The writer has often been inquired of, by correspondents from different parts of the country, whether this narrative2 is a true one; and to these inquiries3 she will give one general answer.
The separate incidents that compose the narrative are, to a very great extent, authentic4, occurring, many of them, either under her own observation, or that of her personal friends. She or her friends have observed characters the counterpart of almost all that are here introduced; and many of the sayings are word for word as heard herself, or reported to her.
The personal appearance of Eliza, the character ascribed to her, are sketches5 drawn6 from life. The incorruptible fidelity7, piety8 and honesty, of Uncle Tom, had more than one development, to her personal knowledge. Some of the most deeply tragic9 and romantic, some of the most terrible incidents, have also their paralle in reality. The incident of the mother's crossing the Ohio river on the ice is a well-known fact. The story of "old Prue," in the second volume, was an incident that fell under the personal observation of a brother of the writer, then collecting-clerk to a large mercantile house, in New Orleans. From the same source was derived10 the character of the planter Legree. Of him her brother thus wrote, speaking of visiting his plantation11, on a collecting tour; "He actually made me feel of his fist, which was like a blacksmith's hammer, or a nodule of iron, telling me that it was `calloesed with knocking down niggers.' When I left the plantation, I drew a long breath, and felt as if I had escaped from an ogre's den1."
That the tragical12 fate of Tom, also, has too many times had its parallel, there are living witnesses, all over our land, to testify. Let it be remembered that in all southern states it is a principle of jurisprudence that no person of colored lineage can testify in a suit against a white, and it will be easy to see that such a case may occur, wherever there is a man whose passions outweigh13 his interests, and a slave who has manhood or principle enough to resist his will. There is, actually, nothing to protect the slave's life, but the _character_ of the master. Facts too shocking to be contemplated14 occasionally force their way to the public ear, and the comment that one often hears made on them is more shocking than the thing itself. It is said, "Very likely such cases may now and then occur, but they are no sample of general practice." If the laws of New England were so arranged that a master could _now and then_ torture an apprentice15 to death, would it be received with equal composure? Would it be said, "These cases are rare, and no samples of general practice"? This injustice16 is an _inherent_ one in the slave system,--it cannot exist without it.
The public and shameless sale of beautiful mulatto and quadroon girls has acquired a notoriety, from the incidents following the capture of the Pearl. We extract the following from the speech of Hon. Horace Mann, one of the legal counsel for the defendants17 in that case. He says: "In that company of seventy-six persons, who attempted, in 1848, to escape from the District of Columbia in the schooner18 Pearl, and whose officers I assisted in defending, there were several young and healthy girls, who had those peculiar19 attractions of form and feature which connoisseurs20 prize so highly. Elizabeth Russel was one of them. She immediately fell into the slave-trader's fangs21, and was doomed22 for the New Orleans market. The hearts of those that saw her were touched with pity for her fate. They offered eighteen hundred dollars to redeem23 her; and some there were who offered to give, that would not have much left after the gift; but the fiend of a slave-trader was inexorable. She was despatched to New Orleans; but, when about half way there, God had mercy on her, and smote24 her with death. There were two girls named Edmundson in the same company. When about to be sent to the same market, an older sister went to the shambles25, to plead with the wretch26 who owned them, for the love of God, to spare his victims. He bantered27 her, telling what fine dresses and fine furniture they would have. `Yes,' she said, `that may do very well in this life, but what will become of them in the next?' They too were sent to New Orleans; but were afterwards redeemed29, at an enormous ransom30, and brought back." Is it not plain, from this, that the histories of Emmeline and Cassy may have many counterparts?
Justice, too, obliges the author to state that the fairness of mind and generosity31 attributed to St. Clare are not without a parallel, as the following anecdote32 will show. A few years since, a young southern gentleman was in Cincinnati, with a favorite servant, who had been his personal attendant from a boy. The young man took advantage of this opportunity to secure his own freedom, and fled to the protection of a Quaker, who was quite noted33 in affairs of this kind. The owner was exceedingly indignant. He had always treated the slave with such indulgence, and his confidence in his affection was such, that he believed he must have been practised upon to induce him to revolt from him. He visited the Quaker, in high anger; but, being possessed34 of uncommon35 candor36 and fairness, was soon quieted by his arguments and representations. It was a side of the subject which he never had heard,--never had thought on; and he immediately told the Quaker that, if his slave would, to his own face, say that it was his desire to be free, he would liberate37 him. An interview was forthwith procured38, and Nathan was asked by his young master whether he had ever had any reason to complain of his treatment, in any respect.
