The period of the struggle for religious reform in Europe was preceded by such a process of unconscious preparation as this. Over a century elapsed from the martyrdom of John Huss before the bold professor of Wittemberg dared to denounce the Pope’s indulgences. It is true that during that century, and before, satirists and moralists had often pointed4 the finger of contumely at the corruption5 of the clergy6 and the lax discipline of[2] the Church, but no word had been raised against her doctrines7. In the meanwhile, the subterranean9 process which was sapping the foundations of the meek10 submission11 of old, was progressing apace with the spread of printed books and the revival12 of the study of Greek and Hebrew. By the time that Luther first made his daring stand, the learning of cultivated laymen13, thanks to Erasmus and others, had far outstripped14 the cramped15 erudition of the friars; and when at last a churchman thundered from the Saxon pulpit his startling doctrine8 of papal fallibility, there were thousands of men throughout Europe who were able to do without monkish16 commentators17, and could read the Scriptures18 in the original tongues, forming their own judgment19 of right and wrong by the unobscured light of the inspired Word itself.
Thus it happened that the cry for radical20 religious reform in 1517 found a world waiting for it, and in an incredibly few years the champions of the old and the new had taken sides ready for the struggle which was to decide the fate of civilisation21 for centuries to come. By an apparently22 providential concurrence23 of circumstances, the personal characters and national ambitions of rulers at the same period were such as to enlist24 the hardiest25 and most tenacious26 of the European peoples on the side of freedom from spiritual and intellectual trammels; and eventually to ally the idea of political emancipation27 and personal liberty with that of religious reform, to the immense strengthening of both. The fight was to be a long and varied28 one; it can hardly, indeed, be looked upon as ended even now. Many of the combatants have fainted by the way, and both sides have belied29 their principles again and again; but looking back over the field, we can see the ground that has been won, and are assured that in the long-run[3] the powers of progress must prevail, as we hope and believe, to the greater glory of God and the greater happiness of men.
The year 1520 saw the first open marshalling of the powers for the great struggle, partly religious and partly political, which was to lead to the triumph of the Anglo-Saxon race. In England, as yet, there was no whisper of revolt against the authority of the papacy. The King had just written his book against the new doctrines of Luther, which was to gain for him the title of Defender30 of the Faith; Catharine, the Spanish Queen-Consort, an obedient child of the Church, as became the daughter of Isabel the Catholic, lived in yet unruffled happiness with her husband; whilst the all-ruling Wolsey was plotting and intriguing32 for the reversion of the triple tiara of St. Peter when Pope Leo should die. The first step to the political rise of England was the election (June 1519) of young King Charles of Spain to the imperial crown of Germany, in succession to his grandfather, Maximilian of Hapsburg. The marriage of the new Emperor’s father, Philip of Hapsburg, the heir of Burgundy, with Jane the Mad, the heiress of Spain, had joined to her heritage Flanders, Holland, and the Franche Comté, and had already upset the balance of power. Francis I. had sought to redress33 matters by securing his own election to the empire, but he had been frustrated34, and he saw a Spanish prince in possession of territory on every side of France, shutting her in. Naples had been filched35 by greedy Ferdinand, and was now firmly Spanish, as Sicily had been for centuries; the Emperor asserted suzerainty over most of Italy, and, above all, over Milan, which Francis himself claimed and occupied. It was clear that the expansion of France was at an end, and her national decline must commence, unless the iron bands braced36 around her by the Hispano-Germanic Empire could be broken[4] through. It was then that the importance of England as the potential balancing power between the two great rivals became evident. Henry VIII. was rich in money, able, ambitious, and popular. He had devoted37 all his great energy to improving the resources of his country, and to reconstructing his navy; besides which he held Calais, the key to the frontier battle-ground of Flanders and France, and was as fully38 conscious of his rising importance as he was determined39 to carry it to the best market.
