From its central position on the principal river of the country, Athlone, at any period of the war, was of the utmost importance to either belligerent2; its loss to the Irish cause was, at this particular crisis, a misfortune almost irreparable. It was the main link in that chain of fortresses3 which the Irish generals had early recommended as a base of operations, from which they could indefinitely prolong the war, and eventually roll back the tide of invasion. Their successful defence of it since the battle of the Boyne had tended to strengthen that belief, for, notwithstanding the incessant4 assaults of the enemy, not a link in the chain had been broken, and every attempt to sever5 it had resulted in his repulse6 or discomfiture7.
Well has the Shannon been termed the "principal feature of the island:" nay8 more! in a military sense it is the key to it. Though most of its principal garrisons9 are approachable by roads at all seasons; yet, by reason of its high winter floods, rising towards the beginning of October, and scarce ever receding11 until the end of May; with its islands and adjacent callow lands completely inundated12, it appears throughout its whole length a chain of extensive lakes, completely hiding its main channel, and greatly limiting the number of assailable13 points throughout the intervening period. The possession of Limerick, too, by the native army, deprived the invader14 of the advantage of any craft, save such as could be improvised15 in the interior, and against the action of cannon16 these were almost or totally unserviceable. There were, therefore, only five or six months of the year during which the invading army could prosecute17 a vigorous campaign along its environs, and with its garrisons in a proper state of defence, with the native army lying conveniently behind them, and the other three provinces open to its incursions at will, all the power of England alone were incompetent18 to the reduction of the country.
Deeply impressed with this conviction, the defence of Athlone had been tenacious19, and desperate even to recklessness.63 Other considerations, too, tended to heighten the importance of this siege. It was the opening event of the campaign; it was carried on under the eye of their new general, of whom fame had spoken so loudly, and above all, it was hoped that a successful result would remove all misgivings20 from the mind of the French monarch21 as to the wisdom of his advocacy, and prompt him to immediate22 and more effective intervention23. But the fall of Athlone at once dashed all these bright anticipations24. The mind of Louis, continually warped25 by the misrepresentations of de Lausen and Louvois, had from the beginning wavered on the sustenance26 of the war; the ill success of his generals had been hitherto attributed to the intractability of the native race; deceived by the subterfuge27, he adopted the accusation28, and would, it might now be inferred, refuse any further support to a cause whose fate was already foreshadowed. Nor could it be doubted that the error of St. Ruth, though too palpable for evasion29, would have its palliation, while the brave men whom his pride and arrogance30 had cheated out of assured victory, would again be the victims of covert31 calumny32.
It is no wonder, then, that the Irish soldiers felt the loss of Athlone with a grief bordering on despair, and the Irish officers with a rage strongly savoring33 of mutiny. To those it seemed as though they were to be perpetually the dupes of every adventurer in search of a reputation, and to these, that their dearest liberties weighed as nothing, and that their country was but as a diversion from the military chess-board of Europe, and they deemed the neglect of St. Ruth a crime scarce less detestable than covert treason. To all it was an overwhelming calamity35, opening at once to the tread of the invader the province which they had so long and so gallantly36 defended, and which until this day they could proudly claim as their country.
It is extremely painful, after the lapse37 of nearly two hundred years, to revive the weaker traits of St. Ruth's most singular character: for it would be far more congenial, in view of his subsequent career, to revive in him a bright reputation than a clouded one. He came to the country in good faith; he gave his life as an earnest of his sincerity38 in her behalf; and his ashes lie with those of her best and bravest on their last great battle-field for civil and religious liberty. That he planned it skilfully39 and fought it well, all admit; that it was lost only by the "special interposition of Providence40," is generally conceded. He was brave, intrepid41, and collected, in that moment which tries true heroism42, and his fate still awakens44 a sympathetic chord in the breast of every generous Irishman. It should be remembered, too, that his name was one of hatred45 to the French Huguenots of the time, who sold their services to every country at war with their lawful46 sovereign, and came to Ireland as the crusaders of that religious ascendency they failed to establish in their own. From them the English historians who have treated of this war, have taken their estimate of St. Ruth's character; and such of the Irish historians, too, as advocate "Protestant ascendency and the dependency of Ireland upon England." Deeply imbued47 with the hatred of French influence in the island, the dissertations48 of such chroniclers on individual character is persistently49 in accordance with that feeling. With them the character of Tyrconnell and St. Ruth are alike the subjects of bitter and unmeasured sarcasm50; that of the one, because he is said to have first advanced the theory of a French protectorate over the country; and that of the other, simply because he was the servant of their enemy, and a Frenchman; and so much, if not all of their testimony51 in this connection, may be regarded as either studied falsehood or gross exaggeration.
