The first of these was the continued insults by the press-gangs, and the consequent inconvenience to the East India Company and the great danger to their ships and cargoes6. The second worry was the ever-present possibility during the long-drawn-out wars of losing also ships and goods by attack from the enemy’s men-of-war. In both respects the position was not easy of solution. On the one hand, it was obvious that the Company’s trade was likely to139 be crippled; but, on the other, the Government must come first in both matters. The navy was in dire7 need of men. All that it had were not enough. Men who had been convicted and sentenced for smuggling—some of the finest sailors in the country—were shipped on board to fight for the land that gave them birth. All sorts of rough characters were rounded up ashore8 and sent afloat by the press-gangs, but even then the warships9 needed more.
Now the crews of these eighteenth-century East Indiamen were such skilled seamen10, so hardened to the work of a full-rigged ship, so accustomed to fighting pirates, privateers and even the enemy’s men-of-war, that it was no wonder the Admiralty in their dilemma11 overstepped the bounds and shipped them whenever they could be got. A favourite custom was to lie in wait for the homeward-bound East Indiamen, and when these fine ships had dropped anchor off Portsmouth, in the Downs, or even on their way up the Thames, they would be boarded and relieved of some of their crew: to such an extent, sometimes, that the ship could not be properly worked. I have carefully examined a large number of original manuscripts which passed between the Admiralty and the East India Company of the eighteenth century, and there runs through the period a continuous vein13 of complaint from the latter to the former, but there was very little remedy and the Company had to put up with the nuisance.
On the 21st of December 1710, for instance, the Company’s secretary, Thomas Woolley, sends a letter from the directors complaining to the Admiralty of the press-gang actually invading East India House, Leadenhall Street, one day during the140 same month, “on a pretence14 of searching for seamen.” As a matter of fact the press-gang had come to carry off the most capable of the Company’s crews, who happened to be present at that time. Very strongly the Company wrote complaints to the Admiralty that the press-gangs would board the East Indiamen lying off Spithead (bound for London) and take out all the able-bodied seamen they could lay their hands on. These men had to go whether they liked it or not, and the Company’s officers were indignant but powerless. But it added injury to insult that the press-gangs replaced the picked men taken out by “such as have been either unskilful in their duty or careless and refractory15 in the performance of it,” as one of the letters remarks. The Company therefore begged that no man might be taken out until the East Indiamen should arrive at their moorings, or at least till they came into the London river: for, they pointed16 out, the ships had very valuable cargoes on board, and this seizing of men exposed them to very great danger, it being often impossible to replace the men taken out.
THE PRESS GANG AT WORK.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)
When the Company’s ships at length reached the Thames, the directors would often send down hoys to meet them and to bring the goods up to London, where they could be placed on view in the warehouses17 to show the buyers before the sale opened. But the naval19 authorities had given the crews of these hoys such a fright that they refused to go even down towards the mouth of the river, fearing that the press-warrants, which were out, would be put into execution and they themselves would be sent to serve in the warships. These hoys were fore-and-aft-rigged vessels20 of about 40 or 50 tons, the crew con141sisting of a skipper and two men. Such craft were sloops—that is to say, practically cutters, the only difference being purely21 technical and legal—and were built for the purpose of carrying passengers and goods from one place to another along the coast or up estuaries22, where ordinary lighters23 were not able to be taken with convenience or safety. The Margate hoy, for instance, was very well known to Londoners at this time.
But the need for naval seamen was so urgent, consequent on the wars, that the Admiralty had to go to even further extremities24. They actually sent to sea a press smack25 with a naval officer on board, and this craft would cruise up and down the English Channel. On one occasion Captain Mawson of the Company’s ship Cardonell, homeward bound, was followed all the way from Portsmouth to the Downs by such a smack. And when the bigger ship brought up off Deal, Lieutenant26 Hutchinson, R.N., came aboard and used his best endeavours to take away every one of the Cardonell’s crew, with the exception only of the ship’s officers. The skipper of the merchantman naturally resented this very strongly, but offered to let Mr Hutchinson have most of his men provided the naval officer would supply him with others to take their place so that the ship might be safely brought to her moorings in the Thames. But it was no good. Hutchinson absolutely declined to make a compromise, and according to Mawson’s account behaved very rudely and, not content with the able seamen, carried off also the Cardonell’s second mate.
