Why did Germany with her larger population still lag behind Britain in commerce and shipping3? Surely the reason could only be that Britain, at every turn, sought to cripple the enterprise of her young rival. Why had Britain a great and thriving colonial empire, while Germany had only a few tracts4 of tropical jungle and light soil, not particularly prosperous or promising5? The reason could only be that, out of jealousy6, Britain had obstructed7 Teutonic acquisition. Why was Germany tending {95} to become more and more isolated9 and unpopular in Europe? The reason could only be that the crafty10 and unscrupulous policy of Britain had intrigued11, with some success, for her political ostracism12.
It is useless to argue with a man in a nightmare. He brushes reason aside and cares not for facts. But to seekers after truth it was obvious, that so far from making any attack upon German commerce, Britain, by adhering to her system of free trade at home and in her dependencies, had conferred a boon13 immeasurable on this new and eager competitor. So far from hindering Germany's acquisition of colonies, Britain had been careless and indifferent in the matter; perhaps too much so for the security of some of her own possessions. It was Bismarck, much more than Britain, who had put obstacles in the way of German colonial expansion. With a sigh of relief (as we may imagine) this great statesman saw the partition of the vacant territories of the world completed, and his fellow-countrymen thereby14 estopped from wasting their substance, and dissipating their energies, in costly15 and embarrassing adventures. So far from holding aloof16 from Germany or attempting to isolate8 her among European nations, we had persisted in treating her with friendliness17, long after she had ceased to be friendly. One of our leading statesmen had even gone the length of suggesting an alliance, and had been denounced immediately by the whole German press, although it was understood at the time that he had spoken with the august encouragement of the Kaiser and his Chancellor19.[2] It was Germany herself, deprived of the guidance of Bismarck, who by blustering20 at {96} her various neighbours, and threatening them in turn, had aroused their suspicions and achieved her own isolation21.
The grievances22 against Britain which figured in the phantasmagoria of the German nightmare were obviously tinged23 with envy. There were other grievances against France, and these were tinged with annoyance24. For France, although she had been beaten on to her knees, had nevertheless had the impudence25 to make a successful recovery. There were also grievances against Russia, and these were tinged with fear. Her vast adjacent territories and teeming26 population, her social and industrial progress, the reformation of her government, and the rapid recuperation of her military and naval27 power, constituted in German eyes the gravest menace of all.
Self-confidence and ambition were the original stuff—the warp28 and the weft—of which the German dream was made; but these admirable and healthy qualities rapidly underwent a morbid29 deterioration30. Ambition degenerated31 into groundless suspicion, and self-confidence into arrogance32. It was a considerable time, however, before Germany was realised to have become a public danger by reason of her mental affliction. Until her prophets and high priests began preaching from the housetops as a divine ordinance33, that Germany was now so great, prosperous, and prolific34 as to need the lands of her neighbours for her expansion, her symptoms were not generally recognised. It was not really pressure of population, but only the oppression of a nightmare which had brought her to this restless and excited condition. In terms of psychology35, the disease from which Germany has been suffering of late years is {97} known as megalomania, in the slang of the street-corner as madness of the swollen36 head.
The dreams of a nation may be guided well or ill by statesmen, or they may be left altogether unguided. The dreams of Italy under Cavour, and those of Germany under Bismarck, were skilfully37 fostered and directed with great shrewdness to certain practical ends. But in considering the case of Germany under William the Second, our feeling is that although popular imaginings have been controlled from above with even greater solicitude38 than before, the persons who inspired and regulated them have been lacking in the sense of proportion. The governing power would seem to have been the victim of changing moods, conflicting policies, and disordered purposes.
TWO FUNDAMENTAL ASSUMPTIONS
When we piece together the various schemes for the aggrandisement of the Fatherland, which German writers have set forth39 with increasing boldness and perfect gravity during the past ten years, we are confronted with an immense mosaic—a conception of the most grandiose40 character. On examination each of these projects is found to be based upon two fundamental assumptions:—The first, that the present boundaries of Germany and her possessions overseas are too narrow to contain the legitimate41 aspirations42 of the German race:—The second that it is the immediate18 interest of Germany, as well as a duty which she owes to posterity43, to remedy this deficiency, by taking from her neighbours by force what she requires for her own expansion. There is a third assumption, not however of a political so much as an ethical44 character, which is stated with {98} equal frankness and conviction—that war on an extensive scale is necessary, from time to time, in order to preserve the vigour45 of the German people and their noble spirit.