On the other hand, this policy of Tyrconnell is that which most endears his name to the Irish race, and wins it the general approbation52 of the native historian. And the wisdom of that policy has grown on them, age after age, until it has at last settled into a faith, that they are to be one day freed by the armed intervention of the enemy of their oppressor. This, too, may account in a great measure for the sympathy manifested by our native historians for the misfortunes of St. Ruth; for, in treating of him, the calamities53 consequent on his errors seem to be forgotten, and faults that, if committed by a native general, would call forth54 execrations, are touched so delicately, that one can scarce know which to applaud or to condemn55.
Yet, weighing all these, and many other extenuating56 causes, there still stands out testimony, abundant and reliable, that his errors were ruinous to Ireland, and that in him a great soul was clouded by a most inordinate57 vanity; that his conduct towards Sarsfield was unwise and untimely, alienating58 from him the heart of that devoted59 soldier, and destroying that mutual60 confidence so indispensable to success; that the position of Tyrconnell as commander-in-chief was a canker in his heart, and not as regarded military affairs only, but that he persistently denied him that courtesy and consideration due to his age, his services, and his position as deputy: but, above all, that through his folly61 he lost Athlone, and precipitated62 the country's fate, at a time when a strong hope pervaded63 every breast, when the army had reached a high standard of efficiency, and after he himself, exultant64 in its valor65, had pronounced it invincible66.
Resting his character on its antecedents at this particular juncture67, no special pleading could shield it from obloquy68. But following it to the end, and coupling his faults with the heroic efforts he made to redeem69 them, the heart, deeply touched by his vicissitude70, cannot restrain its sympathy; and that his memory can thus hold the heart divided between love and hatred, between disgust and admiration71, is still the great singularity of his character. At one moment it would seem that he held the cause he championed unworthy of his desert, and had concluded to let it go by default; while the next, he appears to be impressed with its importance, and is seen imparting hope and animation73 to all around him. Yet over all his arrogance and folly a native nobility of soul predominated, and well had it been for his fame, and for the country that holds his ashes, had some reverse of a less serious nature overtaken him at a period less critical in its history and in his.
But whatever were the foibles of St. Ruth, from his advent34 in the country to his retreat from Athlone, we have now to look on an entirely74 different character. There he had learned, though at a fearful cost, that his name had no fears for his potent75 adversary76; that deeds alone were to be the test of high emprise; and that his folly had narrowed down the campaign, and indeed the whole war, to the last resource of fallen heroes;—death or victory. With this feeling, all that was vainglorious77 in his character at once disappeared; the mist was removed from his mind, and it shone out to the end of his short career, as that of a true hero in adversity. Unlike his French predecessors78, he scorned to hide his faults behind the shield of calumny, he candidly79 acknowledged his error, and bitterly lamented80 it. He became courteous81 to his officers, affable to his soldiers, changed at once from the despot to the patriarch, and touched by his sorrows, as much as by their own calamity, they again rallied round him, and determined82 on a final throw for religion and liberty.
On the evening of the first of July he reached the town of Ballinasloe, about ten miles south-west of Athlone, crossed the river Suck into the County Galway, and drawing out his army along its western bank, determined to await the enemy and stake his cause on the issue of a pitched battle. Here the ruinous effects of his late reverse became painfully apparent. The army that a few weeks before had marched from Limerick twenty-three thousand strong, buoyant in hope and spirit, was now reduced to less than fifteen thousand men. The cavalry83 was still powerful and efficient, having suffered little during the interval, but out of nearly nineteen thousand infantry84 he mustered85 somewhat less than eleven thousand, and the morale86 of the men had also deteriorated87.64 Still, his determination was fixed88, and his spirit rose, even as his difficulties multiplied. In order to remove the disadvantages of divided command, Tyrconnell now resigned his position as commander-in-chief, but determined to lend all his influence and power to recruit the army and follow its fortunes to the end. This self-sacrifice on the part of the viceroy produced a reconciliation89 quite beneficial to the cause, and satisfactory to the general, but the feeling between himself and Sarsfield, never cordial, now bordered on mutual hatred, deepening to the last, and at the last was fatal.
Being now invested with entire military control, St. Ruth caused the garrisons of the Upper Shannon to be dismantled90, drew in his outposts, and made speedy requisitions for men and munitions91. Jamestown and Lanesborough were at once abandoned; Shannon Bridge, Banagher, and Portumna were each reduced to a nominal93 garrison10; Galway sent a regiment94, and Limerick all that could be spared from its defences, which were few, for the enemy had still ten thousand regulars, and a strong force of militia95 in Munster, and a desultory96 warfare97, fierce and incessant, raged throughout the counties of Cork98 and Kerry, down to the vicinity of Limerick. A requisition for troops was also made on the Pretender, Balldearg, now holding court between Tuam and Athunree, surrounded by a force variously estimated at between eight and ten thousand. But this redoubtable99 chief would neither furnish the required levy100, nor make any movement to discomfort101 the enemy; preserving at once his masterly inactivity and his worthless person.