The only way in which this annoyance27 and danger could be overcome was for the Admiralty to issue142 what were known as “protections.” The holder28 of a protection was thus made immune from arrest by a press-gang. It was a document which gave the name of the man, his age, stature29, stated whether he wore a wig30 or his own hair, and other particulars of identification. No man with this authorisation could be forced into his Majesty’s service, but it was valid31 only for three months or the period written thereon. There is preserved an original protection certificate in the archives of the Public Record Office, and it is a quaint32 document which must have been very keenly appreciated by its eighteenth-century owner. On the other hand, when the East India Company had lost some of their seamen by desertion, they would petition the Admiralty to allow naval men to be lent.
Every student of history is aware of the unfortunate friction33 which existed at this time between the officers of the Royal Navy and the officers of the Mercantile Marine34. Happily in the present century this slow-dying spirit is almost extinct. In my volume, “King’s Cutters and Smugglers,” I showed what altercations35 used to arise, what petty jealousies36 existed between the officers of the Revenue cutters and those of his Majesty’s navy. The captains and officers of the East India Company were often indebted to the protection and assistance of naval officers, but the latter were often overbearing in the exercise of their duties, and despised any seaman37 who was not in the King’s navy. On the other hand, the East Indiamen’s officers most heartily38 disliked these gentlemen, and the insults from the press-gangs were too poignant39 to be forgotten easily.
As an instance, let us refer to the 14th of August143 1734, when the East India Company complained to the Admiralty of what seems certainly a very high-handed action. It appears that the Company’s ship, the Duke of Lorrain, had arrived in the Downs on the previous Sunday, and her master, Captain Christopher Wilson, sent in a very indignant report to the Court of Directors to the effect that “the men of war at the Nore treated him more like an enemy than a Merchant Ship coming into Port in such weather as he had, it being very bad, they firing near Twenty Shott at his Ship, some of which came among the Rigging, might have been of dangerous consequence to the Ship, and to the Company who had a Cargo5 on board to the Value of Two hundred thousand Pounds. This action being what the Company did not expect from any of the Men of War, as the Captain of the Duke of Lorrain has assured the Court that he lowered his sails, and did what was safe to be done, they have commanded me to signify the same to you,” continued the Company’s letter to the Admiralty, “that so the Right Honourable40 the Lords of the Admiralty may be inform’d thereof.”
But if the East India Company thought it necessary sometimes to complain of the treatment at the hands of the Admiralty the former were none the less glad to have the assistance and protection of the navy in the time of war. There is a voluminous correspondence still preserved in which the Company write to the Admiralty asking for convoys42 of the East Indiamen both outward and inward bound. The French were very much on the qui vive, but unless the regular income of the East India Company were for the present to be stopped, and the144 entire Anglo-Indian trade suspended, the Company’s ships must go on their way. This could be done only with the assistance of his Majesty’s ships. In order to deal with this matter there was a special department of the Company designated the Secret Committee, which communicated with the Admiralty as to where the East Indian merchant fleet were to rendezvous43 and the convoy41 join them, the confidential44 signals to be employed, and so on. The following letter sent by the Company to the Admiralty on 12th December 1740 is typical:—
“Secrett Committee of the United East India Company do humbly45 represent to your Lordships That they do expect a considerable fleet of ships richly laden46 will return from the East Indies the next summer and do therefore earnestly beseech47 your Lordships That three or four of His Majesty’s ships of good force may be appointed to look out for and convoy them safe to England.”
These convoys took the East Indiamen sometimes even from the Thames down Channel as far as Spithead. Sometimes they picked the latter up only at the Downs, escorting them for several hundred miles away from the English coast out into the Atlantic. These merchantmen were similarly met at St Helena and escorted home, the men-of-war being victualled for a period of two months. Even if an East Indiaman were able to arrive singly and run into the Hamoaze (Plymouth Sound) on her way home, having successfully eluded48 hostile ships roving off the mouth of the English Channel, it was deemed advisable for her to wait at Plymouth until she could be escorted by the next man-of-war bound eastward145 to the Thames. There were plenty of French privateersmen lurking49 about the Channel, and, at any rate about the year 1716, there were also Swedish privateers on the prowl in the same sea ready to fall upon any East Indiaman going in or out of the Downs.
