If there was ill-feeling ashore4 between the English and the Portuguese5, and the English and Dutch, so all was not ever as happy as wedding bells in the English ships. One June day in 1608, during this third voyage, a violent enmity had broken out between Anthony Hippon, master of the Dragon, and his mate, William Tavernour. Someone endeavoured to get them to make up their quarrel, but Hippon was obdurate6, and “was heartened forward in his malice7 against the said Tavernour by Matthew Mullynex the master of the Hector.”
And there is a further letter, dated 4th December 1608, which was sent by another of the Company’s servants named James Hearne, which again calls attention to the Dragon’s want of sails, the ship then being at Bantam. There was no canvas procurable8 out there, “therefore,” he suggests, “one hundred pound more or less, would not be lost in laying it out in spare canvas in such a voyage as this.” And then he concludes his letter with a postscript9, which shows that the life of a factor in the Company’s service ashore out in the East was not a lucrative10 occupation. “That it may please your worships,” he petitions, “to consider me somewhat in my wages, for I have served 2 years already at ￡4 a month, and in this place I am in, my charge will be greater than otherwise.”
We have already alluded11 to the setting forth12 of the sixth expedition under Sir Henry Middleton in 1607. Middleton was instructed to proceed to the west coast of India with the intention of obtaining from Surat Indian calicoes which would find a ready sale at Bantam and the Moluccas. Having set forth from England in the year 1610, he arrived at Aden,93 where he left the Peppercorn, and then with his flag in the Trade’s Increase sailed for Mocha, which is at the southern end of the Red Sea. No English vessel13 had yet thrust her bows into this sea, though the Portuguese had been there even during the previous century. And here the Trade’s Increase, which had received such an ovation14 when she was first launched at the Deptford yard, was to begin the first of her serious mishaps15. Like many another ship that came after her, famous for unprecedented16 size, she was destined17 to be unlucky.
She was making for Mocha with the assistance of native pilots when she had the misfortune to get badly aground. She was a clumsy, unhandy ship, and it was natural enough that the natives who had been accustomed only to their smaller craft might get her into trouble. The incident occurred in November 1610, and the following account sent home by one who was on board her at the time may be taken as representative of the facts. “About five a clocke,” runs the account, “in luffing in beeing much wind, we split our maine toppe sayle, and putting abroad our mizen, it split likewise: our Pilots brought our shippe a ground upon a banke of sand, the wind blowing hard, and the Sea somewhat high, which made us all doubt her coming off ... we did what we could to lighten our ship, sending some goods a-land and some aboard the Darling ... we land as well our Wheat-meale, Vinegar, Sea-coles, Pitch and Tarre, with our unbuilt Pinnasse, and other provisions which came next hand, or in the way, as well as Tinne, Lead, Iron, and other merchandise to be sould, and staved neare all our water.” The reference to the “unbuilt pinnasse” is ex94plained by the fact that it was the custom of the Elizabethan and later voyagers to take out from home the necessary timber and planks18 and to build the little craft on board as they proceeded. This kept the men occupied and was a saving in wages, besides not involving the risk of losing such a craft before the end of the voyage was being approached. Such a top-heavy, cumbrous vessel as the Trade’s Increase would need very careful “nursing” in a squall to prevent her from capsizing, and it is perfectly19 clear that the sudden luffing up into the wind to ease her was too much for the canvas that had already been considerably20 worn and chafed21 during the voyage across the Equator and round the Cape22 of Good Hope up to the Gulf23 of Aden.
After some anxious hours the ship was eventually got afloat again, but Middleton was taken prisoner by the Arabs. For a long while he was compelled to endure his captivity24, but was eventually released and sailed for Surat, where he arrived with his ships on 26th September 1611, a great deal of valuable time having been lost. Here again he was unlucky, for a Portuguese squadron of seven ships was waiting outside. The Portuguese were now so indignant and jealous of the English interlopers that they were resolved to resist them to the utmost: otherwise it was obvious that the hard-won wealth of the East would before long slip right away. All the inspiration and enthusiasm of Prince Henry the Navigator, all the heroic voyages of the first Portuguese navigators to the East, all the capital which had been expended25 in building and fitting out their expensive caracks would assuredly be thrown into the sea unless the aggressive Englishmen, who had penetrated95 their secrets, were to be thwarted26 now with determination. The Portuguese were expecting Middleton’s arrival, for they had already heard of his being in the Red Sea, and now they were in sufficient and overwhelming strength to oppose him: for besides the big ships outside, there were nearly twice as many smaller craft waiting inside the bar. The Portuguese contention27 was that they alone had the right to trade with Surat: the English were not wanted and had no justification28 to be there at all.