With his scouts102 and pickets103 well advanced towards Athlone, St. Ruth established his quarters in Ballinasloe, to await his reinforcements, and to give his troops that rest so necessary after the toils104 and privations of the last month.—That Galway was Ginckle's objective point scarcely admitted of a doubt; but then there were other routes to it, as practicable, though not so direct, as that on which St. Ruth had taken up his position, and he determined to hazard no further movement while the intentions of his adversary remained a matter of conjecture105. Here, then, we will leave him to the duties now imperative106: to recruit and resuscitate107 his army, and restore that spirit and discipline so necessary to the coming event, and return to take note of what was transpiring108 in the English camp.
Ginckle betrayed no undue109 haste in following up his adversary; although his previous movements were indicative of a persistency110 scarce admitting of a moment's cessation. Athlone being once in his possession, he determined to make it his base of operations against the remaining province, and to hazard no advance until he saw it in a proper state of defence.—With his army drawn111 up on the ruins of the Irish town, he awaited the disappearance112 of St. Ruth, and when no longer apprehensive113 of renewed hostilities114, he withdrew it again across the river to its encampment. The burial of his dead claimed his earliest attention, and this day being the anniversary of The Boyne, the evening witnessed its first celebration in all the pomp and circumstance of war. Bonfires blazed on the adjacent hill-tops; the names of William and Mary were duly glorified115, and peals116 of musketry and salvos of artillery117 continuing far into the night, "proclaimed their conquest to the vanquished118 Shannon." His sick and wounded were next sent to Dublin and placed under the care of the most eminent119 army surgeons, while all that could contribute to the comfort of the hale, became subject of immediate requisition. On the 2nd, Paymaster Robinson arrived at the camp with several "cart-loads" of specie, and the whole army received full arrear120 of pay, and further promises of reward and booty, while pressing demands were made on the Lords-Justices for reinforcements to fill up its ranks to the regular standard. After this day, magazines, stores of ammunition121, food, provender122, and liquors began to arrive hourly, and one-half the army, divided into relief parties, were vigorously at work clearing away the débris of the siege; repairing breaches123, raising ramparts, while reinforcements, now pouring in from all available posts, were placed in their allotted124 regiments125 and subjected to hasty and rigorous discipline. The garrisons left in their rear, and those along the Shannon, which had been abandoned by the Irish, were manned with native militia, and four of St. Ruth's cannon were mounted on carriages and added to his already enormous train of artillery.
On the 4th, as the works approached completion, he sent out a party under one Higgins, "a converted priest," and a native of that locality, to reconnoitre the Irish position; but, being attacked by a picket-guard in the wood of Clonoult, fifteen of them killed, four taken prisoners, the rest escaping with their worthy72 leader, who was himself "sadly wounded." At length, on the evening of the 6th, orders were issued to the army to be ready at dawn next morning in marching order, and with fifteen rounds of ammunition to a man; and, on the morning, the whole army crossed the river and drew out beyond the town, where they again went into encampment to await Ginckle's final preparations.
The Dublin commissioners126 had not yet taken cognizance of the situation, and, as usual, after such events, were preparing another of those parchment manifestoes, which, under a specious128 verbiage129, were meant to delude130 the people, and to affect their cause as fatally as bomb or bullet. It was a proclamation of amnesty, and began with:—"Since it hath pleased Almighty131 God," &c., &c.—It offered pardon to all private soldiers;—with pay for their horses and furniture,—who within three weeks would surrender themselves to the commander-in-chief; and to colonels who would surrender their regiments, and to governors who would surrender their garrisons within the same period; and to such of the inhabitants of Limerick and Galway, in particular, as would be instrumental in delivering up said places, pardon and possession of their estates,—"where it could be done;" and that all such soldiers, captains, colonels, governors, etc., should be received into their Majesties132' service and pay; and that "as soon as their Majesties' affairs would permit," a Parliament would be called, when they would endeavor to secure their protection from "religious persecution," etc.—It praised the mildness of the English Government,—as the proclamations of to-day do,—denounced the tyranny of France,—another favorite theme.—It was given at the Castle of Dublin, July 7th, 1691, signed by Porter and Coningsby, and ended with—"God save the King and Queen."