It had been for many years the main point of English foreign policy to counteract40 the unification of France by maintaining a close connection with the House of Burgundy, as possessors of Flanders and Holland, the principal markets for the English wool and cloth. This policy had drawn41 England and Spain together when the inheritances of Spain and Burgundy were united, and it had also led to the marriage of Catharine of Aragon in England. But Henry’s desire to hold the balance, and Wolsey’s greed and ambition, had made them willing to listen to the blandishments of Francis, and to consent to the distrustful and pompous42 comedy of the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Charles, the new Emperor, had shown his appreciation43 of the threatened friendship between France and England, by his Quixotic rush over to England to see Henry earlier in the year (1520). His stay was a short one, only four days, but it was sufficient for his purpose. He could promise more to Wolsey than Francis could, and Henry’s vanity was flattered at the young Emperor’s chivalrous44 trust in him. When Charles sailed from Dover, he knew full well that, however splendid and friendly might be the interviews of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, Francis would not have the King of England on his side in the inevitable45 coming war, even if he did not fight against him.
[5]
This was the condition of English politics at home and abroad when William Cecil first saw the light at Bourne, in Lincolnshire, on the 13th September 1520. He came into the world at the opening of a new epoch46 both for his country and for the general advancement47 of civilisation, and before he left it the modern dispensation was firmly planted, in England at least, owing in no small measure to his sagacity and statecraft.
In his after life, when he had become famous, Cecil drew up in his own hand a private journal (now in the British Museum), in which he endeavoured to set down in chronological48 order the principal events of his life. It will be seen, by the specimen49 line reproduced under the portrait, that he was in some confusion as to the year of his birth and other events of his earlier years. The entry relating to his birth, as first made, is against the year 1521, and reads, “13? Sep. Ego50 Gulielm. Cecill nat? sū, apud Burne in Com? Lincoln?i;” but afterwards the date was crossed out and entered above the line, so as to correspond with the year 1520, whilst the blank against the year 1521 is filled in with the mention of the arrival of the Emperor Charles V. in London on the 5th June of that year. This also is a mistake, as the Emperor’s second visit was in June 1522. The entry with regard to Cecil’s becoming a student at Gray’s Inn in 1541 mentions that he was at that time twenty-one years of age, so that it may be concluded that the year of his birth was really 1520, although 1521 has usually been given by his earlier biographers. There is at Hatfield a little book which appears not to have been noticed or calendared, but which is, nevertheless, interesting for purposes of comparison, as I conclude it to have been the foundation or rough draft of the journal. It is a small perpetual calendar bound up with a custom-house tariff51: “Imprinted at London at the Longe Shop adjoining St. Mildred’s Church in the Pultrie, London[6], by John Alde, anno 1562.” In this calendar the entry relating to his birth runs thus: “13?? Sep. 1521. Ego Gul. Cecill natus sū: 13 Sept. 1521, between 3 and 4 P.M.;” whilst his entering Gray’s Inn is stated as follows: “6?? May, 33 Henry VIII. Gul. Cecill veni ad Graye’s Inn.” No age is given in this case, so that it may probably be concluded that on copying the entries into his permanent journal he recollected52 the age at which he became a law student, and then saw that he was born a year earlier than he had originally thought, and at once corrected the statement he had written.
The question of his remote ancestry53 is of no great importance to the purpose of the present book, although Cecil himself, who throughout his life was a diligent54 student of heraldry and genealogy55, devoted considerable attention to it; and Camden was at the pains to trace his descent to a Robert Sitsilt, a gentleman of Wales in the time of William Rufus (1091). It may be sufficient for our purpose to adhere to a written pedigree at Hatfield House annotated56 and continued by William Cecil, which proves, so far as such documents can, that the statements made by his opponents to the end of his life that he was of “base origin,” were entirely57 untrue. This pedigree traces the descent of the statesman’s great-grandfather Richard Sitsilt, who died in 1508 possessing considerable estates in Monmouthshire and Herefordshire, to the ancient Welsh family of Sitsilt; but its interest and trustworthiness really commences with Cecil’s own continuation of the pedigree from his great-grandfather to himself. At the end of the engrossed58 genealogy he has written, “Here endeth ye old Roole in parchm?,” and “The contynuance of ye line in ye heyres males untill this yere 1565.” This continuation shows that his grandfather David, the third son of Richard Sitsilt, came across England and settled at[7] Stamford,[3] whilst his elder brothers remained in possession of the ancestral acres at Alterennes, Herefordshire. In the perpetual calendar at Hatfield, this David’s death is recorded by his grandson as follows: “David Cecill avus meus obiit Oct. 27 Hen. VIII.”[4] (1535). He was an alderman of Stamford, and appears to have possessed59 a good estate in Lincolnshire, which he purchased in 1507; and was appointed in 1512 Water-bailiff of Wittlesea Mere60, in Huntingdonshire, and Keeper of the Swans throughout all the fen31 country.