"No, Mas'r," said Nathan; "you've always been good to me."
"Well, then, why do you want to leave me?"
"Mas'r may die, and then who get me?--I'd rather be a free man."
After some deliberation, the young master replied, "Nathan, in your place, I think I should feel very much so, myself. You are free."
He immediately made him out free papers; deposited a sum of money in the hands of the Quaker, to be judiciously39 used in assisting him to start in life, and left a very sensible and kind letter of advice to the young man. That letter was for some time in the writer's hands.
The author hopes she has done justice to that nobility, generosity, and humanity, which in many cases characterize individuals at the, South. Such instances save us from utter despair of our kind. But, she asks any person, who knows the world, are such characters _common_, anywhere?
For many years of her life, the author avoided all reading upon or allusion40 to the subject of slavery, considering it as too painful to be inquired into, and one which advancing light and civlization would certainly live down. But, since the legislative41 act of 1850, when she heard, with perfect surprise and consternation42, Christian43 and humane44 people actually recommending the remanding escaped fugitives45 into slavery, as a duty binding46 on good citizens,--when she heard, on all hands, from kind, compassionate47 and estimable people, in the free states of the North, deliberations and discussions as to what Christian duty could be on this head,--she could only think, These men and Christians49 cannot know what slavery is; if they did, such a question could never be open for discussion. And from this arose a desire to exhibit it in a _living dramatic reality_. She has endeavored to show it fairly, in its best and its worst phases. In its _best_ aspect, she has, perhaps, been successful; but, oh! who shall say what yet remains50 untold51 in that valley and shadow of death, that lies the other side?
To you, generous, noble-minded men and women, of the South,--you, whose virtue52, and magnanimity and purity of character, are the greater for the severer trial it has encountered,--to you is her appeal. Have you not, in your own secret souls, in your own private conversings, felt that there are woes53 and evils, in this accursed system, far beyond what are here shadowed, or can be shadowed? Can it be otherwise? Is _man_ ever a creature to be trusted with wholly irresponsible power? And does not the slave system, by denying the slave all legal right of testimony54, make every individual owner an irresponsible despot? Can anybody fall to make the inference what the practical result will be? If there is, as we admit, a public sentiment among you, men of honor, justice and humanity, is there not also another kind of public sentiment among the ruffian, the brutal55 and debased? And cannot the ruffian, the brutal, the debased, by slave law, own just as many slaves as the best and purest? Are the honorable, the just, the high-minded and compassionate, the majority anywhere in this world?
The slave-trade is now, by American law, considered as piracy56. But a slave-trade, as systematic57 as ever was carried on on the coast of Africa, is an inevitable58 attendant and result of American slavery. And its heart-break and its horrors, can they `e told?
The writer has given only a faint shadow, a dim picture, of the anguish59 and despair that are, at this very moment, riving thousands of hearts, shattering thousands of families, and driving a helpless and sensitive race to frenzy60 and despair. There are those living who know the mothers whom this accursed traffic has driven to the murder of their children; and themselves seeking in death a shelter from woes more dreaded61 than death. Nothing of tragedy can be written, can be spoken, can be conceived, that equals the frightful64 reality of scenes daily and hourly acting65 on our shores, beneath the shadow of American law, and the shadow of the cross of Christ.