With this was issued, by way of supplement, an address from Ginckle himself; more brief and more pertinent133, offering rewards to deserters from the royal army, who would renounce134 their allegiance, and take service under his standard. To soldiers serving without pay, as those of the Irish army had been for several months, this twofold inducement of amnesty and reward was a terrible temptation; but it had little or no effect. The defection caused by St. Ruth's misconduct before Athlone had already done its worst, and the desertion rather tended to O'Donnell behind them, than to Ginckle in their front. Others, preferring a middle course, had joined the Rapparees, and the rest, true to their antecedents, resolved to retrieve135 their cause in the field, or depart the country forever.
Of the manifesto127 of the Lords-Justices, it may be finally said, that had it been meant in good faith, it would have won for them a very fair claim to justice and humanity. But when it is known that all their proffers136 were illusory, and that their subsequent conduct was cruel beyond description; that the lands to which they had promised reinstatement had already been sequestrated beyond redemption; that the plighted137 faith of themselves, the general, and their sacred Majesties were wantonly violated; and that a hundred years of more than barbaric cruelty elapsed after their "Majesties had found it convenient to convene138 a Parliament;"—the character of all—Lords-Justices, general, and "Sacred Majesties"—is too infamous139 for a single epithet140.
On the same day that those proclamations were issued, Captain Villers returned from a reconnoissance, and reported St. Ruth as still holding the passes of the river Suck, and apparently141 determined to dispute them. But it being deemed advisable to give these missives time for the desired effect, a further postponement142 of action was the consequence, and the interval was spent in endeavoring to repress the excesses of the army. All religious exhortations143 having failed, a stringent144 military code was adopted. This held forth at once the severest punishment for crime, and the most liberal promises of booty and reward to the men, and of "lands and livings" to the officers. This comported145 so strangely with the "amnesty," etc., of the Lords-Justices, as to render it entirely nugatory146, by exposing their covert hypocrisy147 in the same breath in which their manifesto was announced.
The morning of the 9th dawned bright and sultry, but towards noon the unusual drought of the last month was broken by a violent tornado148. Trees were uprooted149, houses levelled; several men and horses were struck dead by lightning; and the march of the army was suspended until the morning of the 10th; when, having left Colonel Lloyd with his own, and half of the Douglas's regiment in command of the town, Ginckle advanced as far as Kilcashel, seven miles farther westward150, and encamped for the night. Taking a strong escort of cavalry, he advanced towards Ballinasloe, and found that St. Ruth had decamped from his position. Crossing the river and advancing to the hills of Dunloe, he ascertained151 that St. Ruth was still in the vicinity, for his outguards were seen hovering152 along the hills of Garbally, and retiring slowly as he advanced without offering any opposition153. Continuing still to advance, he at length beheld154 the whole Irish army drawn out in line of battle upon an opposite hill, when, after a close inspection155, he ordered a map of the ground to be prepared, and returned to the camp; when the Irish pickets again advanced, and occupied the hills along the western bank of the river. From Kilcashel he advanced to Ballinasloe the next day, and halted opposite the ground lately occupied by the royal army, where he summoned a council and submitted the result of his reconnoissance for the consideration of his generals.
Deeply impressed with the importance of St. Ruth's position, this council had serious misgivings as to the wisdom of pressing an engagement while he occupied it, and the necessity of adopting a more circuitous156 route was urged. But the majority considering that they had advanced so far that they could not recede157 without danger and disgrace, a forward movement was adopted, and the plan of battle finally arranged. It was, however, determined not to disturb their present encampment, lest the movement should be attended with a reverse, but to leave two regiments under Colonel Foulke for its protection, and that none should be allowed to proceed any farther, save such as bore arms. Ammunition was then distributed, the pioneers and grenadiers were ordered to the heads of their respective regiments, and it was arranged that the whole army should cross the river at daybreak, and be formed in array of battle by six o'clock, on ground already selected about a mile beyond it. The soldiers revelled158, yet rested on their arms throughout the night, while the generals matured their plan, and the pass-word was—"Dublin."
St. Ruth remained several days on the river Suck, in a state of uncertainty159 as to whether Ginckle would advance directly on him, or, by taking a north-westerly route to Galway, induce him from the ground of his own selection. While there his army was also recruited by detachments from all the available garrisons still under his control; and he soon found himself again at the head of an army of 20,000 men. This force, according to the most reliable estimates, consisted of 16,000 foot of all arms and 4,000 horse; and the artillery, which had been greatly reduced by the reverse at Athlone, was now but nine brass160 field-pieces. Of this army, it may be said that the soldiers and officers of the subordinate rank were almost exclusively of the old Celtic race of the island, while the division and regimental commands were held by men of the same race, and by descendants of the Palesmen who had remained faithful to their king and country; and that at this time all, with hardly an exception, were of the Roman Catholic faith.