Soon after the accession of Henry VIII., David Cecil, the substantial Lincolnshire squire61, became a courtier, and was made one of the King’s serjeants-at-arms. Thenceforward royal grants and offices came to him plentifully62, stewardships of crown lands, the escheatorship of Lincoln, the shrievalty of Northampton, and the like, which must have added greatly both to his wealth and his importance. No indication has ever been given of the reasons for his court favour, but it may be conjectured63 to have arisen from the friendship of his powerful neighbour Lord Willoughby d’Eresby of Grimsthorpe, who married Maria de Sarmiento, Queen Catharine’s dearest friend and inseparable companion; as the connection between Lady Willoughby’s daughter, the Duchess of Suffolk, and William Cecil, remained almost on a sisterly footing throughout the lady’s life. In any[8] case, David’s influence at court was sufficient to obtain for his son Richard, the statesman’s father, a succession of lucrative64 offices. He was one of the King’s pages, and is said to have attended the sovereign to the Field of the Cloth of Gold a few months before William Cecil was born, and he subsequently became Groom65 of the Wardrobe, and Yeoman of the Robes. He, like the rest of the King’s favourites, fattened66 on the spoils of the monasteries67, and stewardships of royal manors69 showered upon him. He was Constable70 of Warwick Castle, Bailiff of Wittlesea Mere, and Keeper of the Swans, like his father, and Sheriff of Rutland; and to add to his prosperity, he married the heiress of William Heckington of Bourne, who brought to him the fine property of Burghley adjoining his own estates at Stamford. When, therefore, William Cecil was born in the house of his maternal71 grandfather at Bourne, he was prospective72 heir to broad acres in a half-dozen counties, with almost the certainty of advancement through court influence in whatever career he might choose.
Little is known, or need be told, of Cecil’s early youth. He went to school successively at Grantham and Stamford, and in May 1535, when he was fifteen years of age, entered St. John’s College, Cambridge, to embark73 upon deeper studies. His anonymous74 biographer, who lived in his household in his later years, and can only have spoken by hearsay76 of his college days, says[5] that he was so “diligent and paineful as he hired a bell-ringer to call him up at foure of the clock every morninge; with which early rising and late watchinge, and continuall sitting, there fell abundance of humours into his leggs, then very hardly cured, which was thought one of the original causes of his gowt.” It is, at all events, certain that he threw himself with avidity into the studies which were[9] then especially claiming the attention of scholars, and in a very short time became remarkable77 for his wide knowledge of Greek especially, and for his extraordinary general aptitude78 and application. It is said, indeed, that he gratuitously79 read the Greek lecture at St. John’s before he was nineteen years of age. By good fortune it happened that the University was at the time of his residence the centre of a new intellectual movement, the young leaders of which at once became Cecil’s chosen friends. Already the new learning had taken fast hold of the brighter spirits, and although Luther’s works were openly forbidden, they were secretly read by a little company of students who met for the purpose at a tavern80 in Cambridge called the White Horse; Erasmus had left memories of his teaching behind him at Queen’s, and Melancthon’s books were eagerly studied. A brilliant young King’s scholar, named Thomas Smith, read the Greek lectures at Queen’s College, and assembled under him a band of scholars, such as have rarely been united at one time. Cheke, Ascham, Matthew Parker, Nicholas Bacon, Bill, Watson, and Haddon, amongst many others, who afterwards achieved fame, were Cecil’s intimate companions; and Cheke especially, who belonged to the same college, and was somewhat older, systematically81 helped him, doubtless for a consideration. Cheke’s capacity was almost as remarkable as that of his fellow King’s scholar, Smith. He was poor, but of ancient family, the son of a college-beadle whose widow on his death had to maintain her children by keeping a wine-shop in the town; although he subsequently became the Regius Professor of Greek, and tutor to Edward VI., and, by the aid of Smith, reformed the vicious pronunciation of Latin and Greek upon which the Churchmen had insisted. Humble82 John Cheke was Cecil’s bosom83 friend, and to his mother’s wine-shop the[10] rich courtier’s son must often have been a welcome visitor.