And now, men and women of America, is this a thing to be trifled with, apologized for, and passed over in silence? Farmers of Massachusetts, of New Hampshire, of Vermont, of Connecticut, who read this book by the blaze of your winter-evening fire,--strong-hearted, generous sailors and ship-owners of Maine,--is this a thing for you to countenance66 and encourage? Brave and generous men of New York, farmers of rich and joyous67 Ohio, and ye of the wide prairie states,--answer, is this a thing for you to protect and countenance? And you, mothers of America,--you who have learned, by the cradles of your own children, to love and feel for all mankind,--by the sacred love you bear your child; by your joy in his beautiful, spotless infancy68; by the motherly pity and tenderness with which you guide his growing years; by the anxieties of his education; by the prayers you breathe for his soul's eternal good;--I beseech69 you, pity the mother who has all your affections, and not one legal right to protect, guide, or educate, the child of her bosom70! By the sick hour of your child; by those dying eyes, which you can never forget; by those last cries, that wrung71 your heart when you could neither help nor save; by the desolation of that empty cradle, that silent nursery,--I beseech you, pity those mothers that are constantly made childless by the American slave-trade! And say, mothers of America, is this a thing to be defended, sympathized with, passed over in silence?
Do you say that the people of the free state have nothing to do with it, and can do nothing? Would to God this were true! But it is not true. The people of the free states have defended, encouraged, and participated; and are more guilty for it, before God, than the South, in that they have not the apology of education or custom.
If the mothers of the free states had all felt as they should, in times past, the sons of the free states would not have been the holders73, and, proverbially, the hardest masters of slaves; the sons of the free states would not have connived74 at the extension of slavery, in our national body; the sons of the free states would not, as they do, trade the souls and bodies of men as an equivalent to money, in their mercantile dealings. There are multitudes of slaves temporarily owned, and sold again, by merchants in northern cities; and shall the whole guilt72 or obloquy75 of slavery fall only on the South?
Northern men, northern mothers, northern Christians, have something more to do than denounce their brethren at the South; they have to look to the evil among themselves.
But, what can any individual do? Of that, every individual can judge. There is one thing that every individual can do,--they can see to it that _they feel right_. An atmosphere of sympathetic influence encircles every human being; and the man or woman who _feels_ strongly, healthily and justly, on the great interests of humanity, is a constant benefactor76 to the human race. See, then, to your sympathies in this matter! Are they in harmony with the sympathies of Christ? or are they swayed and perverted77 by the sophistries78 of worldly policy?
Christian men and women of the North! still further,--you have another power; you can _pray!_ Do you believe in prayer? or has it become an indistinct apostolic tradition? You pray for the heathen abroad; pray also for the heathen at home. And pray for those distressed79 Christians whose whole chance of religious improvement is an accident of trade and sale; from whom any adherence80 to the morals of Christianity is, in many cases, an impossibility, unless they have given them, from above, the courage and grace of martyrdom.
But, still more. On the shores of our free states are emerging the poor, shattered, broken remnants of families,--men and women, escaped, by miraculous81 providences from the surges of slavery,--feeble in knowledge, and, in many cases, infirm in moral constitution, from a system which confounds and confuses every principle of Christianity and morality. They come to seek a refuge among you; they come to seek education, knowledge, Christianity.
What do you owe to these poor unfortunates, oh Christians? Does not every American Christian owe to the African race some effort at reparation for the wrongs that the American nation has brought upon them? Shall the doors of churches and school-houses be shut upon them? Shall states arise and shake them out? Shall the church of Christ hear in silence the taunt83 that is thrown at them, and shrink away from the helpless hand that they stretch out; and, by her silence, encourage the cruelty that would chase them from our borders? If it must be so, it will be a mournful spectacle. If it must be so, the country will have reason to tremble, when it remembers that the fate of nations is in the hands of One who is very pitiful, and of tender compassion48.
Do you say, "We don't want them here; let them go to Africa"?
That the providence82 of God has provided a refuge in Africa, is, indeed, a great and noticeable fact; but that is no reason why the church of Christ should throw off that responsibility to this outcast race which her profession demands of her.
To fill up Liberia with an ignorant, inexperienced, half-barbarized race, just escaped from the chains of slavery, would be only to prolong, for ages, the period of struggle and conflict which attends the inception84 of new enterprises. Let the church of the north receive these poor sufferers in the spirit of Christ; receive them to the educating advantages of Christian republican society and schools, until they have attained85 to somewhat of a moral and intellectual maturity86, and then assist them in their passage to those shores, where they may put in practice the lessons they have learned in America.