Having waited until Ginckle's design was clearly indicated, he decamped on the evening of the 9th,65 and retiring still farther westward, halted at the village of Aughrim, and as if he had already selected his ground, pointed161 to the hill of Kilcommodon, and announced that there he was determined to die or retrieve his fallen fortune.
From its marked inferiority in numbers and ordnance162, the Irish army here, as at the Boyne, was compelled to act strictly163 on the defensive164, and few places in that section of country were better adapted to this purpose than that which St. Ruth had now selected.
The hill of Kilcommodon, now known as the field of Aughrim, is about three miles south-west of Ballinasloe, and is the most considerable of an irregular chain of hills extending from the western bank of the river Suck for a distance of several miles in the direction of Galway. Its position is such, that if a straight line be drawn from Drogheda, on the east of the island, to Galway on the west, none of those memorable165 battle-fields in its history—Drogheda, The Boyne, Athlone, Athunree, or Galway—will deviate166 more than a mile from it, while most of them will be directly under it; and Aughrim adds still another link to that long chain of classic associations. Notwithstanding the many changes that time has wrought167 since the period under consideration, the hill and the country around it look still as sad and gloomy as the thoughts they impart, and few of the old race ever pass that way without uncovering the head and offering a fervent168 prayer—for, together with being the last battle-field for religion and liberty, which is sufficient in itself to awaken43 a melancholy169 interest, it is also remembered by them as the field of their unburied dead.
The hill from north to south is about a mile in length, and has nowhere an elevation170 of more than four hundred feet. Near its southern extremity171 stood the church of Kilcommodon and the house of Urrachree,66 the latter the more eastward172 and the more prominent feature in the events then pending173; and at its northern extremity the village of Aughrim, and a castle of the same name, which, during the Cromwellian war, had been dismantled and untenanted. From its ridge92 to its base it was considerably174 less than half a mile of very gradual descent, and from the house of Urrachree to the Castle of Aughrim, along the middle of this declivity175, nearly a mile and a half. Along its eastern base it was traversed by intersecting hedgerows, dividing its lower half into small fields of meadow and tillage; but from these up to its crest176 it was bleak177, arid178, and heath-covered. Outside of the hedges, and nearly parallel to them, extended a belt of marshy180 ground, of irregular width, scarcely exceeding a furlong at any point, through the middle of which flowed a small stream, irrigating181 it from end to end, losing itself in a large bog182 which lay on the north, and rendering183 the marsh179 difficult to infantry and impractical184 to cavalry. This marsh covered about two-thirds of the face of the hill, and lay closer up to Aughrim than to Urrachree, while outside of it the north-eastern side of the hill was further protected by a strip of moorland lying close to a bog, which protected it on the north and north-west. The road from Ballinasloe ran straight up to this moor185, and diverged186 abruptly187; one branch of it winding188 round by Urrachree, and on to Loughrea; and the other, running between the Castle of Aughrim and the northern base of Kilcommodon, led on to Kilconel, Athunree, and Galway. That by Urrachree ran all the way through firm upland; and excepting the confluents of the stream that watered the marsh, the hill on that side presented no more than ordinary obstacles to an advancing foe189; but that which led to Aughrim offered considerable impediments from the manner of its formation. It lay through a common between the moor and the bog; narrow at its eastern side, and gradually expanding into an esplanade, or field, of four or five acres, and narrowing again, in its immediate approach to the castle, until it became passable for only three or four horsemen abreast190.67—In fine, it may be said that, from the centre to the extreme right, this hill was no more than ordinarily defensible; but from that point round to the extreme left, it was well isolated191, and, with little trouble, could have been rendered impregnable; at least to cavalry.
On this hill St. Ruth drew up his army, and encamped along its ridge; selecting as the site of his own tent one of two Danish raths that stood near its summit, and which commanded a view, not only of the hill itself, but of the country for several miles around it. On the morning of the 10th he formed his line of battle; his right resting on Urrachree, his left towards Aughrim, and his centre on its mid-slope between his camp and the hedgerows. Each division consisted of two front and two rear lines; the former of infantry, and the latter of cavalry; and in this position, with banners displayed and pickets well advanced to the river, he was observed by Ginckle during his reconnoissance on the same evening, and this he maintained until the morning of the 12th, to indicate to his enemy that he accepted and awaited the battle.