Middleton’s position was that he had come out from the King of England bearing a letter and presents to the Great Mogul to put on a firm footing that trade which Englishmen had already inaugurated, and that India was open to all nations who wished to trade with her. But, of course, Middleton did not know at the time the incident which has already been mentioned in connection with Hawkins and the Great Mogul. When, however, the news presently reached him, it was to modify his plans entirely29: there could be no good object attained30 in endeavouring to establish trade against the opposition31 of the Mogul and the Portuguese. The natives were clearly under the thumb of the Portuguese, and, however willing they might have been, no trade with them was possible.
So, after taking Hawkins on board, together with the Englishmen who had been left at Surat, a council was held and ultimately it was decided32 to return to the Red Sea so that he could there trade with the ships from India, since to deal with them in their own country was not practicable. This decision was carried out, and whether the traders liked it or not they were compelled to barter33 the goods which96 Middleton required to take farther eastwards34 to the Indian Archipelago as previously35 indicated. But meanwhile there had set out from England another expedition, consisting of the three ships Clove36, Thomas and Hector, under the command of Captain Saris, bound for the Red Sea, having previously obtained a firman, or decree, from Constantinople which would grant him and his merchants kindly37 treatment in the neighbourhood of Mocha and Aden. But on arriving at Socotra, Saris found a letter from Middleton giving warning of the treacherous38 treatment to expect. In spite of this, however, Saris found that the firman was respected, but eventually deemed it prudent39 to make for the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, where he met Middleton and agreed with him to engage in privateering the ships of India. If you had questioned these English seamen40 they would have replied unhesitatingly that they were merely engaged in trade by barter, and that as they had been prevented by circumstances from carrying on this direct with the Indian continent they had no other opportunity than to do it at sea. They had been sent out by the English Company to get the cloths and calicoes to exchange farther east and they were merely fulfilling their instructions. But in plain language there was little difference between this and robbery, or, at the best, compulsory41 sale at the buyer’s own price.
THE HONOURABLE42 EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP “BRIDGEWATER” ENTERING MADRAS ROADS UNDER JURY-RIG AFTER ENCOUNTERING GALES43 OF WIND.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)
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But when all this “trading” was finished and the Trade’s Increase went to Malay Archipelago, she was to bring to a tragic44 end her short and adventurous45 career. Middleton had gone ahead in the Peppercorn, and the Trade’s Increase had been ordered to follow after. Unfortunately she needed97 some repairs to her hull46. It was customary before an East Indiaman left the East on her homeward voyage for the sheathing47 outside to be attended to, in order that she might make as fast a passage home as possible. But there were no dry docks out there, and very few anywhere, even in England or Holland. The practice, which lasted well into the nineteenth century, was to careen a ship if she required any attention below the water-line—her seams caulked48, or her bottom tarred. This was done in the case of the Trade’s Increase whilst she was at Bantam, where her sheathing was being seen to. But she fell over on to her side and became a total loss. One contemporary account states that whilst the repairs were being done “all her men died in the careening of her,” and that then some Javanese were hired to do the job, but five hundred of these “died in the worke before they could sheath one side: so that they could hire no more men, and therefore were inforced to leave her imperfect, where shee was sunke in the Sea, and after set on fire by the Javans.” This was towards the end of the year 1613. Another contemporary account states that she was laid up in the ooze49, and was set on fire from stem to stern, having been previously fired twice, at the supposed instigation of a renegade Spaniard, “which is turned Moor50.” She blazed away during the whole of one night, and her wreck51 was eventually sold for 1050 reales. When Sir Henry Middleton heard the news of the loss of his famous flagship, the pride of all the seas, he was so heart-broken that he died. Thus both admiral and flagship had perished: it had been a calamitous52 voyage.