One notorious Swede of this occupation was La Providence50, of 26 guns. She was commanded by Captain North Cross. The latter was an Englishman who had been tried and sentenced to death for some crime, but he had succeeded in making his escape from Newgate, and had fled the country. He had crossed the North Sea and had obtained from Sweden letters of marque to rove about as a privateer. His crew were a rough crowd of desperate fellows of many nations, and this ship was very fond of lying in Calais roads ready to get under way and slip across the English Channel so soon as an outward-bound East Indiaman was known to be in the Downs. Now, in the month of November 1717, the skipper of La Providence was lying in his usual roadstead, and tidings came to him concerning one of the Company’s ships then in the Downs.
The privateer was kept fully12 informed by means of those fine seamen, but doubtful characters, who lived at Deal. They were some of the toughest and most determined52 men, who stopped at nothing. For generations the men of Deal had been the most notorious smugglers of the south-east corner of England: and that was saying a great deal. They were a brave, fearless class of men, but brutal53 of nature and always ready to get to windward of the law, if ever a chance presented itself. They handled their open luggers with a wonderful dexterity54, for which their successors are even yet famous. But146 they were lawless to their finger-tips. So on the present occasion when the East Indiaman was in the Downs, one of these Deal men sailed his little craft across the strong tides of Dover Straits and brought the information to the privateer. The messenger asserted that the East Indiaman had nearly ￡60,000 on board in cash, so Cross got under way, averring55 that he would get this amount or “Loose his Life in the Attempt.” Whether he succeeded in his attempt I regret I am unable to say. As far as was practicable these East Indiamen were wont56, in those strenuous57 times, to wait for a convoy, but there were times when they could not afford to wait till one of his Majesty’s ships was at liberty. On those occasions the ships would wait till they numbered a small squadron, and then voyaging together would resolve to run all risks. There is on record the case of a French squadron consisting of a “64” and two frigates58 arriving off the island of St Helena, where the East Indiamen were wont to call. The Frenchmen had come here in order to fall upon the homeward-bound fleet who would soon be seen. But the longboatB of one of these merchantmen was fitted out, and under the command of a midshipman succeeded in getting to windward of the Frenchmen unperceived and was able to give the approaching English ships warning of the danger that awaited them. Six of the Company’s fleet fell in with the enemy and kept up a running fight for several days, until they anchored in All Saints’ Bay. Here the French blockaded them, but it was to no purpose, for these merchantmen succeeded in escaping and reaching England in safety.
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The Royal Navy assisted the Company’s ships in quite another manner as well. Often enough after enduring heavy weather in the Bay of Biscay or English Channel these East Indiamen would put into Plymouth and obtain permission from the Admiralty to obtain from the latter’s stores a new bowsprit, a new mast, or other spar, the Company of course paying for the expense. The royal dockyard also on the Medway was similarly found of great service, as, for instance, early in the eighteenth century, when the Company’s ship Hannover had the misfortune to run on to a sandbank whilst going down the Thames to the Downs. The ship thus suffered damage and was not in a fit condition to proceed to the East. Permission was asked and obtained for her to be taken into Sheerness, where the naval authorities could admit her into dry dock, warehouse18 her cargo, supply materials and repair the injuries that had been made.
So also on another occasion, in September 1720, the East Indiaman Goodfellow was lying at Gravesend outward bound. It was discovered at the last moment that unfortunately all the beer on board was spoilt, and since there was no time “to detain her till more can be brew’d,” the Company’s directors had to request the Admiralty victualling office to furnish the ship with 12 tons of beer at the Company’s expense. But the naval officials were not always so obliging as this. Towards the end of the year 1721 the East Indiaman C?sar, outward bound for Mocha, had the misfortune to damage by friction one of her cablesC owing to the latter getting foul60 of the wreck61 of the Carlisle. Those were the days when 148 cables were still made of hemp62, and were always liable, except when special steps were taken, to injury when rubbing along foul ground. As she lay in the Downs, the C?sar’s master, Captain Mabbott, asked the naval storekeeper at Deal if he would spare him a new cable in case another storm should spring up. Mabbott was by no means pleased when the storekeeper replied very properly that inasmuch as he had received no orders to oblige merchant ships in that manner, he was not able to comply with the request. However matters were eventually set right by the Company obtaining the Admiralty’s permission.