Such was St. Ruth's disposition192, and such the ground which he had selected to countervail the vast superiority of his enemy in men and resources; and how far his skill contributed to that result now demands a passing notice. The hedges which wound along the base of the hill were in themselves no unimportant feature of defence for his infantry. But as some regiments of these were hastily raised levies193, he had them also adapted to the offensive action of his cavalry, on which, from its well-established reputation, he had been led to place most reliance. They were accordingly opened at proper intervals194, so as to admit of flanking and direct charges, both of infantry and cavalry, against such bodies of the enemy as should succeed in crossing the marsh and penetrating195 beyond any of these successive lines; and this disposition embraced the whole of his centre, and portions of his right and left. In the squares formed by these hedges his musketeers were to be stationed, while above them, in the direction of his camp, squadrons of his choicest cavalry stood opposite to each direct intersection196, while the remainder of the hill, from these up to the camp, was cleared from all obstructions197 to the deploying198 of succors199 to either wing of battle. For the defence of the Castle of Aughrim and the pass which approached it, which were on his extreme left, he selected two regiments of musketeers and foot dragoons, and placed a battery of two pieces on an elevation between the castle and Kilcommodon, so directed as to rake the pass all the way between the esplanade and the grounds around the castle. On the side of Urrachree, where the country was open, and the hedges more broken and diversified201, he ran additional connecting trenches202, and placed some companies of musketeers in the house and its outer walls, which stood considerably in advance of his main line on that side. The seven pieces of artillery which remained, after detaching two for the defence of the pass at Aughrim, were disposed in the following manner: On the north-eastern face of Kilcommodon, almost over against the castle, was constructed a battery of three pieces, so directed as to throw a raking fire across the pass itself, a portion of the marsh, and the esplanade beyond it, to prevent the enemy's enlarging there; and the remaining four pieces were placed on his inner right, and directed over a portion of the marsh and the road leading up to Urrachree. But before his centre there were no cannon whatever; either because he deemed it less necessary, or that he wished to invite the enemy's infantry to cross, where he was sure to break them by repeated cavalry charges, and overwhelm them by his more agile203 infantry while recrossing the marsh in disorder204. His line being quite an extended one for the number of troops under his control, he had no reserve of infantry, but a choice body of cavalry was held behind the north-western side of Kilcommodon, out of view of the enemy, within convenient support of his right, and actually but a rear line of his left, and extreme left at Aughrim.
As the battle of Aughrim, together with deciding the fate of Ireland and the dynasty of the House of Stuart, had also an indirect bearing, of scarcely secondary import, on the military affairs of the continent, it has been a subject of much more critical comment than that ordinarily bestowed205 on military events; and the historians of each successive period, down to the present, have visited the disposition of St. Ruth's army with praise or animadversion, each, no doubt, in accordance with his own peculiar206 views of what should or should not have been done by a general. While all approve the selection of the ground, as manifesting a keen perception of what a defensive position should be, nearly all censure207 some one or other of the arrangements made for its defence. His design of letting the enemy cross at his centre and beating them afterwards; the placing of his cavalry reserve so far from his right; and his neglect of the Pass of Aughrim, which was by nature so defensible; have been the subject of severe criticism, and the whole plan, or that of allowing the enemy to cross at any point, has been compared by the Duke of Berwick, to a similar error of the celebrated208 Marshal Crequi, which had been attended by a great disaster. But as the cavalry reserve had not been needed on the right during the action, and as all the enemy's forces which crossed at the centre had been successfully repulsed209, the testimony of the duke, who was not on the ground, and of all who sustained that view, may be dismissed without comment. But what does really seem defective210 in his plan of defence, was the neglect of the Pass of Aughrim, which could have been rendered, with little labor211, impregnable to either infantry or cavalry; and in view of his very inferior artillery, this omission212 seems totally irreconcilable213, excepting on the ground that he believed the force left for its defence entirely adequate, as indeed they should have been, had they looked in time to their appointments.
Of the ground, also, it may be said that subsequent writers have attached more importance to it than it really deserved. Whatever features the hand of time may have defaced, it could never have been more than ordinarily defensible, excepting on its northern extremity, where it is still hemmed214 round by an extensive bog. Its advantages are thus briefly215 summed up in one sentence by the English chaplain: "Here we had a view of their whole army, posted as before described, by which posture216 they had the advantage by at least 1,000 men"68—no unusual advantage in the selected site of a battle-field.
Of the generals who commanded the respective divisions of St. Ruth's army, or of the regiments that constituted them, little can be established from contemporary or subsequent historians, beyond this:—That Colonel Walter Burke and his brother, Colonel David Burke, held the Castle of Aughrim and its defences; that Lord Bophin, Brigadier Henry Luttrell, Colonels Simon Luttrell, and Ulick Burke commanded on the left; that Major-Generals Dorrington, H. M. J. O'Neil, Brigadier Gordon O'Neil, Colonels Felix O'Neil, and Anthony Hamilton, held the centre; and that Lords Kilmallock, Galmoy, Galway, Clare, and Colonel James Talbot commanded on the right. And judging from the positions held by those leaders respectively, and the regiments they indicate, it may be inferred that the Munster troops were on the right, the Leinster and Ulster troops in the centre, and that those of Connaught held the left and its surroundings.