As for Captain Saris, he had sailed to Japan in98 order to establish a factory. Notwithstanding the opposition of the Dutch, who were as jealous of his arrival in the Far East as the Portuguese had been in India, the Emperor received him favourably53 and the seeds were sown for future trade with England which, to change the metaphor54, were to prepare the way for the adoption55 of Western ideas by the Japanese during the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. Strictly56 speaking, Japan and China have nothing to do with India. But historically, so far as our present subject is concerned, they are to an extent bound together. Not merely did these first captains of the English East India Company sail thither57, but, as the reader will see further on in this volume, a great deal of trade was done with those parts by the Company’s servants: and at least one interesting engagement took place on sea near by, in which the Company’s merchant ships distinguished58 themselves.
Notwithstanding the sad loss of the costly59 Trade’s Increase, Middleton’s voyage had yielded to the Company a profit of 121 per cent. Captain Saris’s voyage had done even better still, earning 218 per cent.; but, as we have shown, this was not all earned by legitimate60 trade.
The journal of Captain Nicholas Downton of the homeward voyage of the Peppercorn (which you will remember had been built at the Deptford yard and went out in company with the Trade’s Increase) shows the kind of hardships which our sailors had to endure whilst earning such handsome profits for their owners. With thankful hearts this craft started back from Bantam, though it was to be no pleasant voyage. On getting under way Downton saluted61 the admiral by way of farewell. “I gave him 599 shot,” he writes, “having no more pieces out nor ports uncaulked”—that is to say, he had prepared his ship for sea, having run inboard most of his guns and caulked up the ports. The ship had previously had her sheathing attended to, and all the stores were aboard. The meat was kept in casks, while the bread and corn were kept in a “tight room” in order to avoid the ravages62 of the cacara—“a most devouring63 worm,” as Downton quaintly64 calls it, “with which this ship doth abound65 to our great disturbance66.” The drinking-water to the extent of twenty-six tons had also been brought aboard, where it was kept in casks. But as these were decayed, weak, rotten and leaky the crew were bound to suffer before they reached home. He did his best to make her what he calls “a pridie ship”—that is, a trim ship—but though this was her first homeward voyage she leaked like a basket through the trenail holes in the stern, owing to the negligence67 of the wicked Deptford carpenters, who had scamped their work. The result was that there were soon twenty inches of water “on our lower orlop.” Certainly the Company’s yard had not earned much real credit for the way they had designed and built the Peppercorn and the Trade’s Increase.
And so this leaky, crank, badly built ship came fighting her way along over the trackless ocean, a continuous source of anxiety to her commander. Troubles often enough come not singly, and the Peppercorn was another unlucky ship. By sheer carelessness she and all hands barely escaped ending all things by fire at sea. “At noon,” says Downton, “our ship came afire by the cook his negligence, o’erguzzled with drink, digged a hole through the100 brick back of the furnace and gave the fire passage to the ship’s side, which led to much trouble besides spoil to our ship.” The punctuation68 of this sentence needs no modification69 to show the short, sharp impressions jotted70 down by a choleric71 captain. The name of this “o’erguzzled” cook was Richard Hancock, and no doubt he had so undermined his health with drink, or had been so severely72 punished by his commander that he could not long survive, for he died shortly after one day at noon and was buried at sea.
But he was not the only careless member of the ship’s company. At least one of the watch-keeping officers was just as bad in his own sphere. “The 27th at 2 after noon we were suddenly taken short with a gust73 from the SE, which by neglect of the principal of the watch not setting in time, not only put us to much present trouble but also split us two topsails at once, and blew a third clean away.” The following month on the eleventh the Peppercorn was at midnight overwhelmed by heavy squalls which “split our main bonnet74 and fore3 course, whereby we were forced to lie a try with mainsail, the sea very violent, we mending our sail.”
The meaning of this may not be quite apparent to those unfamiliar75 with the ships of those days. The “bonnet” was an additional piece of canvas laced on to the foot of these square-sails. It had been long in use by the ships of the Vikings and the English craft of the Middle Ages, and continued to be used during the Tudor period and the seventeenth century. Even in the twentieth century it is not quite obsolete76, and is still used on the Norfolk wherries and on some of the North Sea fishing101 vessels77. It was such a canvas as certainly ought to have been taken in quickly if the Peppercorn was likely to be struck by a heavy squall, being essentially78 a fine-weather addition. And whenever it was unlaced the equivalent was obtained of putting a reef in the sail. To “lie a try” was a well-known expression used by the Elizabethan seamen and their successors: it meant simply what we mean to-day when we speak of heaving-to. The ship would just forge ahead very slowly under her mainsail only, being under command but making good weather of the violent sea of which Downton speaks, and allowing most of the hands to get busy with the sails, which had to be sent down and repaired.
