"We Germans," writes a correspondent, the Freiherr von Hexenküchen,[1] "are not inferior in intelligence or education to any other race. Had this been so, we could never have reached, in so short a period as four decades, the proud position which we now occupy in science, invention, manufacture, commerce, finance, and administration.[2] {150} Consequently, if we are well content to live under the institutions we possess, this cannot be put down either to our want of enterprise or to the dulness of our understandings.
"Our people have already shown that they are willing to fight and die for these very institutions which you Englishmen affect to regard with so much contempt. Possibly your people are equally willing to fight and die for theirs. I do not deny this; but it is not yet proved; it remains5 to be proved.
"I do not assert that your people are inferior to mine in their readiness to fight and die when they are actually faced with a great national danger. But I do claim that mine are superior to yours in the constancy of their devotion to duty. For a hundred years past—not only in periods of stress and danger, which stirred the national imagination, but equally in times of peace and prosperity, which always tend to encourage the growth of comfort and the love of ease—each succeeding generation has been found willing to train itself in the use of arms, so as to be prepared, if occasion should arise, to defend the Fatherland.
"When the present war broke out was there a firmer loyalty6 or a more patriotic7 response to the call to arms among your people or among mine? Will your people fight and suffer more gladly for their 'democratic' ideals than mine will for their Kaiser and Fatherland? ... Surely, upon your own principles no comparison should be possible between the warmth of your devotion and the tepidity8 of ours.
"Is our system really so reactionary9 and mechanical as you imagine? In an age which has learned {151} as its special lesson the advantages, in ordinary business affairs of life, of organisation10, thoroughness, long views, reticence11, and combined effort, guided by a strong central control, is it reaction, or is it progress, to aim at applying the same principles to the greatest, most complex, and infinitely12 most important of all businesses—that of government itself? Can a nation hope to survive which refuses, in the name of freedom, to submit to control in these respects, if it should be faced by competition with another, which has been wise enough to employ quiet experts instead of loquacious13 amateurs—any more than a cotton mill could escape bankruptcy14 were it managed on a system of party government?
"Our civil service, which you are pleased to describe as a Bureaucracy, is distinguished15 among all others existing at the present time, by the calibre of its members, by its efficiency and honesty, by its poverty, and not less by the honour in which it is held notwithstanding its poverty. You laugh at our love for calling men, and also their wives, by the titles of their various offices—Herr this and Frau that, from the humblest inspector16 of drains to the Imperial Chancellor17 himself! And no doubt there is a ludicrous side to this practice. But it marks at least one important thing—that membership of our civil service is regarded as conferring honour. So far, we have succeeded in maintaining public officials of all grades in higher popular respect than men who devote their lives to building up private fortunes, and also to those others who delight and excel in interminable debate.
"You are used to boast, and I daresay rightly {152} of the personal honesty and pecuniary18 disinterestedness19 of your politicians; and you assume as a matter of course that your civil servants, with such high standards and examples ever before their eyes, are likewise incorruptible. We invert20 this order. With us the honour of our civil servants is the chief thing; we assume that our politicians must follow suit. They are probably as upright as your own, thanks partly to tradition, but also to the vigilance of their superiors, the professionals, who carry on the actual business of government. With you the fame of the showy amateur fills the mouths of the public. We, on the contrary, exalt21 the expert, the man who has been trained to the job he undertakes. In so doing we may be reactionaries22 and you may be progressives; but the progress of Germany since 1870—a progress in which we are everywhere either already in front of you, or else treading closely on your heels—does not seem to furnish you with a conclusive23 argument.
