For a time he cruised about the seas robbing whatsoever7 ships he could, but was eventually chased by an English frigate8 as far north as the Equator: and from there he later on came south and proceeded to the Bay of Bengal to obtain provisions. His ship was of 200 tons, with only two guns and twenty-six men. This should be noted9, because it shows how much inferior as a fighting unit she was to any Indiaman. Nevertheless whilst off the Bengal coast he fell in with the East Indiaman Pagoda10,317 which was armed with twenty-six 12-pounders and had a crew of a hundred and fifty men. With this disparity in strength it was obvious that Lafitte could only hope for victory by employing artifice11. So he man?uvred as if he were a pilot for the Ganges ready at his station cruising about. The Pagoda came along and was quite taken in by this trickery, and, to cut the story short, when it was all too late to get out of the trap, the East Indiaman found Lafitte’s ship alongside, and the pirate, together with his men, suddenly leapt on board the merchant ship, overcame every opposition12 and very speedily captured the ship. And it was this same pirate who at a later date became skipper of that notorious Confiance of which we have had need to speak in this volume.
We pass over the intervening period until we come to the year 1807, when we find Lafitte during the month of October still on the prowl. Off the Sand Heads he fell in with the East Indiaman Queen, a vessel5 of about 800 tons, a crew of nearly four hundred, and carrying forty guns. She was such a fine ship that this Frenchman determined to become her owner. Compared with the pirate the Queen, with her tall masts and high freeboard, her guns and crew, seemed absurdly superior to the smaller vessel. But Lafitte was as plucky13 as he was adventurous14, and this apparent inequality only added zest15 to his plans. As the two ships were getting nearer and nearer, he exhorted16 his men with that wild, almost fanatical enthusiasm which was usually an electrifying17 force to a band of desperadoes, and then having man?uvred his ship with no little cleverness, brought her alongside the Indiaman. Just as he did318 this the English vessel greeted him with a broadside, but the Frenchman was expecting this, and ordered his men to lie flat on the deck. And when the first fire had been made, the pirates all got up again, and from the yards and tops hurled18 down bombs and grenades into the Indiaman’s forecastle.
These tactics entirely19 surprised the Queen’s captain, and great havoc20 was wrought21. Lafitte realising the amount of consternation22 which had now been caused sent aboard the Queen forty of his men with pistols in their hands and daggers23 between their teeth, and as soon as their feet touched the Indiaman’s deck they drove the terrified and astonished crowd into the steerage, where the latter endeavoured to defend themselves as best they could. Lafitte now reinforced his forty men with another division, and himself went as their leader, and the result was that the Queen’s captain was killed and the rest of the survivors24 were swept into one terror-stricken crowd. He then caused a gun to be loaded with grape and pointed1 to the place where the crowd were gathered, and threatened to blow them into eternity25. Upon this the English determined that further opposition was useless, and surrendered. Lafitte therefore ceased his bloody26 slaughter27, and became possessor of the ship. The incident, when the news reached India, caused a deep sensation, and the name of this scoundrel was spoken of with horror. But as East Indiamen now began to traverse the Indian Ocean only under powerful convoys28, Lafitte found his opportunities very few and rare, so he betook himself to other waters, to end his days with a violent death.
THE “QUEEN,” EAST INDIAMAN.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)
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We come now to the year 1810. About this time319 the French frigates29 were very actively30 on the qui vive for our East Indiamen and other merchant ships, and the neighbourhood of Madagascar and Mauritius was popular for setting forth31 to lie in wait for the victims. When any prisoners were brought in here from the Company’s ships they were made to form part of the crews of these French frigates. And if any British soldiers were also found on board they were likewise destined32 to become part of the frigates’ complement33. Some were made so to do only by vehement34 threats if they declined: while some others were base enough to desert the English flag.
On the 3rd of July of the year just mentioned, just as the day was dawning, the French frigates, Bellone and Minerve, and the corvette Victor, having stood leisurely35 up the Mozambique Channel, were about thirty-six miles off the island of Mayotta, when they were sighted by three outward-bound East Indiamen, who were steering36 to the north before a fresh breeze from the south-south-east. The frigates were about nine miles off to the north-north-east, close-hauled on the port tack37. A signal was made by the senior officer or commodore of the British ships half-an-hour later, and the three Indiamen hauled their wind on the port tack under double-reefed topsails, courses, jib and spanker. The names of these vessels were the Ceylon (commodore’s flagship), Windham and Astell, the commodore being Captain Henry Meriton. At half-past seven the Ceylon made the private signal, as was customary. This was in accordance with the secret code provided by the Admiralty: and if the strange ships had been British naval38 frigates or fellow East Indiamen they320 would have answered in accordance with the code. Failure to reply would have indicated that they were hostile.