They had barely begun to resume their voyage when, on the thirteenth of the month, the Peppercorn broke her main truss—that is to say, the rope which kept the yard of the mainsail at its centre to the mast. The main halyards also carried away and again the main bonnet was split, but this time the mainsail as well. The “main course,” says Downton, “rent out of the bolt rope”—that is to say, blew right away from the rope to which it is sewn—and so they were, owing to “want of fit sail to carry, forced to lie a hull,” which means that they had to heave-to again. Meanwhile the Peppercorn was still leaking away merrily. “This day again,” reads an entry in the journal a little later on, “by the labouring of the ship and beating of her bows in a head sea, whereby we found in the powder room in the fore part on the lower orlop, 20 or 24 inches water, which have so spoiled, wet and stained divers79 barrels, so that of 20 barrels of powder I do not now expect to find serviceable 2 barrels, besides all our match and102 divers other things.” It would therefore have gone ill with the Peppercorn if she had fallen in with a big, powerful Spanish ship on the high seas ready to blaze away at her.
It took thirty-six hours to get these sails repaired and new ropes spliced80. This mending became in fact the rule rather than the exception. “Our daily employment either mending of our poor old sails daily broken, or making new with such poor stuff as we have.” There can be no doubt whatever that these ships were sent to sea with all too few stores to allow of accident. We have already seen that additional canvas could not be obtained in the East, except with the indulgence of some Dutch captain, who would naturally charge the English the full value of a new sail, and a bit more. One wonders, indeed, how often those London merchants realised how dearly these big percentages had been bought—how only the dogged determination of the captains and masters, the sufferings of the crews in the leaky, ill-found ships could provide fortunes and luxuries for those who stayed at home in ease. However, little though they knew it at the time, it was these ill-faring mariners81 who were really building up the foundations of England’s Eastern wealth and her Eastern Empire. Human lives in those harsh days were rated low enough, and a poor, common sailor was not slobbered over. He was merely one of the meshes82 of the big net cast into the sea to bring in large spoil to the financiers of that time. But it has always been thus, and the more long-suffering the seaman83 has shown himself, the more courageous84 and patient he has been, the more he has been treated with contumely by those very persons who have103 obtained all that they possess through his achievements.
It cannot be supposed that these seventeenth-century Indiamen were on the whole happy ships. The captains feared mutiny all the time, and the men were compelled to live and work under trying conditions which were enough to break the spirit of any landsman. Downton’s journal shows this all too well. Take the following entries, which are sufficiently85 expressive:—
“July 2. Mr Abraham Lawes conceives he is poisoned for that his stomach falls away, and he hath often inclination86 to vomit87, for he saith he was so at Venice, when he was formerly88 poisoned.”
Three days later Thomas Browning died, and on 27th July comes this entry:
“This day Mr Lawes died and is opened by the surgeon who took good note of his inward parts which was set down by the surgeon and divers witnesses to that note.” Similarly on 21st August: “Men daily fall down into great weakness”; and, again, four days later: “Edw. Watts89, carpenter, died at midnight.” Under the twenty-ninth of the same month we find the following entry:—“Stormy weather, dry, the night past Thomas Dickorie died. Most of my people in a weak estate.” The last day of the month we read that “John Ashbe died by an imposthume at 7 o’clock after noon,” and other members of the ship’s company continued to die almost daily. An “imposthume,” by the way, is an abscess.
But the Peppercorn, though she had long since crossed the line, and was even now beyond the Bay of Biscay, was destined to suffer ill luck right to the end of her voyage. She ought, of course, to have104 rounded Ushant and then squared away up the English Channel. But as a fact Downton got right out of his reckoning. He rather imagined that his reckoning was wrong and suspected “all the instruments by which we observed the variation by.” The result was that he got farther to the north than he expected. He therefore ran right across the western mouth of the English Channel without sighting anything, so that eventually he found himself between Wales and Ireland—miles and miles out of his course. All too late he realised the mistake, so determined90 to put in to the nearest port. He thought of Milford, but as the Peppercorn would not fetch thither, he decided to run for Waterford in Ireland. He ran down to the coast, but when off the entrance a thick fog enshrouded the land, so he had to put out to sea once more, being able eventually to run into Waterford river when a more favourable91 opportunity presented itself. He had got his ship safe back into the Narrow Seas, but he had arrived a long way short of the River Thames and the port of London, and it would mean the wasting of further delay before the Peppercorn’s rich cargo92 could be sold in the metropolis93. But with what success this voyage concluded to the stock-holders we have already seen.