"As for what you call our Pedantocracy, meaning thereby24 our professors and men of letters, it is true that these exercise a great influence upon public opinion. We have always respected learning and thought. It is in the German nature so to do. I admit that our learned ones are rather too much inclined to imagine, that because they are students of theory, they are therefore qualified25 to engage in practice. They are apt to offer their advice and service officiously, and occasionally in a ridiculous manner. But, if my recollection of the English newspapers be correct, this is no more so with us than with you. There is apparently26 something in the professorial nature which impels27 men of this {153} calling to the drafting of manifestoes and the signing of round-robins in times of excitement. They may be officious and absurd, but they are not wholly despicable, since they act thus quite as much from earnestness as from vanity. If our academicians on such occasions mislead more people than your own it is due to their virtues29, to the greater zeal30 and success with which they have won the confidence of their former pupils.[3]
THE MILITARY CASTE
"You are fond of sneering31 at our Military Caste and attribute to it the most malign32 influence upon public affairs. But there again, believe me, you exaggerate. Our officers are undoubtedly33 held in great respect, even in some awe34. And the reason is that they are known to be brave, and like those you call the bureaucracy, to have preferred comparative poverty in the public service to the pursuit of riches. To say that they have no influence upon policy would of course be absurd. It is inevitable35 that in the present state of the world, soldiers will always have great influence in certain departments of public affairs. This must be so in any country {154} which is not plunged36 in dreams. For it is their business to guarantee national security, and to keep watch over the growth of military strength among the neighbours and rivals of Germany. If the general staff foresees dangers, and can give reasonable grounds for its anticipations37, it is clear that the military view must carry weight with the Kaiser and his ministers. And surely there can be no question that this is right.
"The officers of the German Army are a caste, if you like to put it that way. But in every form of government under the sun, unless conceivably in some tiny oriental despotism, the predominance of a certain caste, or the competition between different castes, is absolutely essential to the working of the machinery38.
"It is not regrettable in our opinion if a caste, which has considerable weight in public affairs, is a manly39 one, contemptuous of wealth and sophistry40, ready always to risk its own life for the faith which is in it. The influence of a military caste may have its drawbacks; but at any rate it has kept the peace in Germany for not far short of half a century—kept it successfully until, as some people have thought, the professors acquired too large a share of power.
"Is it so certain, moreover, that the lawyer caste, the self-advertising41 caste, and the financial caste are not all of them a great deal worse, even a great deal more dangerous to peace? Is a country any more likely to be safe, happy, and prosperous under the régime of a talking caste—of windbags42 resourcefully keeping their bellows43 full of air, and wheedling44 the most numerous with transparent45 {155} falsehoods—than where civil servants of tried wisdom and experience are responsible for carrying on affairs of state, aided at their high task by sober military opinion?[4]
"As for our Kaiser, whom you regard as a crafty46 and ambitious tyrant47, he appears in our view as the incarnation of patriotic duty, burdened though not overwhelmed by care—a lover of peace, so long as peace may be had with honour and safety; but if this may not be, then a stern, though reluctant, drawer of the sword. It is true that the Kaiser's government is in many important respects a purely48 personal government. His is the ultimate responsibility for high policy. He fulfils the function in our system of that strong central power, without which the most ingeniously constructed organisation is but impotence.
GERMAN SELF-KNOWLEDGE
"The German people are ahead of the English and the Americans in self-knowledge; for they realise that there are many things appertaining to government, which cannot be discussed in the newspapers, or on the platform, any more than the policy and conduct of a great business can be made known in advance to the staff, and to trade competitors all over the world. And so, believing the Kaiser's government to be honest, capable, and devoted49 to the public weal, the German people trust it without reservation to decide when action shall be taken in a variety of spheres.
"This system of ours which is founded in reason, and in experience of modern conditions, and which {156} is upheld by the unfaltering confidence of a great people, you are wont51 to condemn52 as tyrannical and reactionary. But can democracy stand against it?—Democracy infirm of purpose, jealous, grudging53, timid, changeable, unthorough, unready, without foresight54, obscure in its aims, blundering along in an age of lucidity55 guided only by a faltering50 and confused instinct! Given anything like an equal contest, is it conceivable that such an undisciplined chaos56 can prevail against the Hohenzollern Empire?
"Of late your newspapers have been busily complaining of what they call 'German lies,' 'boastfulness,' and 'vulgar abuse.' They have taunted57 our government with not daring to trust the people. Our Headquarters bulletins have been vigorously taken to task by the Allies on these and other grounds.
"But all nations will acclaim58 their victories louder than they will trumpet59 their defeats. This is in human nature. No official communiqué will ever be a perfect mirror of truth. It will never give the whole picture, but only a part; and by giving only a part it will often mislead. Were we to believe literally61 what the various governments have hitherto given out as regards their respective advances, the Germans by this time might perhaps have been at Moscow in the East and somewhere about the Azores in the West. But by the same token the Russians should have been on the Rhine and the French and English Allies at Berlin.