Details of his daily life are wanting, but he must have been a well-conducted youth, for the amount of study he got through was prodigious84. Catharine de Medici, years afterwards (1563), spitefully told Smith—then Sir Thomas, and an ambassador—that Cecil had had a son at the age of fifteen or sixteen,[6] to which Smith, who must have known whether it was true or not, made no reply; but she probably spoke75 at random85, and referred to Cecil’s early marriage. He left the University after six years’ residence, without taking his degree. Whether his father withdrew him because of his close intimacy86 with the family of the wine-shop keeper, is not known, but is probable. In his own hand he states that he was entered a student of Gray’s Inn, in May 1541, and that on the 8th August of the same year he married Mary Cheke, of Cambridge, the sister of his friend.[7] The next entry in the diary records, under date of 5th May 1542, the birth of his eldest87 son, Thomas Cecil, his own age at the time being twenty-two (Natus est mihi Thomas Cecil filius; cum essem natus annos xxii.). In the Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield it is mentioned that the child was born at Cambridge, so that it may be assumed that Cecil’s wife still lived with[11] her own people. The next entry to that relating the birth of the future Lord Exeter, records the death of his young mother thus: “22 Feb. 1543, Maria uxor mortua est in Domine, hora 2? nocte,”[8] and with this bare statement the story of Cecil’s first marriage ends, though he never lost touch with or interest in the Cheke family, who appear to have been equally attached to him.
It may be questioned whether Cecil went deeply into the study of law at Gray’s Inn. It was usual to enter young gentlemen at one of the inns of court to give them some definite standing88 or pursuit in London, rather than with a view of their becoming practising lawyers. It is almost certain from a statement of his household biographer,[9] that such was the case with Cecil. “He alwaies praised the study of the common law above all other learning: saying ‘that if he shoulde begyene againe he would follow that studie.’” He probably passed much of his time about the court; and his domestic tells a story of him in this connection, which may well be true, but which rests upon his authority alone. He was, he says, in the presence-chamber, where he met two chaplains of O’Neil, who was then (1542) on a visit to the King; “and talking long with them in Lattin, he fell in disputation with the priests, wherein he showed so great learning and witt, as he proved the poore priests to have neither, who weare so putt down as they had not a word to saie, but flung away no less discontented than ashamed to be foiled in such a place by so younge a berdless yewth.”[10] The chronicler goes on to say that the King[12] being told of this, Cecil was summoned to the royal presence, and delighted Henry with his answers; Richard Cecil, the father, being directed by the King to seek out some office or favour which might be bestowed89 upon his clever son. The Yeoman of the Robes, we may be sure, was nothing loath90, and petitioned in William Cecil’s name for the reversion of the office of custos brevium in the Court of Common Pleas, which was duly granted, and was the first of the future great statesman’s many offices of profit received from the Crown.
At about the same time, or shortly afterwards (1544), Cecil’s connection with the court was made closer by the appointment of his brother-in-law, John Cheke, to be tutor to the young Prince Edward, and of his friend, Roger Ascham, to a similar position to the Princess Elizabeth. A general supervision91 over the studies of Prince Edward was entrusted92 to his governor, Sir Anthony Cooke, who was one of the pioneers of the new learning, and a member of the Protestant party in Henry’s court led by Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Prince Edward’s uncle. The secular93 educational movement, which was now in full swing, had spread to the training of girls of the upper classes. The working of tapestry94 and the cares of a household were no longer regarded as the sole ends and aims of a lady’s life, and it was a fashion at court for Greek and Latin, as well as modern languages, to be imparted to the daughters of gentlemen of the newer school. Amongst the first of the ladies to be thus highly educated were the four daughters of Sir Anthony Cooke, who were afterwards to be celebrated95 as the most learned women in England, at a time when education had become a feminine fad96 under the learned Elizabeth. To the eldest of these paragons97 of learning, Mildred Cooke, aged98 twenty, William Cecil was married on the 21st December 1545, and thus bound[13] himself by another link to the rising progressive party at court.[11]
Already the struggle of the Reformation on the Continent had begun. The Emperor, alarmed at the firm stand made by the Protestant princes of the empire, had hastily made peace with Francis I., and had left his ally the King of England in the lurch99. The spectre of Lutheranism had drawn together the lifelong rivals with the secret object of crushing religious dissent100, which struck at the root of their temporal authority. The ambition of Maurice of Saxony, and disunion in the Protestant ranks, enabled Charles to destroy the Smalkaldic league, and in April 1547, after the battle of Muhlberg, to impose his will upon the empire. Henry VIII. had deeply resented the desertion of his ally Charles V., when in December 1544 he had been left to fight Francis alone, and during the closing years of his life the Protestant influence in his Councils grew stronger than ever. The old King died on the 28th January 1547. Parliament was sitting at the time, but the King’s death was kept secret for nearly three days, and it was Monday, 31st January, before Lord Chancellor101 Wriothesley, his voice broken by sobs102, informed the Houses of Parliament that King Edward VI. had ascended103 the throne, under the[14] regency, during his minority, of the Council nominated in King Henry’s will. The star of Seymour and the Protestants had risen, and soon those papistically inclined, like Wriothesley, and Gardiner, Bishop104 of Winchester, shed tears indeed for the master they had lost, schismatic though he was.