There is a body of men at the north, comparatively small, who have been doing this; and, as the result, this country has already seen examples of men, formerly87 slaves, who have rapidly acquired property, reputation, and education. Talent has been developed, which, considering the circumstances, is certainly remarkable88; and, for moral traits of honesty, kindness, tenderness of feeling,--for heroic efforts and self-denials, endured for the ransom of brethren and friends yet in slavery,--they have been remarkable to a degree that, considering the influence under which they were born, is surprising.
The writer has lived, for many years, on the frontier-line of slave states, and has had great opportunities of observation among those who formerly were slaves. They have been in her family as servants; and, in default of any other school to receive them, she has, in many cases, had them instructed in a family school, with her own children. She has also the testimony of missionaries89, among the fugitives in Canada, in coincidence with her own experience; and her deductions90, with regard to the capabilities91 of the race, are encouraging in the highest degree.
The first desire of the emancipated92 slave, generally, is for _education_. There is nothing that they are not willing to give or do to have their children instructed, and, so far as the writer has observed herself, or taken the testimony of teachers among them, they are remarkably93 intelligent and quick to learn. The results of schools, founded for them by benevolent94 individuals in Cincinnati, fully95 establish this.
The author gives the following statement of facts, on the authority of Professor C. E. Stowe, then of Lane Seminary, Ohio, with regard to emancipated slaves, now resident in Cincinnati; given to show the capability96 of the race, even without any very particular assistance or encouragement.
The initial letters alone are given. They are all residents of Cincinnati.
"B----. Furniture maker97; twenty years in the city; worth ten thousand dollars, all his own earnings98; a Baptist.
"C----. Full black; stolen from Africa; sold in New Orleans; been free fifteen years; paid for himself six hundred dollars; a farmer; owns several farms in Indiana; Presbyterian; probably worth fifteen or twenty thousand dollars, all earned by himself.
"K----. Full black; dealer99 in real estate; worth thirty thousand dollars; about forty years old; free six years; paid eighteen hundred dollars for his family; member of the Baptist church; received a legacy100 from his master, which he has taken good care of, and increased.
"G----. Full black; coal dealer; about thirty years old; worth eighteen thousand dollars; paid for himself twice, being once defrauded101 to the amount of sixteen hundred dollars; made all his money by his own efforts--much of it while a slave, hiring his time of his master, and doing business for himself; a fine, gentlemanly fellow.
"W----. Three-fourths black; barber and waiter; from Kentucky; nineteen years free; paid for self and family over three thousand dollars; deacon in the Baptist church.
"G. D----. Three-fourths black; white-washer; from Kentucky; nine years free; paid fifteen hundred dollars for self and family; recently died, aged63 sixty; worth six thousand dollars."
Professor Stowe says, "With all these, except G----, I have been, for some years, personally acquainted, and make my statements from my own knowledge."
The writer well remembers an aged colored woman, who was employed as a washerwoman in her father's family. The daughter of this woman married a slave. She was a remarkably active and capable young woman, and, by her industry and thrift102, and the most persevering103 self-denial, raised nine hundred dollars for her husband's freedom, which she paid, as she raised it, into the hands of his master. She yet wanted a hundred dollars of the price, when he died. She never recovered any of the money.
These are but few facts, among multitudes which might be adduced, to show the self-denial, energy, patience, and honesty, which the slave has exhibited in a state of freedom.
And let it be remembered that these individuals have thus bravely succeeded in conquering for themselves comparative wealth and social position, in the face of every disadvantage and discouragement. The colored man, by the law of Ohio, cannot be a voter, and, till within a few years, was even denied the right of testimony in legal suits with the white. Nor are these instances confined to the State of Ohio. In all states of the Union we see men, but yesterday burst from the shackles104 of slavery, who, by a self-educating force, which cannot be too much admired, have risen to highly respectable stations in society. Pennington, among clergymen, Douglas and Ward28, among editors, are well known instances.