"I read your newspapers, and I read our own. I do not think our journalists, though they do their best, can fairly claim to excel yours in the contest {157} of boastfulness and vulgar abuse. And as regards the utterances62 of responsible public men in our two countries, can you really contend that we Germans are more open to the reproach of vainglorious63 and undignified speech than the British? Our Kaiser denies having used the words, so often attributed to him in your press, about 'General French's contemptible64 little army,' and in Germany we believe his denial. But even if he did in fact utter this expression, is it not quite as seemly and restrained as references to 'digging rats out of a hole'—as applied to our gallant65 navy—or to that later announcement from the same quarter which was recently addressed to the Mayor of Scarborough about 'baby-killers'? Such expressions are regrettable, no doubt, but not of the first importance. They are a matter of temperament66. An ill-balanced, or even a very highly-strung nature, will be betrayed into blunders of this sort more readily than the phlegmatic67 person, or one whose upbringing has been in circles where self-control is the rule of manners.
TRUST IN THE PEOPLE
"But what puzzles us Germans perhaps more than any of your other charges against us is, when you say that our rulers do not trust the people as the British Government does.
"You accuse our War Office of publishing accounts of imaginary victories to revive our drooping68 confidence, and of concealing69 actual disasters lest our country should fall into a panic of despondency. There was surely nothing imaginary about the fall of Liège, Namur, Maubeuge, Laon, or La Fere. The engagements before Metz, at Mons, Charleroi, and Amiens, the battles of Lodz and Lyck, were {158} not inconsiderable successes for German arms, or at the very least for German generalship. The victory of Tannenberg was among the greatest in history, reckoning in numbers alone. Our government made no secret of the German retirement—retreat if you prefer the term—from the Marne to the Aisne, or of that other falling back after the first attempt on Warsaw. Naturally they laid less emphasis on reverses than on conquests, but what government has ever acted otherwise? Certainly not the French, or the Russian, or your own. And what actual disasters have we concealed70? In what respect, as regards the conduct of this war, have we, the German people, been trusted less than yours?
"I am especially interested, I confess, as a student of British politics, in this matter of 'trusting the people.' All your great writers have led me to believe that here lies the essential difference between your system and ours, and that the great superiority of yours to ours is demonstrated in the confidence which your statesmen never hesitate to place in the wisdom, fortitude72, and patriotism73 of the people. Frankly74, I do not understand it. Trust must surely have some esoteric meaning when applied to your populace which foreigners are unable to apprehend75. I can discover no other sense in your phrase about 'trusting the people,' than that they are trusted not to find out their politicians. It certainly cannot be believed that you trust your people to hear the truth; for if so why has your government practised so rigorous an economy of this virtue28, doling76 it out very much as we have lately been doing with our wheat and potatoes?
{159}
THE BRITISH PRESS BUREAU
"Has your government not concealed actual disaster—concealed it from their own people, though from no one else; for all the world was on the broad grin? Everybody knew of your misfortune save a certain large portion of the British public. The motive77 of your government could not have been to hide it away from the Germans, or the Austrians, or from neutrals, for the illustrated78 papers all over the globe, even in your own colonies, contained pictures reproduced from photographs of the occurrence. It was only possible to muzzle80 the press and blindfold81 the people of the United Kingdom, and these things your government did; acting82 no doubt very wisely.
"Again after the great German victory over the Russians at Tannenberg in September last, an official bulletin of simple and conspicuous83 candour was published at Petrograd which confirmed in most of the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
"Why did your Press Bureau during the heavy fighting from the middle of October to the middle of November persist in maintaining that 'the British are still gaining ground.' The British resistance from the beginning to the end of the four weeks' battle round Ypres is not likely to be forgotten by our German soldiers, still less to be belittled84 by them. {160} It was surely a great enough feat60 of arms to bear the light of truth. But. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
"But is the same true of the British people? Can they be trusted to bear the light of truth?
"You cannot wonder if we Germans, and for that matter the whole world, have drawn85 certain conclusions from these and other incidents. We do not doubt that your ministers have acted wisely in suppressing bad tidings; but why should they have taken all those pains and endured the derision, while incurring86 the distrust, of foreign countries—a material injury, mind you, and not merely a sentimental87 one—unless they had known, only too well, that publication of this or that piece of news would have too painfully affected88 the nerves of your people? Concealment89 of checks, reverses, and disasters which had not already become known to the Austrians and ourselves might have served a useful military purpose; but what purpose except that of a sedative90 for British public opinion could be served by the concealment of such matters when we, your enemies, knew them already? Have you ever thought of asking your American friends in what order they would place the candour of the official communications which emanate91 from Berlin, Petrograd, Paris, and London?