With such friends in the dominant105 party as Cooke, Cheke, Cranmer, and Seymour, it is not surprising that William Cecil’s career emerged from obscurity and uncertainty106 almost as soon as the new Government was established. For a young man of twenty-seven he had already not done badly. His father was still alive, but in the first year of Edward VI. the office of custos brevium, of which the old King had given him the reversion five years before, fell in, and this brought him, in salary and fees, ￡240 per annum (￡6, 13s. 4d. salary and rest fees at the four law terms), and in addition to this, according to his household biographer, the Lord Protector appointed him his Master of Requests soon after assuming power. That he held some such office from the summer of 1547 is certain, as from that date forward great numbers of letters exist written to him in relation to suits and petitions addressed to the Protector. The office, as then constituted, appears to have been an innovation, as being attached to Somerset’s personal household,[12] and intended to relieve him from the trouble of himself examining petitions and suits. In any case Cecil’s assiduity and patience appear thus early to have been acknowledged, to judge by the tone of most of his correspondents, many of whom belonged to a much more exalted107 social position than himself. In June 1547 Sir Thomas Darcy informs him[13] that (evidently by order) he had inquired into the love affair between “Mistress Dorothy” and the young Earl of Oxford—who was a[15] ward—and desires to know whether the Protector wishes the match to be prevented or not; and in the following month Lady Browne wrote to him in terms of intimate friendship, begging him to use his influence with Somerset to appoint her brother to the coming expedition to Scotland.[14]
The master and fellows of his old college, St. John’s, too, were anxious to propitiate108 the rising official and to bespeak109 his interest in favour of their foundation,[15] and the widowed Duchess of Suffolk (Lady Willoughby) consulted him in all her difficulties. The war with France was suspended, though the English forces holding Boulogne were closely beleaguered110, and Somerset’s greed was diverting the money which should have been spent in war preparations; but in pursuance of the traditional policy of England, it became a question almost of national existence when it was seen that the French intrigues111 for the marriage of the child Queen of Scots and the final suppression of the rising reform party in Scotland were likely to succeed. Arran had signed the treaty with Henry for the marriage of Edward and Mary; but he, and especially the Queen-mother, Mary of Lorraine, had resisted the deportation112 of the infant Queen to England. It is possible that some arrangement might have been arrived at had not the ill-advised murder of Cardinal113 Beaton and the subsequent anarchy114 given to the new King of France, Henry II., an excuse for armed interference in protection of the Catholic party. Then it became incumbent116 upon the Protector to fight the Scots at all hazards, or French influence over the Border threatened to become permanent; a double danger, now that the religious question tended to alienate117 England from her secular alliance with the[16] House of Burgundy. When Somerset made his rapid march upon Scotland with an army of 18,000 men, supported by a powerful fleet, in September 1547, his trusted Cecil attended him in the capacity apparently of provost-marshal, in conjunction with the chronicler of the campaign, William Patten.[16] The decisive battle of Pinkie was fought on the 10th September 1547, and was in a great measure won by the dash, at a critical moment, of the Spanish and Italian auxiliaries118 whom Somerset had enlisted119. According to the “household” historian so often quoted,[17] Cecil narrowly escaped death from a cannon120 shot at Pinkie, but no other mention of the fact is to be found. It has been doubted whether at this time he held still the office of Master of Requests, in which he is said to have been succeeded by his old college friend Sir Thomas Smith,[18] but there was no break in his close connection in some capacity with the Protector. About five months after Pinkie, in a letter to Lord Cobham, Somerset calls him “my servant William Cecill,”[19] and refers to letters written to him on his behalf; and in June 1548 the powerful Earl of Warwick, who was soon to supplant121 Somerset, writes to Cecil, almost humbly122 thanking him for forwarding some request of his to the Protector.[20]
Cecil’s position, however, shortly after this becomes clearly defined, and his personality emerges into full daylight. Against the year 1548 in his journal, the only entry is as follows: “Mes. Sep. co-optatus sū in of? Secretarij.” This has often given rise to confusion as to[17] the date of his first appointment as Secretary of State, but there is now no room for doubt that the office to which this entry refers is that of Secretary to Somerset; and the appointment, like that of Master of Requests, was part of the Protector’s system of surrounding himself with a household as near as possible modelled on that of the King.