Inasmuch as there was no reply in this case the East Indiamen’s commodore ordered his ships to clear for action. There could be no sort of doubt now, and every minute was valuable, for the enemy was passing on the opposite tack. At half-past nine the Astell was carrying rather more sail than she could do with and made a signal to that effect: the Ceylon and Windham therefore shortened sail to keep her company. Captain Meriton now telegraphed to his two consorts40 the following message: “As we cannot get away, I think we had better go under easy sail and bring them to action before dark.” It was the only thing to be done: otherwise the Astell might have been lost. The Windham, however, replied thus: “If we make all sail and get into smooth water under the land we can engage to more advantage.” But half-an-hour later, as the force of the wind had increased, it became necessary for the East Indiamen to heave-to and take in a third reef in their topsails. But even under this shortened canvas the ships were making heavy weather of it. As a fact, they heeled over so much that the high sea that was running made it quite impossible for the lower-deck ports on the lee side to be kept open.
James, with his characteristic love of detail, has given full particulars of this incident, and we can well watch with him what followed. At 11.30 A.M. the Minerve tacked41 in the wake of the Indiamen and at about six miles away. Soon afterwards the Bellone and the Victor also went about. When Captain321 Meriton had watched these tactics and observed the Minerve coming up at a great rate astern he made the following signal: “Form line abreast42, to bear on ships together, Ceylon in the centre.” So the Windham, Ceylon and Astell formed a close line in the order named and awaited the oncoming of the enemy, and the Victor and Minerve were approaching rapidly on the starboard quarter, which was also the weather side.
Presently the Minerve arrived abreast of the British centre, the Victor being ahead. Up went French colours, a shot was fired at the Windham and then a whole broadside was fired into the Ceylon, which was so close astern of her consort39 as almost to touch her. The Astell, however, was a long way to leeward43 and astern of the Ceylon. When the corvette opened fire the action became general between the Minerve and Victor of the one side and the Windham, Ceylon and Astell on the other. But inasmuch as the Ceylon, by reason of her situation, was just abeam44 of the frigate, this Indiaman received a pretty hot time. After a little while the corvette found the fire of the British too warm, so bore up and passed to leeward of the Astell, and the captain of the latter becoming wounded severely45, the chief mate had to take command. It is quite certain that an officer of a modern steamship46 liner is a much abler navigator than those who served in the old East Indiamen. But it is unquestionable that even if he were a Royal Naval Reserve officer, and had served for a year in his Majesty’s fleet, he would not be such a master of tactics as his forefathers47 who served in the “John” Company. I have not the slightest doubt in asserting that if a European322 war broke out to-morrow every officer in the British mercantile marine48 would render an excellent account of himself for resource and bravery. Recent disasters and rescues in mid-ocean have shown that the fine old British stuff still goes to the making of our sailors. But if their ships were attacked by cruisers the merchantman would have no opportunity for displaying fighting tactics, since there is to-day a far greater difference between the fighting qualities of a liner and a navy’s cruiser than there existed between an armed East Indiaman and a French frigate. And this even if we include the recently built Aquitania of the Cunard line, which happens to be the most heavily armed British liner which ever put to sea.