"Shortly before Christmas one of your legal ministers, who, I understand, is specially71 responsible for looking after the Press Bureau, explained to the House of Commons the principles by which he had been guided in the suppression of news and comment. He should refuse, he said, to publish any criticism {161} which might tend to disturb popular confidence in the Government, or which might cause the people of England to think that their affairs were in a really serious state. On practical grounds there is no doubt something to be said for such a policy; but (will you tell me?) has any autocratic government ever laid down a more drastic rule for blindfolding92 the people in order to preserve its own existence?[5]
BRITISH PATRIOTISM
"Pondering upon these things, I scratch my head and marvel93 what you can possibly have had in yours, when you used to assure us that the surpassing merit of the English political system was that it trusted the people, the inherent weakness of ours, the Austrian, and the Russian that they did not.
"Your Prime Minister, speaking in the early autumn, thus adjured94 the men of Wales:—'Be worthy95 of those who went before you, and leave to your children the richest of all inheritances, the memory of fathers who, in a great cause, put self-sacrifice before ease, and honour above life itself.' These are noble words, of Periclean grandeur96. But have they met with a general response? Are these sentiments prevalent outside government circles, among those—the bulk of your people—who do not come under the direct influence of ministerial inspiration and example? If so, why then {162} have your rulers not screwed up their courage to call for national service? Why do they still continue to depend for their recruits upon sensational97 advertisements, newspaper puffs98, oratorical99 entreaties100, and private influence of a singularly irregular sort?
"Is not this the reason?—Your government is afraid—even in this great struggle, where (as they put it) your future existence as a nation is at stake—that the English people—or at any rate so large a proportion of them, as if rendered uncomfortable could create a political disturbance101—is not even yet prepared to make the necessary sacrifices. And so, to the amazement102 of us Germans, you let the older men, with families dependent on them, go forth103 to the war, urged on by a high sense of duty, while hundreds of thousands of young unmarried men are still allowed to stay at home.
COMPARISON OF RECRUITING
"You are still, it would appear, enamoured of your voluntary system. You have not yet abandoned your belief that it is the duty of the man, who possesses a sense of duty, to protect the skin, family, and property of the man who does not. To us this seems a topsy-turvy creed104, and not more topsy-turvy than contemptible. In Germany and France—where for generations past the doctrine105 of private sacrifice for the public weal is ingrained, and has been approved in principle and applied in practice with unfaltering devotion—a 'voluntary' system might conceivably have some chance of providing such an army as you are in search of. But to the United Kingdom surely it is singularly inapplicable? Let me illustrate79 my meaning by a comparison.
{163}
"Our Kaiser in his New Year's message—which in Germany we all read with enthusiasm, and considered very noble and appropriate—summed up the military situation by saying that after five months' hard and hot fighting the war was still being waged almost everywhere off German soil, and on the enemies' territories. And he summed up the domestic situation by saying (and this, believe me, is true) that our nation stands in unexampled harmony, prepared to sacrifice its heart's blood for the defence of the Fatherland. Another three months have passed away, and these statements still hold good.
"The point to which I chiefly wish to call your attention is one of numbers, and I will take my estimates of numbers from your own most famous newspaper experts.
"Your claim, as I understand it, is that on New Year's Day 1915 you had—exclusive of Indian troops and Dominion106 contingents—between 2,000,000 and 2,500,000 men training and in the field.
"Germany alone (here again I quote your English experts), without reckoning Austria, has actually put into the field during the past five months 5,000,000 men. Of these it is stated by your newspapers that she has lost in round figures 1,500,000, who have either been killed, or taken prisoners, or are too severely107 wounded to return as yet to the fighting line. But in spite of this depletion108, your military statisticians tell us that Germany and her ally, at New Year's Day, still outnumbered the Allies on both the Eastern and the Western frontier.
"The same high authorities tell us further, that {164} during this period of five months, the German Government has called upon the civil population, has appealed to able-bodied men who had previously109 been exempt110 from military service, and that by this means it has obtained, and has been engaged in training, arming, and equipping another 4,000,000 or 4,500,000 who, it is anticipated, will become available for war purposes in new formations, during the spring and summer of the present year.
"Our Government, therefore, according to your own account, has not been afraid to ask the civil population to serve, and this is the response. Does it look as if the national spirit had been quenched111 under our autocratic system?