A voyage in an East Indiaman of those days was often full of adventure. After proceeding63 from the Downs the ship cleared the western mouth of the English Channel and then steered64 “W and to WSW.” It took three months to reach the Cape51 of Good Hope, and even then it was not too far south to fall in with French men-of-war. After calling at Spithead outward bound they were wont to sail through the Needles passage. The seamen were probably better situated65 in these East Indiamen than in any other merchant ship, but they were not allowed a soft time. They were kept at it with setting and stowing of canvas, spreading stuns’ls in fair weather or taking in upper canvas in heavy gales66. There were plenty of guns on board to be served, so drill formed no small part of their duties. A seaman went on board with his sea-chest and his bedding, and in those rough, hard-swearing days, long before ever the sailor had his trade union, he was treated with no light hand. There is an instance of the way slackness was wont to be punished on board the East149 Indiaman Greenwich. This particular occurrence belongs to the year 1719 and happened when the watch had been called. As some of the men did not turn out as smartly as they ought, the boatswain took out his knife and cut down their hammocks, to their great discomfort67 and indignation. So infuriated in fact were the crew that they declined to go on the next voyage until the boatswain had been discharged.
Some idea of the kind of vessels which the Company were hiring for their service about the year 1730 may be gathered from the following list, which has been taken direct from the original official documents:—
Name of Ship Commander Tons Men Guns
Devonshire Lawrence Prince 470 94 30
Prince Augustus Francis Gostlin 495 99 36
Lyell Charles Small 470 94 30
Princess of Wales Thomas Gilbert 460 92 30
Middlesex John Pelly 430 86 30
Mary Thomas Holden 490 98 34
Derby William Fitzhugh 480 96 32
London Robert Bootle 490 98 34
Dawsonne Francis Steward68 480 96 32
Craggs Caleb Grantham 380 76 26
Bridgwater Edward Williamson 400 80 28
Prince William William Beresford 480 96 30
Lethieullier John Shepheard 470 94 30
Hartford Francis Nelly 460 92 30
Macclesfield Robert Hudson 450 90 30
C?sar William Mabbott 440 88 30
Harrison Samuel Martin 460 92 30
Walpole Charles Boddam 495 99 32
Frances John Lawson 420 84 30
Duke of Cumberland Benjamin Braund 480 96 30
George George Pitt 480 96 30
Aislabie William Birch 400 80 26
Stretham George Westcott 470 94 30
Ockham William Jobson 480 96 30
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It will be noticed that not one of these is really a big ship and that while the average is somewhere between 400 and 500 tons, yet not one exceeds 495 tons. The directors settled the size of ship required and the owners saw that it was supplied. The size of the crews will be seen to be very large, but this is explained not only because wages were low in those days and safety was a dominating factor—allowing plenty of men in each watch for handling sail—but because each ship carried about thirty guns, and though both broadsides would not be fired at once, yet even half those guns would necessitate69 a good number of the crew. At various dates during the eighteenth century, when the country needed ships, the Admiralty commissioned a number of these East Indiamen and also gave commissions in the Royal Navy to their commanders.
Those were the days, too, when merchantmen frequently obtained letters of marque for acting70 against the ships of a nation with which our country was at war. During the year 1739 Britain declared war against Spain, and so one comes across a document of that year in which the directors of “The United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the East Indies”—for this was the official style of the East India Company at that time—petition for “Letters of Marque or General Reprizals against Spain.” The request is made on behalf of their ship, Royal Guardian71, 490 tons, 98 men and 30 guns; and for other vessels of their fleet. These were duly granted, and such stout72, well-armed craft were able to render an excellent account of themselves against the foe73. They were necessarily built of great strength, they carried so many guns, their151 crews were such seasoned men, and their commanders such determined fellows, that they formed really a most valuable reserve to the Royal Navy. They were not individually a match for the biggest of the enemy’s battleships, but none the less they were equal to any frigate59 and of far greater utility to the King’s service than any merchant liner would proportionately be to-day in the time of war.
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1
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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grudged
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| 怀恨（grudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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warships
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| 军舰，战舰( warship的名词复数 )； 舰只 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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warehouse
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| n.仓库；vt.存入仓库 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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estuaries
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| （江河入海的）河口，河口湾( estuary的名词复数 ) | |
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lighters
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| n.打火机，点火器( lighter的名词复数 ) | |
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extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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smack
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| vt.拍，打，掴；咂嘴；vi.含有…意味；n.拍 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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wig
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| n.假发 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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altercations
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| n.争辩，争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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averring
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| v.断言( aver的现在分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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57
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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58
frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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59
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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60
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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61
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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62
hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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63
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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64
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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65
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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66
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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67
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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68
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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69
necessitate
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| v.使成为必要，需要 | |
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70
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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71
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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