is more than probable that the war would have been terminated by the close of 1690; for there remained but fifty barrels of powder within the city, "and there was not, in the whole country which remained under the control of the royal army, enough to double the quantity."53 But the indecision of the enemy, after the withdrawal60 of the Prince of Orange, enabled the Irish generals to anticipate events, and to distribute a supply of military stores, which soon after arrived from France. Early in September, with about 3,000 infantry61, seven battalions62 of cavalry63 and four field-pieces, they encamped at Banagher, a good strategic position, on the Shannon, about fourteen miles south of Athlone, resolved to take the offensive, in order to check the enemy, now extended from Clonmel to Enniskillen, and making stealthy approaches towards the frontier garrisons along that river. The town of Birr, in the King's County, about seven miles from their encampment, was the most advanced post of the enemy at this time, and the first to invite an attack. It was a place of much importance, as it threatened the passes of Banagher, Meelick, and Portumna; and being the principal depot64 of military stores and provisions for that district, its capture would have been of immense advantage to the army. Accordingly, on the 13th of September, Berwick appeared before the town, and had soon carried the outer works of the castle by which it was protected, but met with considerable delay from the inefficiency65 of his guns, which gave the enemy time to hasten up their reinforcements. In a short time General Kirke appeared with a regiment66 for its relief, but seeing the Irish cavalry drawn67 up on a hill overlooking the town, he retreated back to Roscrea, where he was joined by General Douglas, and with a force of 8,000 men and ten pieces of artillery68, appeared again on the 16th, as the garrison54 was on the point of capitulating. Upon this, Berwick withdrew his guns from the trenches69, and taking up a good position on the hills, about a mile from the town, he spent all that day and the next offering every inducement to battle, which the enemy as persistently70 declined,—each failed to draw the other from its chosen position. At last, on the third day, Berwick withdrew towards his camp, followed at a distance by the enemy, who advanced when he advanced, and halted when he halted, until his cavalry, making a detour71 of several miles, assailed72 their flanks, doing great execution, and putting their whole force in disorder74, when they retreated precipitately75, pursued up to their defences; and so the affair ended. A series of bitter skirmishes between the pickets76 of both armies succeeded this for a few days, when the enemy again moved towards Clonmel and Kilkenny, where there was a general muster77 to reinforce the Duke of Marlborough, who had effected a landing at Cork, and Berwick retired78 behind the Shannon to collect troops to oppose him; the garrisons at Birr and Banagher were withdrawn79 to their defences, but the Rapparees moved over the country at will, and harried80 it without fear of retaliation81.
On the 21st of September, Marlborough sailed up the harbor of Cork, effected a landing at Passage, without any serious opposition, and took up his march for the city, the men hauling the cannon82, he being unprovided with train-horses or cavalry. His force consisted of 8,000 infantry, six hundred marines, some ships of war, and a few transports; but being joined by the Duke of Wurtemberg and General Scravenmore with 4,000 infantry and nine hundred cavalry, his army was augmented83 to about 14,000 men, provided with all the essentials of a siege, and a co-operative fleet to assail73 the city from the water-side. On the 23d, he appeared before it in form; Wurtemberg, according to the secret orders of William, claiming precedence in command, and Marlborough demurring84, on the ground that he was specially85 commissioned for this campaign. A warm dispute arose, one insisting on the privilege of rank, and the other on delaying the siege, and referring the question back to the Parliament. This delay being likely to hazard the success of their arms, by giving the besieged86 time to strengthen their defences and get in supplies, a compromise was agreed upon, by which they were to assume the command alternately. Marlborough's turn came first, and he gave the word, "Wurtemberg," and in acknowledgment of this politeness, the latter, when his turn came, gave the word "Marlborough;" but notwithstanding this outward exchange of military compliments, their mutual jealousy87 continued without affecting the progress of their arms.
The city of Cork, situated88 in a valley surrounded by high hills, was defended by a few dilapidated outworks, all of which, excepting the Castle of Shandon, which overlooked it on the northern side, were abandoned as the enemy approached, the troops retiring into the principal fortress59, which stood on a low, marshy90 plain, between two branches of the river Lee, accessible only at low-water, but poorly supplied with artillery, and almost exhausted of provisions and military stores. The Castle, after repulsing91 an assault of the Danes, was also evacuated92, and its troops withdrawn into the inner fortress, against which the entire force of the enemy was now directed. Its garrison, after this junction93, amounted to 4,500 men—a force ample for a protracted94 resistance; but already on limited rations53, and there were only five barrels of gunpowder95 within its walls. By the loss of Shandon it was exposed on three sides to the fire of the enemy's land batteries, and on the fourth, to that of his ships, which could come within short range at tide-water.