Thenceforward everything that did not strictly123 appertain to the official Secretaries of State went through the hands of Cecil, who in the meanwhile was imbibing124 the traditions of statecraft which were to guide him through life. Already the cabal125 against Somerset had been in progress before he went to Scotland, and had caused him to hurry back before he gained the full fruits of his victory at Pinkie. Mary of Lorraine and the Scottish nobles had almost unanimously rallied now to the French side, and had agreed to give the young Queen in marriage to the Dauphin, whilst strong reinforcements were sent to Scotland from France. Bound though he was to the extreme Protestant party, Somerset was therefore obliged to turn to the arch-enemy of Protestantism, the Emperor, for support and assistance. Charles had his hands full with his vast new projects of universal domination for his son, and was postponing126 the inevitable war with France as long as possible, and consequently turned a deaf ear to Somerset’s approaches. Public discontent, artfully encouraged by the Protector’s enemies, grew daily more dangerous. His brother, the Lord Admiral, had sought to depose127 him, and fell a victim to his own foolishness and ambition (20th March 1549). The attempt to interfere115 with the religious service in the house of the Princess Mary made Somerset even more unpopular, alienated128 the Emperor still further, and enraged129 those who yet clung to the remnants of the old faith. Then came the great rising in the West, the revolt of the[18] commons throughout Eastern and Central England against the enclosures carried out by the land-grabbing crew that surrounded Somerset. In April 1549 Cecil was trying to obtain a grant of the rectory and manor68 of Wimbledon, in which he eventually succeeded, and he appears to have purchased at the same time some fen lands near Spalding; but although he was in the midst of affairs, and must have been the Protector’s right hand in most things, he was sagacious enough at so dangerous a time to keep to the routine work of his office, and avoided all responsibility on his own account.