In addition to those division and regimental commanders, the marshalling of the entire infantry was deputed to General William Mansfield Barker, and that of the cavalry to Major-General John Hamilton;69 and the whole was commanded by the Marquis de St. Ruth and Lieutenant-General Sarsfield,70 aided by Generals d'Usson and de Tessé, and other officers of established reputation.
Having completed his arrangements, and allotted every division its service, St. Ruth drew up his army and reviewed it in front of its encampment. Then, in an eloquent217 and animated218 address, he set before all the great issues dependent on the coming battle. He reminded them that, unlike the mercenary army of the Prince of Orange, they were about to contend for all that man holds dear, and for all that exalts219 and ennobles the profession of arms—their homes and kindred; their country and its altars. The duty of allegiance to their king who had staked his crown to free them from an odious220 religious bondage221, and the certainty of immediate and adequate succor200 from his own sovereign, should their arms be crowned with success, were set before them in language calculated to awaken loyalty222 and enkindle enthusiasm. His own services in the cause of religion were alluded223 to as an earnest of that sincerity in their cause which tended to awaken sympathy and establish confidence, and his troubles, and even his errors, since he came to the country, were reviewed with an earnest ingenuousness224 that removed all traces of discontent and restored general harmony. This address was delivered in the French language, and interpreted to the soldiers by their officers and chaplains in their native tongue, till every eye kindled225 with devotion, and every bosom226 glowed in the hope of anticipated victory. Then exhorting227 them to prepare themselves by those religious observances that should distinguish the Christian228 soldier, he retired229 to his tent to digest the thoughts that labored230 in his mind, and to shape them to purpose and to action.
The eve of battle had come:—that hour which best attunes231 the soldier's heart to sympathy and devotion; and many associations contributed to render that one more than usually impressive. It was at once the season of full moon and perpetual twilight232, and the sultry glare of day was succeeded by that chastened yet abundant radiance that at once soothes233 and spiritualizes; and, above all, it was the Sabbath eve, which more than any other awakens the sacred memories of love, home, and kindred.—The crest of Kilcommodon, studded from end to end with the white tents of the soldiers, stood out in its isolation234 like a city of silver, while the castles of Urrachree and Aughrim on the front, and the churches of Kilcommodon and Kilconel in the rear, seemed as sentinels of the place, and carried back the mind to the ages of faith and chivalry235. Nor was the scene passing throughout the encampment less characteristic of the time and the event.—From sunset until the hours that precede the dawn, the chaplains of the army knew no repose236: the voice of prayer arose on all hands, and the soldiers approached the confessional to prepare for the great sacrifice of the Mass, by which the human ordeal237 of the morrow was to be inaugurated. Towards morning heavy clouds obscured the moon, and darkness deepened over hill and valley, until all became as drear and dismal238 as it had before been full of grandeur239 and celestial240 loveliness:—nothing was heard but the challenge of the sentinels on their rounds, and the occasional neigh of the war-horse; and nothing seen but the distant watch-fires where the pickets on the eastern hills kept watch above the camp of the enemy.
How commendable241 is the spirit of religion on such occasions! History, sacred and profane242, delights to record this manifestation243 of the divinity in man. The Israelites never joined battle without offering sacrifice, and even the pagan nations always propitiated244 their gods on the eve of battle. And yet we find this instance of it in the Irish people made a subject of the lowest ribaldry, even by the reverend historian of William's army. Without, however, entering on a disquisition as to the efficacy of prayer, or what providence, or good or evil directs the destiny of nations, a precedent245 in point may not be considered inappropriate.
The battle of Hastings was to England what that of Aughrim was to Ireland. Each established a new dynasty, and each accomplished246 the subjugation247 of the native race. That of the Saxon was but the work of a day; that of the Irish was an incessant warfare of centuries. The one was the extinction248 of Thanes and Heptarchs; the other of chieftains and princes.—And there were still other traces of similarity.
At Hastings, the Saxons revelled while the Normans prayed. At Aughrim, the Irish prayed while the English revelled. Yet the same historians who appreciate the devotion of the Norman, and indicate its efficacy, make it a subject of ridicule249 in the Irish, and couple it with defeat. Providence and faith are often too lightly used to link a defective argument, or to round a happy period. Few will now deny that the Saxons were a more virtuous250 people than their Norman conquerors251, or that the Irish were not much more so than the heterogeneous252 mass that followed the Prince of Orange. If the Saxons bent253 to the yoke254 of a conquering race, and prospered255 under it, let them glory in their wisdom and servility; but that the Celtic race, through every vicissitude, spurned256 it, hated the connection, and have still an undying faith in their ability to sever it, constitute, it is believed, a truer nobility of character.