On the approach of the enemy, the governor, Colonel McElligot, had received orders from the Duke of Berwick to demolish96 the fort, burn the city, and retire with his command into Kerry; but having disobeyed this mandate97, at the solicitation98 of the citizens, until too late, he determined to redeem his error by the gallantry of his defence, and hold out long enough to give Berwick time to hasten up succors100 to raise the siege. The enemy, having gained possession of the hills, opened a fierce cannonade on the city itself, and having levelled all the intervening houses, descended102 into the valley, opened on the citadel103, and after a most spirited resistance of two days, silenced its guns, and prepared to carry its works by storm. The assault could only be made at low-water, and once each day was there assault and repulse104, in one of which the Duke of Grafton54 was killed while leading his regiment across the marsh89. At length, after a desperate defence of twelve days, it surrendered on the 5th of October, on terms considered highly honorable; "but the ink with which the capitulation was signed, was not yet dry when it was violated in every particular." The Catholic people were stripped and driven from the city; the city itself was given to pillage105; the Earls of Tyrone and Clancarty were wounded and grossly outraged106 by the soldiers and the mob, and the prisoners subjected to indignities107 and cruelties, compared with which death would have been a refuge. They were pent up within a loathsome108 fen9, where, being denied food, they were necessitated109 to feed on putrid110 carrion111; more than half of them died within a fortnight, from the diseases it engendered112; one-half the remainder were murdered by order of one Captain Lauder, on the way to Clonmel, some time later; and of the survivors113, few ever returned to report the inhuman114 deed.55 Marlborough and his English army were even more barbarous than the Prince of Orange and his foreign mercenaries.
On the surrender of Cork, Marlborough turned his attention to Kinsale, which is about twelve miles distant by land, and sixteen by water, and which had, in the mean time, been invested by a portion of his land force and his navy. The town was defended by two forts—Castle Ny and St. Charles—named respectively the Old and New Forts; the former having a garrison of 450 men, and the latter one of 1,200; and both being better provided in guns and material than the fortress just surrendered. But the Old Fort had been blown up by accident on the 3d, causing the death of two hundred of its garrison and the capture of the remainder; so there was now but the New Fort to resist the united efforts of the army and navy of Marlborough. The defence, however, was a gallant99 one, and marked by deeds of great personal daring, both of the men and commandant; but, being cut off from succor101 both by land and sea, they capitulated on the 15th; being allowed to depart with their baggage and arms, and to join their countrymen at Limerick. As this fort was impervious115 to the enemy's cannon, and might have held out, while its provisions lasted, a suspicion of treachery attached to its governor, and it is intimated by more than one of our annalists that he must have been bribed117 by Marlborough, who was impatient of delay, as he had pledged himself before his departure from England to reduce both Cork and Kinsale within a month; but the accusation118 is not sufficiently119 authenticated120 by any, while it is liable to doubt, on the consideration, that a soldier base enough to accept a bribe116 would not have scrupled121 to turn over his command to the enemy, which might have been as easily accomplished122. The loss of life, with the exception of those blown up at Castle Ny, did not exceed four hundred on each side, but the Irish army lost heavily in prisoners at Cork, few of whom survived their subsequent sufferings; and the loss of those two maritime123 stations to their cause was incalculable.
The Duke of Berwick tells us that during the interval124, he had collected a force of about 8,000 men, and had got as far as Kilmallock, in the County Limerick, with the purpose of compelling Marlborough to raise the siege. But considering his force inadequate125, he contented126 himself with watching the enemy, and when the expedition was finished returned to his quarters. The indecision shown by Berwick at this juncture127, in view of his well-known valor128 and intrepidity129, would favor the impression that he was unwilling130 to appear in arms against his uncle, and his explanation would seem rather to fix than to remove it. Eight thousand men, in a friendly country, under the command of such generals as himself and Sarsfield, who was also there, against 14,000 investing two strong fortresses, and extended over a line of seven or eight miles, seem not inadequate, and might have created such a diversion as would have at least protracted the siege; and any disarrangement of Marlborough's plans would have placed him in a very critical position.
With the fall of Cork and Kinsale, the campaign of Marlborough may be said to have terminated; he remained but a few days more in the country, and after planning offensive measures against the counties of Cork and Kerry, to be conducted by Ginkle, he returned to England after an absence of five weeks, and received the congratulations of the people and Parliament, to the great annoyance131 of the Prince of Orange and his partisans. He was thenceforth the great popular idol132 of the nation, and was soon after started on that military career that has placed his name among the greatest of England's generals. After his departure, Ginkle pressed the war in the south with great vigor133. Scravenmore and Tettau, with a heavy force of infantry and cavalry, penetrated134 northward135 to Mallow, and, turning to the west, began to plunder136 and lay waste the country. But they were soon beset by organized bodies of farmers and Rapparees, and, by an assault, as vigorous as it was unexpected, were driven with great slaughter137 towards Bandon, where they were again furiously assailed by Colonel O'Driscoll, and, panic-stricken, fled back to their quarters.
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1
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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fen
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| n.沼泽，沼池 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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acme
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| n.顶点，极点 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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deigning
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的现在分词 ) | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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humiliate
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| v.使羞辱，使丢脸[同]disgrace | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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58
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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59
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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60
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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61
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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62
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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64
depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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68
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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69
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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71
detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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72
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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74
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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76
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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77
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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80
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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82
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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83
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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demurring
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的现在分词 ) | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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repulsing
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| v.击退( repulse的现在分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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demolish
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| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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101
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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102
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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103
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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104
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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105
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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107
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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108
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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109
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
putrid
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| adj.腐臭的；有毒的；已腐烂的；卑劣的 | |
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111
carrion
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| n.腐肉 | |
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112
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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114
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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115
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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116
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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117
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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118
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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119
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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120
authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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121
scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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123
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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124
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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125
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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126
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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127
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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128
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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129
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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130
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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131
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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132
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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133
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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134
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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135
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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136
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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137
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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