One school of dreamers, with its gaze fixed46 upon the Atlantic trade-routes, insists upon the absurdity47 of resting content with a western sea-board of some two hundred miles. The estuaries48 of the Elbe and the Weser alone are exclusively German; that of the Ems is shared with the Dutch; while the far more valuable harbour-mouths of the Rhine and the Scheldt are in the possession of Holland and Belgium. Put into plain language what this means is, that both Holland and Belgium must be incorporated in the German Empire; if by treaty, so much the better for all parties concerned; but if diplomacy49 should fail to accomplish the desired absorption, then it must be brought about by war. Nor has it been overlooked, that in order to complete the rectification50, and to secure the keys of the Baltic, it would be necessary to 'admit' Denmark also into the privileges of the Germanic Empire.
Another school looks to the south-east and broods upon the day, not far distant, when the Germans of Austria-Hungary—a small but dominating minority of the whole population—will be driven, by reasons of self-defence, to seek a federal inclusion in the Empire of the Hohenzollerns. And it is surmised52 that for somewhat similar reasons the Magyars of Hungary will at the same time elect to throw in their lot with Teutons rather than with Slavs.
When that day arrives, however, it is not merely the German and Magyar territories of the Habsburg Emperor-King which will need to be incorporated {99} in the Hohenzollern Empire, but the whole congeries of nations which at present submits, more or less reluctantly, to the rule of Vienna and Buda-Pest. There must be no break-up of the empire of Francis Joseph, no sentimental53 sacrifice to the mumbo-jumbos of nationality. The Italians of Trieste and Fiume, the Bohemians, the Croats, the Serbs, the Roumanians of Transylvania, and the Poles of Galicia must all be kept together in one state, even more firmly than they are to-day. The Germans of Austria will not be cordially welcomed, unless they bring this dowry with them to the altar of imperial union.
THE AUSTRIAN DOWRY
But to clear eyes, looking into the future, more even than this appears to be necessary. Austria will be required to bring with her, not merely all her present possessions, but also her reversionary prospects54, contingent55 remainders, and all and sundry56 her rights of action throughout the whole Balkan peninsula, which sooner or later must either accept the hegemony of the German Empire or submit to annexation57 at the sword's point. Advantageous58 as it would be for the Fatherland to obtain great harbours for her commerce at the head of the Adriatic, these acquisitions might easily become valueless in practice if some rival barred the right of entry through the Straits of Otranto. Salonica again, in her snug59 and sheltered corner of the Aegean, is essential as the natural entrep?t for the trade of Asia Minor51 and the East; while there can be no hope, until the mouths of the Danube, as well as the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, are firmly held, of turning the Black Sea into a Germanic lake.
The absorption of the Balkan peninsula, involving {100} as it must the occupation of Constantinople and European Turkey, would carry with it, as a natural consequence, the custody60 of the Sultan and the control of his Asiatic dominions61. These vast territories which extend from Smyrna to the Caucasus, from Syria to the Persian Gulf62, from the Black Sea to the Gulf of Aden, contain some of the richest and most fertile tracts upon the surface of the globe. Massacre63, misrule, and oppression have indeed converted the greater part of these regions into a state hardly to be distinguished64 from the barest deserts of Arabia. But a culture which has lapsed65 through long neglect may be reclaimed66 by new enterprise. All that is required to this end is such shelter and encouragement as a stable government would afford.
What more suitable instrument for this beneficent recovery than the peculiar67 genius of the Teuton race? Would not the whole world gain by the substitution of settled order for a murderous anarchy68, of tilth and industry for a barren desolation? The waters of Tigris and Euphrates are still sweet. It needs but the energy and art of man to lead them in channelled courses, quenching69 the longings70 of a thirsty land, and filling the Mesopotamian waste with the music of a myriad71 streams. The doom72 of Babylon is no curse eternal. It awaits but the sword of Siegfried to end the slumbers73 of two thousand years. Where great cities and an ancient civilisation74 lie buried under drifted sand, great cities may be raised once more, the habitations of a hardier75 race, the seminaries of a nobler civilisation.