THE “HALSEWELL,” EAST INDIAMAN.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)
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Apropos94 of this voyage there is still preserved a letter written by Downton “aboard the Peppercorn to the Right Worshipful the Indian Company in Philpot Lane, September 15, 1613,” in which this captain asks for “3 cables and other cordage of divers sizes, a set of sails, sail needles and twine95, and some Hamburrough lines for sounding lines.” With regard to the bad land-fall which Downton made coming home, there can be no doubt that he had reason to suspect those crude, inaccurate105 navigation instruments to which we have already called attention. In addition, of course, the early seventeenth-century charts bristled96 with errors. As for Eastern waters, the English skippers were much indebted to the charts which the Dutchmen had made for themselves, the Dutch at this time being the best cartographers in the world. There is at least one instance of a navigator of one of the English East India Company’s ships “finding it to be truely laid down in Plat or Draught97 made by Jan Janson Mole98, a Hollander, which he gave to Master Hippon, and he to the Companie.” To this knowledge received by the Company were added the “plots” (i.e. charts) which their own masters of ships brought home at the end of every voyage, amended99 and added to as their experience dictated100. We have already seen that it was compulsory for the master of every East Indiaman to deliver to the Governor of the English East India Company four copies of his journal and other “worthy” observations of his voyage within ten days of his arrival back in the Thames. The information thus derived101 was systematised, and as time went on and the voyages became more numerous still there was thus accumulated a number of invaluable102 sailing directions which were to be condensed into “Rules for our East India Navigations” by the famous John Davis of Limehouse, who had himself made no less than five voyages. The East India Company thus not only built its own ships at its own dockyard, victualled them from its own stores, but conducted its own hydrography department. It was therefore positively103 unique in its monopolies and self-dependence. England has never had any corporation like it: and it is pretty certain it never will.
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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fore
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| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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procurable
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| adj.可得到的，得手的 | |
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postscript
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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mishaps
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| n.轻微的事故，小的意外( mishap的名词复数 ) | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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opposition
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decided
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barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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eastwards
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previously
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clove
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| n.丁香味 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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treacherous
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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sheathing
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| n.覆盖物，罩子v.将（刀、剑等）插入鞘( sheathe的现在分词 )；包，覆盖 | |
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caulked
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| v.堵（船的）缝( caulk的过去式和过去分词 )；泥…的缝；填塞；使不漏水 | |
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49
ooze
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| n.软泥，渗出物；vi.渗出，泄漏；vt.慢慢渗出，流露 | |
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50
moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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51
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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52
calamitous
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| adj.灾难的，悲惨的；多灾多难；惨重 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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54
metaphor
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| n.隐喻，暗喻 | |
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55
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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57
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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58
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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quaintly
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| adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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punctuation
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| n.标点符号，标点法 | |
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modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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jotted
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| v.匆忙记下( jot的过去式和过去分词 )；草草记下，匆匆记下 | |
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choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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gust
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| n.阵风，突然一阵（雨、烟等），（感情的）迸发 | |
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bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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unfamiliar
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| adj.陌生的，不熟悉的 | |
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obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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80
spliced
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| adj.（针织品）加固的n.叠接v.绞接( splice的过去式和过去分词 )；捻接（两段绳子）；胶接；粘接（胶片、磁带等） | |
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mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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meshes
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| 网孔( mesh的名词复数 )； 网状物； 陷阱； 困境 | |
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seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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87
vomit
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| v.呕吐，作呕；n.呕吐物，吐出物 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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watts
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| （电力计量单位）瓦，瓦特( watt的名词复数 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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93
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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apropos
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| adv.恰好地；adj.恰当的；关于 | |
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95
twine
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| v.搓，织，编饰；（使）缠绕 | |
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96
bristled
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| adj. 直立的，多刺毛的 动词bristle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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98
mole
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| n.胎块；痣；克分子 | |
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99
Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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100
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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101
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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102
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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103
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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