In these sea-fights, then, between the Indiamen and their foreign enemies we have a condition that is not comparable with anything to-day. It belongs to the past absolutely, and therefore the difference between the captains of yesterday and to-day is also different, and that not merely owing to the fact that one commanded a ship propelled by sails, whereas his successor handles a steamship. We cannot help admiring the many-sided ability of the East Indiamen captains. Taking them by and large, with all their defects in respect of smuggling49 and other delinquencies which need not be enlarged upon, they were extraordinarily50 successful in most complicated circumstances. It is characteristic of any kind of seaman51, in whatever service he is enrolled52, that he is adaptable53, but could you find a greater strain imposed on any man than that which had to be borne by the commanders of the vessels whose history we are considering? As exponents54 of the art of pure seamanship they were never beaten, unless by their323 immediate55 successors, who made such wonderful passages during the clipper-ship era. And certainly as tacticians and fighting men they had few superiors even in the Royal Navy of that time. I feel that it is only just to emphasise56 these points, for with the transition from one period of the ship to another the ability of our mercantile officers has changed not in degree but in kind: and very shortly the last link—in the person of a steamship captain who formerly57 commanded a sailing ship—connecting the ships of yesterday with to-day will have been broken for ever. No one can fail to admire the consummate58 cleverness with which a modern mercantile captain brings a gigantic liner through a narrow, twisting channel in a strong tideway and berths59 his ship so quietly as not to break the proverbial eggshell. No one can help being struck with the scientific and practical ability by which perfect land-falls are made and punctual voyages are carried through even in thick weather. The captains of the Indiamen of yesterday were never called upon to bear the kind of responsibility which attaches to a man who has a 40,000-ton ship and 5000 lives under his care. But at the same time our modern commanders in the merchant service have never yet been called upon to think out battle tactics and man?uvre so as to fight a superior enemy without losing one’s ship or cargo60.
This was always the anxiety which an East Indiaman’s skipper had to think of. Was he justified61 in remaining to fight: or was his chief duty to run away? His command was not primarily a fighting ship, but a means of trade. And even if he got his ship safe in port would he incur62 the displeasure of the Honourable63 East India Company’s directors?324 His job was too valuable to be thrown away by an error of judgment64. It would be a fine feather in his cap if he could follow the example of Commodore Dance, and he was sure to be well rewarded by his Company. To deal a smashing blow at the nation’s enemy would ensure fame for this captain to the end of his days and after. But—if he should forget that his first duty was to get the valuable cargo home he might find himself a broken man and not a hero.
Such, then, was the position of Captain Meriton in the incident we are discussing. He had to take in the situation at a glance and form a quick but not hasty judgment, and then act accordingly, flinging out his signals and disposing his squadron. At four o’clock the Minerve went ahead and then bore down as if intending to get alongside the Windham. Now this was a mode of attack which the Indiamen in the present instance had reason to fear least of all, for they chanced to have plenty of soldiery on board. The Windham therefore made sail so as to strike the French frigate on the port side at the quarter, whilst the Ceylon and Astell closed on their consort so as to assist in this man?uvre. However, the Windham had been greatly damaged in regard to her sails and rigging, so did not possess enough way to act as she had hoped. The result was that the Minerve was able to cross her bows only a few yards away. All this time the three Indiamen had kept up an incessant65 and well-aimed musketry fire from their troops on board.
Just as the Minerve got out of gun-shot—that is to say, about a mile away—the Astell passed astern of the Windham and became the headmost and weathermost ship. The Windham was now the stern325most and leewardmost vessel of the three, and the Minerve, true to the best tradition of tactics employed by Nelson and other great admirals, endeavoured to cut the Windham off from the other two: but the best laid schemes of clever tacticians sometimes do not fructify66: for the Minerve now lost her main and mizen topmasts, and there came a lull67 in the contest, though not for long. It was now six in the evening, and the Bellone, followed by the Victor, began a most destructive fire on the Windham. Taking up her position presently a little farther on, the Bellone began to attack the commodore’s ship, whilst with her foremost guns she attacked the Astell. The Victor was some distance away, and so her fire at the Windham was not so effective. Captain Meriton now endeavoured to close with the French frigate in order that he might be able to give full opportunity to the troops’ musketry, but had the misfortune to receive a severe wound in the neck from grape-shot. The command therefore fell to the chief mate, Mr T. W. Oldham. But the latter, being himself wounded not many seconds later, was obliged to yield the command to the second mate, Mr T. Fenning. By seven o’clock the poor Ceylon, which had endured much, was in a sorry plight68. Her two principal officers had been wounded, her masts, rigging and sails were all damaged badly, all the guns on her upper deck had been disabled and five on the lower deck. Her hull69, too, had been so badly holed that she was leaking to such an extent that she made three feet an hour. In addition, many of her people had been killed and wounded.