This vision, more fanciful and poetically76 inspired than the rest, has already advanced some considerable {101} way beyond the frontiers of dreamland. When the Turko-Russian War came to an end[3] the influence of Germany at Constantinople was as nearly as possible nil77; and so long as Bismarck remained in power, no very serious efforts were made to increase it. But from the date of Bismarck's dismissal[4] down to the present day, it has been the steady aim of German policy to control the destinies of the Turkish Empire. These attempts have been persistent78, and in the main successful.
THE WOOING OF TURKEY
It mattered not what dubious79 personage or party might happen to be in the ascendant at Stamboul, the friendship of Germany was always forthcoming. It was extended with an equal cordiality to Abdul Hamid; to the Young Turks when they overthrew80 Abdul Hamid; to the Reactionaries81 when they overthrew the Young Turks; to the Young Turks again when they compounded matters with the Reactionaries. The largesse82 of Berlin bankers refreshed the empty treasuries83 of each despot and camarilla in turn, so soon as proofs could be produced of positive, or even of presumptive predominance. At the same time the makers84 of armaments, at Essen and elsewhere, looked to it, that a sufficient portion of these generous loans was paid in kind, and that the national gain was not confined to high policy and high finance. The reform of the Turkish army was taken in hand zealously85 by Prussian soldiers. Imperial courtesies cemented the bricks which usury86, commerce, and diplomacy had laid so well. At a time when the late Sultan was ill-regarded by the whole of Europe, on account of his supposed complicity in Armenian massacres87, the {102} magnanimity of the Kaiser took pity on the pariah88, and a visit of honour to the Bosphorus formed an incident in the Hohenzollern pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre.
The harvest of these endeavours was reaped at a later date in the form of vast concessions89 for lines of railway running through Asia Minor to the Persian Gulf. It is needless to enter here into a discussion of the famous and still unsettled controversy90 regarding the Baghdad route, except to say that this project for the benefit, not merely of Turkey, but of the whole human race, was to be realised under German direction and according to German plans and specifications91; it was to be administered under German control; but it was to be paid for in the main out of the savings92 of England and France.
The scheme was no less bold than ingenious. Obligations were imposed upon Turkey which it was clearly impossible for Turkey to discharge. In the event of her failure it was likely to go hard with the original shareholders93, and somewhat hard with the Sublime94 Porte itself; but on the other hand it was not likely to go hard with Germany, or to involve her in anything more irksome than a labour of love—a protectorate over Asia Minor and Arabia.[5]
These are the main dreams which German writers, with a genuine enthusiasm and an engaging frankness, have set out in the pages of books and periodicals—the North Sea dream, the Austrian dream, the Balkan dream, and the Levantine dream. But these dreams by no means exhaust the Teuton fancy.
Wars are contemplated95 calmly as inevitable96 {103} incidents in the acquisition of world-power—war with France, war with England, war either of army corps97 or diplomacy with Belgium, Holland, and Denmark. And as victory is also contemplated, just as confidently, various bye-products of considerable value are likely to be secured during the process, and as a result.
ACQUISITION OF AFRICA
The greater part of north-western Africa, which lies along the seaboards of the Mediterranean98 and the Atlantic, is under the French flag. The greater part of eastern Africa from Alexandria to Capetown is in the hands of the British. The central region of Africa is Belgian. In the north there is Tripoli which is now Italian; and in various quarters patches and scattered99 islands which are Portuguese100. The former might be tolerated as a harmless enclave; the latter might readily be acquired by compulsory101 purchase. What would then remain of the Dark Continent is already German. So that, as the results of the wars and victories which are considered by German thinkers to be inevitable, the whole of Africa would shortly pass into German hands.