If this persecuted105 race, with every discouragement and disadvantage, have done thus much, how much more they might do if the Christian church would act towards them in the spirit of her Lord!
This is an age of the world when nations are trembling and convulsed. A mighty106 influence is abroad, surging and heaving the world, as with an earthquake. And is America safe? Every nation that carries in its bosom great and unredressed injustice has in it the elements of this last convulsion.
For what is this mighty influence thus rousing in all nations and languages those groanings that cannot be uttered, for man's freedom and equality?
O, Church of Christ, read the signs of the times! Is not this power the spirit of Him whose kingdom is yet to come, and whose will to be done on earth as it is in heaven?
But who may abide107 the day of his appearing? "for that day shall burn as an oven: and he shall appear as a swift witness against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow and the fatherless, and that _turn aside the stranger in his right_: and he shall break in pieces the oppressor."
Are not these dread62 words for a nation bearing in her bosom so mighty an injustice? Christians! every time that you pray that the kingdom of Christ may come, can you forget that prophecy associates, in dread fellowship, the _day of vengeance_ with the year of his redeemed?
A day of grace is yet held out to us. Both North and South have been guilty before God; and the _Christian church_ has a heavy account to answer. Not by combining together, to protect injustice and cruelty, and making a common capital of sin, is this Union to be saved,--but by repentance108, justice and mercy; for, not surer is the eternal law by which the millstone sinks in the ocean, than that stronger law, by which injustice and cruelty shall bring on nations the wrath109 of Almighty110 God!
THE END
1 den | |
n.兽穴;秘密地方;安静的小房间,私室 | |
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2 narrative | |
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n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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4 authentic | |
a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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5 sketches | |
n.草图( sketch的名词复数 );素描;速写;梗概 | |
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6 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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7 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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8 piety | |
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9 tragic | |
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10 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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11 plantation | |
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12 tragical | |
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15 apprentice | |
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16 injustice | |
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17 defendants | |
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18 schooner | |
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19 peculiar | |
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22 doomed | |
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23 redeem | |
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24 smote | |
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25 shambles | |
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26 wretch | |
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28 ward | |
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30 ransom | |
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32 anecdote | |
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37 liberate | |
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n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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55 brutal | |
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67 joyous | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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68 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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69 beseech | |
v.祈求,恳求 | |
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70 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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71 wrung | |
绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 ); 握紧(尤指别人的手); 把(湿衣服)拧干; 绞掉(水) | |
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72 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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73 holders | |
支持物( holder的名词复数 ); 持有者; (支票等)持有人; 支托(或握持)…之物 | |
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74 connived | |
v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 );搞阴谋;默许;纵容 | |
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75 obloquy | |
n.斥责,大骂 | |
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76 benefactor | |
n. 恩人,行善的人,捐助人 | |
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77 perverted | |
adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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78 sophistries | |
n.诡辩术( sophistry的名词复数 );(一次)诡辩 | |
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79 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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80 adherence | |
n.信奉,依附,坚持,固着 | |
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81 miraculous | |
adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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82 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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83 taunt | |
n.辱骂,嘲弄;v.嘲弄 | |
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84 inception | |
n.开端,开始,取得学位 | |
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85 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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86 maturity | |
n.成熟;完成;(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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87 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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88 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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89 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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90 deductions | |
扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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91 capabilities | |
n.能力( capability的名词复数 );可能;容量;[复数]潜在能力 | |
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92 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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94 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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95 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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96 capability | |
n.能力;才能;(pl)可发展的能力或特性等 | |
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97 maker | |
n.制造者,制造商 | |
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98 earnings | |
n.工资收人;利润,利益,所得 | |
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99 dealer | |
n.商人,贩子 | |
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100 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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101 defrauded | |
v.诈取,骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102 thrift | |
adj.节约,节俭;n.节俭,节约 | |
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103 persevering | |
a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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104 shackles | |
手铐( shackle的名词复数 ); 脚镣; 束缚; 羁绊 | |
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105 persecuted | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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106 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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107 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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108 repentance | |
n.懊悔 | |
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109 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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110 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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