When Warwick came back from his ruthless campaign against the peasants of Norfolk, flushed with an easy victory, the idol130 of a discontented and partly foreign soldiery, the time was ripe for him to strike his blow. Gardiner and Bonner were in the Tower, the Catholic party were being harried131 and persecuted132 throughout the country, the French and Scots in Scotland were now strong and invincible133, the French fleet dominated the Channel, the town of Boulogne was known to be untenable; and, above all, an unpaid134 victorious135 soldiery looked to Warwick as their champion. Warwick himself laid the blame for all troubles and shortcomings upon the Protector, and summoning the officers of his army to Ely Place, constituted himself their spokesman for obtaining their pay. Through Wriothesley—now Southampton—Somerset’s enemy, he persuaded the Catholics that he disapproved136 of the religious pressure that was being exercised. The first step taken openly for the overthrow137 of the Protector appears to be a letter written by Warwick to Cecil,[21] on the 14th September 1549, which shows, amongst other things, the high esteem138 in which the secretary was held. “To my very loving friend, Mr Cecille,” it runs,—“These shall be to[19] desire you to be an intercessor to my Lord’s Grace that this bearer, Thomas Drury, captain of nine-score footmen, serving the King’s Majesty139 in Norfolk, should receive for them his pay for the space of two months.” Warwick knew full well that no money would be forthcoming for these men’s pay, and that the Protector was already being deserted140 by the councillors, who were finding excuses for meeting with Warwick at Ely Place rather than with Somerset at Hampton Court. At length the Protector could shut his eyes no longer to the desertion. The only councillors who were at Hampton Court with him were Cranmer, Sir William Paget, Sir William Petre, and Sir Thomas Smith, Secretaries of State, and his own secretary, William Cecil. The meetings at Ely Place and the growing storm against him found Somerset unprotected and unprepared. On the 1st October he issued a proclamation calling upon the lieges to muster141 and defend the King; but most of his advisers142 near him deprecated the use of force, which they knew would be fruitless against Warwick and the troops, and his divided councils only resulted in the dissemination143 of anonymous handbills and circulars stating that the King’s person was in danger from Warwick, and the summoning of such nobles as were thought most likely to be favourable144 to the Protector’s cause. Secretary Petre, who had advocated an agreement, was on the 7th October sent to London to confer with Warwick, but he betrayed his trust and returned no more. The King and the Protector had in the meanwhile removed to Windsor for greater security; but Warwick had gained the Tower and had conciliated the city of London, and it was clear to all now, that Somerset’s power was gone. All fell away from him, except only Sir Thomas Smith. The two principal generals in arms, Lords Russell and Herbert, rallied to Warwick. Cranmer and Paget, it is true,[20] remained by the side of the Protector, but, like Petre, they played him false. No word or sign is given of Cecil, though he too remained with his master; but it is significant that all the letters to Warwick at the time are in the handwriting of Sir Thomas Smith, and at this moment of difficulty and danger sagacious Cecil recedes145 into the position of a private secretary, sheltered behind the responsibility of his master.
In vain Somerset, at the prompting of Cranmer and Paget, sought to make terms with Warwick. Finding that Petre did not return to Windsor, but that the Lords in London demanded unconditional146 submission, the Protector, in the name of the King, sent Sir Philip Hoby on the 8th October with an appeal ad misericordiam to Warwick. “Marry,” says the letter, “to put himself simply into your hands, having heard as he and we have, without knowing upon what conditions, is not reasonable. Life is sweet, my Lords, and they say you do seek his blood and his death.… Wherefore, good my Lords, we beseech147 you again and again, if you have conceived any such determination, to put it out of your heads, and incline your hearts to kindness and humanity, remembering that he hath never been cruel to any of you, and why should you be cruelly minded to him.”[22]
This appeal was supported by a passionate148 prayer from Smith to Petre for clemency149 to the Protector. But Hoby also played false, and delayed his return until Warwick had secured the formal adhesion of Russell and Herbert. He then returned to Windsor with Warwick’s secret ultimatum150 to Cranmer, Smith, and Paget, warning them to desert the Protector, or be prepared to share his fate. Cranmer and Paget gave way, and washed their hands of the betrayal; Smith[21] stood firm, and faced the consequence; whilst Cecil discreetly151 retired152 into the background, and apparently did nothing, though he was certainly present when Hoby delivered his official message, solemnly promising153 that no harm was intended, or would be done, to Somerset or his friends; “upon this all the aforenamed there present wept for joy, and prayed for the Lords. Mr. Comptroller (Paget) fell down on his knees, and clasped the Duke about the knees, and weeping said, ‘O! my Lord, ye see now what my Lords be.’” Paget’s crocodile tears were hardly dry before he sent a servant post-haste to London, saying that the Protector was now off his guard, and might easily be seized. The next day Somerset was a prisoner, and three days afterwards was in the Tower. Smith, Cecil, Thynne, and Stanhope were placed under arrest in their own apartments, whilst Cranmer, Paget, and Petre reaped the reward of their apostasy154.[23]
When the Protector was sent to the Tower, all of his friends were made his fellow-prisoners except Cecil. Smith was dismissed from his offices, and threatened with the extreme penalty for treason; but Cecil, the Protector’s right hand, through whom all his patronage155 had passed, escaped punishment at the time[24] (13th October 1549). Warwick was apparently an old friend of his father,[25] and had unquestionably a great opinion of Cecil’s own application and sagacity. This may have inclined him to leniency156 in his case, but for some reason not disclosed he was certainly a prisoner in the Tower in the following month. In a letter from his friend the Duchess of Suffolk, dated 16th November 1549 (Lansdowne[22] MSS., 2, 24), she condoles157 with him for “the loss of his place in the Duke of Somerset’s family,”[26] but says nothing to lead to the idea that he is in prison. But in the holograph journal already quoted, there is an entry—although, curiously158 enough, out of its proper position, and opposite the year 1547, saying, “Mēse Novēb a? 3? E vi. fui in Turre;” and his household biographer also records the fact as follows: “In the second year of K. Edward VI. he (Cecil) was committed to the Tower about the Duke of Somerset’s first calling in question, remaining there a quarter of a year, and was then enlarged;” but, as has already been explained, this life was written in the minister’s old age, and as he certainly was not in the Tower as a prisoner twice, the imprisonment159 referred to must have been that of November 1549 (3rd Edward VI.). There is, in any case, a gap in all known records with regard to Cecil for several months after Somerset’s disgrace, and he evidently had no share in public affairs for nearly a year after Warwick’s (now Northumberland’s) rise, during which time Sir William Petre and Dr. Wotton—who succeeded Smith—were joint160 Secretaries of State.