"Out of our whole population of sixty-five millions we have apparently raised for military service on land and naval112 service at sea, between 9,000,000 and 11,000,000 men since this war began. Out of your whole population of forty-five millions you have succeeded in raising for these same purposes only something between 2,000,000 and 2,500,000 men. And in your case, be it observed, in order to attract recruits, you have offered good wages and munificent113 separation allowances; while in our case men serve without pay.
"This numerical comparison is worth carrying a stage further. Germany and her ally have between them a total population of 115,000,000. The United Kingdom (including the people of European stock who inhabit the various Dominions), France, Russia, Belgium, Servia, and Montenegro number in round figures about 280,000,000. Roughly speaking, these are odds114 of seven to three against us. And I am leaving out of account all the non-European races—the {165} Turks on the one side, the Japanese and the Indians on the other. If these were included the odds would be much heavier.
"And yet our Kaiser spoke115 but the simple truth, when he told us on New Year's Day that, after five months of war, the German armies were almost everywhere on the territories of their enemies. We are not only keeping you back and defying all your efforts to invade us; but like the infant Hercules, we have gripped you by your throats, and were holding you out at arm's length!
METHODS OF RECRUITING
"I do not of course pretend to look at this matter except from the German standpoint; but is there any flaw in my reasoning, is there anything at all unfair, if I thus sum up my conclusions?—By Midsummer next—after stupendous efforts of the oratorical and journalistic kind—after an enormous amount of shouting, music-hall singing, cinema films, and showy advertising of every description—after making great play with the name and features of a popular field-marshal, in a manner which must have shocked both his natural modesty116 and soldierly pride—after all this you expect, or say you expect, that you will possess between two and two-and-a-half millions of men trained, armed, equipped, and ready to take the field.
"As against this, during the same period, and out of the less military half of our male population, without any shouting or advertising to speak of, we shall have provided approximately double that number. We have raised these new forces quietly, without any fuss, and without a word of protest from any of our people. We are training them without any serious difficulty. We are arming {166} them, equipping them, clothing them, and housing them without any difficulty at all.
"To conclude this interesting contrast, may I ask you—is it true, as the French newspapers allege117, that you are about to invite, or have already invited, your Japanese Allies to send some portion of their Army to European battlefields? With what face can you make this appeal when you have not yet called upon your own people to do, what every other people engaged in the present struggle, has already done?
"After you have pondered upon this strange and startling contrast, will you still hold to the opinion that the German system—which you have affected to despise, on the ground that it does not rest upon what you are pleased to term 'a popular basis'—is at any point inferior to your own in its hold upon the hearts of the people?
"What is meant by the phrase—'a popular basis'? Is it something different from the support of the people, the will of the people, the devotion of the people? And if it is different, is it better—judging, that is, by its results in times of trouble—or is it worse?"
So the cultured Freiherr, watching democracy at work in Britain, its ancient home, concludes with this question—"Is this timid, jealous, and distracted thing possessed118 of any real faith in itself; and if so, will it fight for its faith to the bitter end? Is the British system one which even the utmost faith in it can succeed in propping119 up? Does it possess any inherent strength; or is it merely a thing of paste-board and make-believe, fore-ordained to perish?"
[1] This letter, which is dated April 1, 1915, arrived at its destination (via Christiania and Bergen) about ten days later. It had not the good fortune, however, to escape the attentions of the Censor120, the ravages121 of whose blacking-brush will be noted122 in the abrupt123 termination of sundry124 paragraphs.
[2] "The empires which during the past forty years have made the greatest relative material progress are undoubtedly Germany and Japan—neither of them a democracy, but both military states."
[3] It is not quite clear to what incidents the Freiherr is referring. He may be thinking of a certain round-robin which appeared a few days before the war, giving a most handsome academic testimonial of humanity and probity125 to the German system; or he may have in mind a later manifestation126 in February last, when there suddenly flighted into the correspondence columns of the Nation a 'gaggle' of university geese, headed appropriately enough by a Professor of Political Economy, by name Pigou, who may be taken as the type of that peculiarly British product, the unemotional sentimentalist. To this 'gaggle' of the heavier fowls127 there succeeded in due course a 'glory' of poetical128 and literary finches, twittering the same tune—the obligation on the Allies not to inflict129 suffering and humiliation130 on Germany—on Germany, be it remembered, as yet unbeaten, though this was rather slurred131 over in their spring-song of lovingkindness. The Freiherr, plunged in his heathen darkness, no doubt still believed Germany to be not only unbeaten but victorious132, and likely to continue on the same course. He must therefore have been somewhat puzzled by so much tender concern on the part of our professors, etc. for sparing his feelings at the end of the war.