With the destinies of Africa in the keeping of a virile102 race, accustomed to face great problems in no piecemeal103 fashion, but as a whole, vast transformations104 must ensue. Before their indomitable will and scientific thoroughness, the dusky savage105 will lay aside his ferocity, and toil106 joyously107 at the arts of peace. Under an indefatigable108 and intelligent administration, desert, jungle, forest, and swamp will yield their appropriate harvests. Timber, oil, cotton, rubber, tea, coffee, and every variety of raw material will gradually become available in limitless supplies. Jewels and precious metals will {104} be dug out of the bowels109 of the earth. Flocks and herds110 will roam in safety over the rich uplands—no robber bands to drive them off; no wild beasts to tear them limb from limb; no murrain or envenomed fly to strike them down by tens of thousands. For as the armies of the Kaiser are invincible111 against all human foes112, so also are his men of science invincible, in their ceaseless war against disease of man and beast. In the end they also will conquer in their own sphere, no less certainly than the soldier in his; for their courage is as high and their devotion faces death, or worse than death, with equanimity113.
The Dark Continent, which in all its history has never known either peace or order, will then at last know both. Even the stiff-necked Africander, jealous of his antique shibboleths114 of freedom, will not refuse incorporation115 in an Empire to which the land of his forefathers116 will already have become bound in federal ties. And the dowry which Holland is expected to bring with her, will be not only the good will of the South African Dutch, but the rich islands of the East, where merchant-adventurers planted her flag, in days when the fleets of Rotterdam disputed, not unsuccessfully, with London herself the primacy of the seas.
THE EASTERN DREAM
Finally, there is the dream of the farthest East. This is of such simple grandeur117 that it may be stated in a few sentences. When the war between China and Japan came to an end in 1895 Germany, acting118 in concert with France and Russia, forced the victorious119 troops of the Mikado to forgo120 all the fruits of their conquest. When three years later Germany herself seized upon the reversion of Kiao-Chau, she {105} saw a vision of an empire, greater than that which had been secured to her envied rival by the daring of Clive and the forethought of Warren Hastings. If England could hold and rule India, a mightier121 than England could surely hold and rule China, containing though it does a full quarter of the human race.
[1] "L'Allemand est né bête; la civilisation l'a, rendu méchant."—HEINE.
[2] Mr. Chamberlain at Leicester on November 30, 1899.
[3] March 1878. Treaty of Berlin, July 1878.
[4] 1890.
[5] Cf. The Anglo-German Problem, by C. Sarolea, p. 247, and following.
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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glut
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| n.存货过多，供过于求；v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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isolate
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| vt.使孤立，隔离 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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ostracism
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| n.放逐；排斥 | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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annoyance
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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naval
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warp
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| vt.弄歪，使翘曲，使不正常，歪曲，使有偏见 | |
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morbid
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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arrogance
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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prolific
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psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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skilfully
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solicitude
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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grandiose
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| adj.宏伟的，宏大的，堂皇的，铺张的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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estuaries
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| （江河入海的）河口，河口湾( estuary的名词复数 ) | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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rectification
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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prospects
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contingent
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sundry
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annexation
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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snug
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| adj.温暖舒适的，合身的，安全的；v.使整洁干净，舒适地依靠，紧贴；n.（英）酒吧里的私房 | |
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custody
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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massacre
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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lapsed
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| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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66
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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quenching
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| 淬火，熄 | |
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longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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hardier
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| 能吃苦耐劳的，坚强的( hardy的比较级 )； （植物等）耐寒的 | |
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poetically
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| adv.有诗意地，用韵文 | |
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nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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largesse
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| n.慷慨援助，施舍 | |
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treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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pariah
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| n.被社会抛弃者 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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specifications
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| n.规格；载明；详述；（产品等的）说明书；说明书( specification的名词复数 )；详细的计划书；载明；详述 | |
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savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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shareholders
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| n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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piecemeal
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| adj.零碎的；n.片，块；adv.逐渐地；v.弄成碎块 | |
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transformations
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| n.变化( transformation的名词复数 )；转换；转换；变换 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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joyously
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| ad.快乐地, 高兴地 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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109
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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113
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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114
shibboleths
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| n.（党派、集团等的）准则( shibboleth的名词复数 )；教条；用语；行话 | |
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115
incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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116
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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118
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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119
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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120
forgo
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| v.放弃，抛弃 | |
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121
mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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