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1
quiescence
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| n.静止 | |
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2
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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7
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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10
meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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11
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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12
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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13
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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14
outstripped
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| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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16
monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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17
commentators
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| n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 )；时事评论员；注释者；实况广播员 | |
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18
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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19
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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20
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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21
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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22
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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23
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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24
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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25
hardiest
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| 能吃苦耐劳的，坚强的( hardy的最高级 )； （植物等）耐寒的 | |
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26
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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27
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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28
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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29
belied
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| v.掩饰( belie的过去式和过去分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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30
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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31
fen
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| n.沼泽，沼池 | |
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32
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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33
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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34
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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35
filched
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| v.偷（尤指小的或不贵重的物品）( filch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36
braced
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| adj.拉牢的v.支住( brace的过去式和过去分词 )；撑牢；使自己站稳；振作起来 | |
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37
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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38
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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39
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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40
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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41
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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42
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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43
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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44
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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45
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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46
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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47
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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48
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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49
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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50
ego
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| n.自我，自己，自尊 | |
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51
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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52
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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54
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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55
genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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56
annotated
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| v.注解，注释( annotate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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58
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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59
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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60
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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61
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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62
plentifully
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| adv. 许多地，丰饶地 | |
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63
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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65
groom
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| vt.给（马、狗等）梳毛，照料，使...整洁 | |
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66
fattened
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| v.喂肥( fatten的过去式和过去分词 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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67
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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68
manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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69
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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70
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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71
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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72
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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73
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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74
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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75
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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76
hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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77
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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78
aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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79
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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80
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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81
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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82
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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83
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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84
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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85
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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86
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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87
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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88
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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89
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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91
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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92
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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94
tapestry
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| n.挂毯，丰富多采的画面 | |
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95
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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96
fad
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| n.时尚；一时流行的狂热；一时的爱好 | |
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97
paragons
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| n.模范( paragon的名词复数 )；典型；十全十美的人；完美无缺的人 | |
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98
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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99
lurch
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| n.突然向前或旁边倒；v.蹒跚而行 | |
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100
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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101
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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102
sobs
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| 啜泣（声），呜咽（声）( sob的名词复数 ) | |
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103
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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105
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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106
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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107
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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108
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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109
bespeak
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| v.预定；预先请求 | |
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110
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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111
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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112
deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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113
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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114
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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115
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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116
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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117
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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118
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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119
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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120
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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121
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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122
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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123
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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124
imbibing
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| v.吸收( imbibe的现在分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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125
cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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126
postponing
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| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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127
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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128
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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129
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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130
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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131
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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132
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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133
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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134
unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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135
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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136
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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138
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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139
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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140
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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141
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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142
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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143
dissemination
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| 传播,宣传,传染(病毒) | |
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144
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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145
recedes
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的第三人称单数 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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146
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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147
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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148
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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149
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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150
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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151
discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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152
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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153
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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154
apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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155
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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156
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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157
condoles
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| v.表示同情，吊唁( condole的第三人称单数 ) | |
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158
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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159
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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160
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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