[4] Comment has already been made on the difficulty each nation has in understanding the spirit of the institutions of its neighbours. If this is borne in mind these depreciatory133 references of the Freiherr may be forgiven.
[5] I have had considerable difficulty in discovering the basis of this extraordinary charge. It seems to consist of the following passage from a speech by Sir Stanley Buckmaster, the Solicitor-General and Chairman of the Press Bureau on November 12, 1914. It is distressing135 to see how far national prejudice is apt to mislead a hostile critic like the Freiherr von Hexenküchen: "Criticism of the Government, or of members of the Government, is not that which I have ever stopped, except when such criticism is of such a character that it might destroy public confidence in the Government, which at this moment is charged with the conduct of the war, or might in any way weaken the confidence of the people in the administration of affairs, or otherwise cause distress134 or disturbance amongst people in thinking their affairs were in a really serious state."
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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tepidity
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| 微温，微热； 温热 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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organisation
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reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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loquacious
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| adj.多嘴的，饶舌的 | |
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bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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disinterestedness
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invert
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| vt.使反转，使颠倒，使转化 | |
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exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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thereby
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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apparently
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27
impels
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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28
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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29
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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30
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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31
sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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32
malign
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| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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33
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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34
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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35
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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36
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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37
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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38
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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39
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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40
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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41
advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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42
windbags
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| n.风囊，饶舌之人( windbag的名词复数 ) | |
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43
bellows
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| n.风箱；发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的名词复数 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的第三人称单数 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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44
wheedling
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| v.骗取（某物），哄骗（某人干某事）( wheedle的现在分词 ) | |
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45
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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46
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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47
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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48
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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49
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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50
faltering
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| 犹豫的，支吾的，蹒跚的 | |
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51
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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52
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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53
grudging
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| adj.勉强的，吝啬的 | |
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54
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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55
lucidity
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| n.明朗，清晰，透明 | |
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56
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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57
taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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58
acclaim
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| v.向…欢呼，公认；n.欢呼，喝彩，称赞 | |
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59
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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60
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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61
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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62
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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63
vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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64
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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65
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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66
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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67
phlegmatic
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| adj.冷静的，冷淡的，冷漠的，无活力的 | |
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68
drooping
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| adj. 下垂的，无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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69
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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70
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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71
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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72
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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73
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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74
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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75
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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76
doling
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| 救济物( dole的现在分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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77
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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78
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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79
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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80
muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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81
blindfold
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| vt.蒙住…的眼睛；adj.盲目的；adv.盲目地；n.蒙眼的绷带[布等]； 障眼物，蒙蔽人的事物 | |
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82
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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83
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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84
belittled
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| 使显得微小，轻视，贬低( belittle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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86
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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87
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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88
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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89
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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90
sedative
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| adj.使安静的，使镇静的；n. 镇静剂，能使安静的东西 | |
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91
emanate
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| v.发自，来自，出自 | |
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92
blindfolding
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| v.（尤指用布）挡住（某人）的视线( blindfold的现在分词 )；蒙住（某人）的眼睛；使不理解；蒙骗 | |
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93
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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94
adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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95
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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96
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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97
sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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98
puffs
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| n.吸( puff的名词复数 )；（烟斗或香烟的）一吸；一缕（烟、蒸汽等）；（呼吸或风的）呼v.使喷出( puff的第三人称单数 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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99
oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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100
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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101
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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102
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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103
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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104
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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105
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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106
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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107
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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108
depletion
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| n.耗尽，枯竭 | |
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109
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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110
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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111
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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112
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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113
munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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114
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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115
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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116
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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117
allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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118
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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119
propping
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| 支撑 | |
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120
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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121
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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122
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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123
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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124
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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125
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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126
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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127
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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128
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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129
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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130
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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131
slurred
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| 含糊地说出( slur的过去式和过去分词 )； 含糊地发…的声； 侮辱； 连唱 | |
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132
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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133
depreciatory
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| adj.贬值的，蔑视的 | |
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134
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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135
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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