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1
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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2
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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sever
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| v.切开，割开；断绝，中断 | |
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6
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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7
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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11
receding
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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12
inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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assailable
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| adj.可攻击的，易攻击的 | |
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14
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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15
improvised
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| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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16
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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19
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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21
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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24
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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25
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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26
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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27
subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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28
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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29
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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30
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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31
covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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32
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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33
savoring
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的现在分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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34
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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35
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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36
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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37
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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38
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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39
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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40
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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41
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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42
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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43
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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44
awakens
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的第三人称单数 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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45
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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46
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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47
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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48
dissertations
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| 专题论文，学位论文( dissertation的名词复数 ) | |
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49
persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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50
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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51
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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52
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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53
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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54
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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55
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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56
extenuating
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| adj.使减轻的，情有可原的v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的现在分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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57
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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58
alienating
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| v.使疏远( alienate的现在分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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59
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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60
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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61
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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62
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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63
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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65
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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66
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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67
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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68
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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69
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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70
vicissitude
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| n.变化，变迁，荣枯，盛衰 | |
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71
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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72
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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73
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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74
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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75
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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76
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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78
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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80
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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82
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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83
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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84
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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85
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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86
morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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87
deteriorated
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| 恶化，变坏( deteriorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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91
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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92
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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101
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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102
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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toils
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| 网 | |
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105
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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106
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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107
resuscitate
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| v.使复活，使苏醒 | |
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108
transpiring
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的现在分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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109
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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110
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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111
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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112
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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113
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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114
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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115
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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116
peals
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| n.（声音大而持续或重复的）洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 )；隆隆声；洪亮的钟声；钟乐v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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117
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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118
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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119
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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120
arrear
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| n.欠款 | |
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121
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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122
provender
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| n.刍草；秣料 | |
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123
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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124
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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126
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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127
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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128
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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129
verbiage
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| n.冗词；冗长 | |
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130
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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131
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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132
majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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133
pertinent
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| adj.恰当的；贴切的；中肯的；有关的；相干的 | |
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134
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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135
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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136
proffers
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
plighted
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| vt.保证，约定（plight的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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138
convene
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| v.集合，召集，召唤，聚集，集合 | |
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139
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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140
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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141
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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142
postponement
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| n.推迟 | |
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143
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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144
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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145
comported
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| v.表现( comport的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
nugatory
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| adj.琐碎的，无价值的 | |
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147
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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148
tornado
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| n.飓风，龙卷风 | |
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149
uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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150
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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151
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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153
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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154
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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155
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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156
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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157
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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158
revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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159
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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160
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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161
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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162
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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163
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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164
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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165
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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166
deviate
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| v.(from)背离，偏离 | |
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167
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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168
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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169
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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170
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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171
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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172
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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173
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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174
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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175
declivity
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| n.下坡，倾斜面 | |
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176
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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177
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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178
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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179
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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180
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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181
irrigating
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| 灌溉( irrigate的现在分词 )； 冲洗（伤口） | |
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182
bog
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| n.沼泽；室...陷入泥淖 | |
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183
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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184
impractical
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| adj.不现实的，不实用的，不切实际的 | |
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185
moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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186
diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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187
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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188
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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189
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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190
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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191
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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192
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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193
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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194
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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195
penetrating
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|
| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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196
intersection
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| n.交集，十字路口，交叉点；[计算机] 交集 | |
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197
obstructions
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| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
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198
deploying
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的现在分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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199
succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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200
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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201
diversified
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| adj.多样化的，多种经营的v.使多样化，多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 )；进入新的商业领域 | |
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202
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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203
agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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204
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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205
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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207
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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208
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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209
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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210
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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211
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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212
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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213
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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214
hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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215
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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216
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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217
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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218
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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219
exalts
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| 赞扬( exalt的第三人称单数 )； 歌颂； 提升； 提拔 | |
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220
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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221
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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222
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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223
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224
ingenuousness
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| n.率直；正直；老实 | |
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225
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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226
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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227
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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228
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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229
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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230
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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231
attunes
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| v.使协调( attune的第三人称单数 )；调音 | |
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232
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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233
soothes
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| v.安慰( soothe的第三人称单数 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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234
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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235
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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236
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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237
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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238
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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239
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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240
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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241
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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242
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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243
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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244
propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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245
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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246
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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247
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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248
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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249
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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250
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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251
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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252
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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253
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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254
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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255
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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256
spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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