She therefore came out of the firing-line and326 passed astern of the Bellone, which was engaging the Windham all the time. And then there appears to have been some misunderstanding. The Windham hailed the Astell time after time, asking her to join in making an attempt to board the Bellone: but the Astell put out her lights, crowded on sail, and went off, receiving a heavy parting fire from the frigate. As for the Ceylon, there was nothing left for her to do but to haul down her colours, and she then had the humiliation70 of being taken possession of by a prize crew sent off in a boat from the Minerve. As the Ceylon passed the Windham, the former hailed the latter that she had struck. The Windham was therefore now left alone: and since she, too, was considerably71 damaged as to her masts and rigging, so that it was impossible to set sail, she doggedly72 continued the action, so that the Astell might be able to make good her escape. Nine of the Windham’s guns had been put out of action, many of her crew had been killed or wounded, so finally she too had to haul down her colours, and was taken possession of by the Bellone. Meanwhile the Victor had gone in pursuit of the Astell, but the latter was able to get right away owing to the extreme darkness of the night and the length of time which had been taken in securing the two prizes.
The result of this fight, which had lasted almost from dawn till after dark, was melancholy73: but the Indiamen had fought very gallantly74, and it is not always that success comes to those who seem assuredly most to deserve it. Each of these merchant ships was of 800 tons, and their armament was quite unequal to that of the French frigates, which had no cargo to carry and could mount more327 numerous guns. There were about two hundred and fifty troops on board each of these Indiamen, in addition to a hundred lascars, but there were only about twelve or a score of British seamen75. So in respect of numbers the merchant ships were quite inferior to the trained men-of-war’s-men of the French. The Ceylon lost four seamen, one lascar and two soldiers killed. Her captain, chief mate, seven of her seamen, one lascar, one lieutenant-colonel and ten soldiers had been wounded—a pretty heavy toll76 to pay. The Windham had a seaman, three soldiers and two lascars killed: and seven soldiers, two lascars and three of her officers and half-a-dozen others wounded. The Astell had four seamen and the same number of soldiers killed: whilst her captain, her fifth mate, nine seamen, a lascar, five cadets and twenty soldiers were all wounded.
Everyone in these Indiamen had fought splendidly against heavy odds77. The commodore had fulfilled his part as well as the difficulty of the situation allowed him. Soldier and sailor alike had done their level best. How did the East India Company eventually consider this forlorn fight? It may be said at once that, in spite of the result, the directors showed their appreciation78 of their servants by presenting each of these three captains with the sum of ￡500, whilst the rest of the officers and men were also handsomely rewarded. The captain of the Astell received a pension of ￡460 a year from the East India Company, whilst the officers and crew were presented with the sum of ￡2000 between them. It is said that one of the Astell’s seamen, a man named Andrew Peters, nailed the pennant79 to328 the maintopmast-head and was killed as he was on his way down: and the Astell’s colours were shot away no fewer than three times.
To show their appreciation of the Astell’s fine defence the Admiralty granted the ship’s company protection from impressment for three years. But even all this exhibition of approbation80 must have been unable to wipe out from officers and men the miserable81 recollection of having been compelled to yield to the nation’s deadly enemy.
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1
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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pagoda
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| n.宝塔（尤指印度和远东的多层宝塔），（印度教或佛教的）塔式庙宇 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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plucky
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| adj.勇敢的 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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zest
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| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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electrifying
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| v.使电气化( electrify的现在分词 )；使兴奋 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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slaughter
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convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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vehement
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leisurely
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steering
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tack
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| n.大头钉；假缝，粗缝 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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consorts
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| n.配偶( consort的名词复数 )；（演奏古典音乐的）一组乐师；一组古典乐器；一起v.结伴( consort的第三人称单数 )；交往；相称；调和 | |
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tacked
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| 用平头钉钉( tack的过去式和过去分词 )； 附加，增补； 帆船抢风行驶，用粗线脚缝 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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leeward
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| adj.背风的；下风的 | |
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abeam
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| adj.正横着(的) | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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steamship
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| n.汽船，轮船 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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adaptable
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| adj.能适应的，适应性强的，可改编的 | |
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exponents
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| n.倡导者( exponent的名词复数 )；说明者；指数；能手 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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emphasise
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| vt.加强...的语气，强调，着重 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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berths
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| n.（船、列车等的）卧铺( berth的名词复数 )；（船舶的）停泊位或锚位；差事；船台vt.v.停泊( berth的第三人称单数 )；占铺位 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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fructify
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| v.结果实；使土地肥沃 | |
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lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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pennant
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| n.三角旗；锦标旗 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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